A friend shared a post reading: “Nothing searches a soul like a group of men sitting at the back of a van and looking at you driving behind in the comfort of your car.”

Since then, I have had many encounters driving behind an open bakkie with people sitting at the back. Each time, the piercing, awkward feeling of wonder about how the guys sitting in a cold bakkie might be feeling and thinking, looking at my seeming comfort in the car behind them.

This short interaction always takes me to deeper thoughts of how one may contribute to improving people who may be experiencing poorer conditions than I am having.

When I was at university, I used to pass Hillbrow on my way to class. Hillbrow was and is still known for having a high concentration of vulnerable and homeless youth, and seeing young boys in that situation on a daily commute really stuck with me.

My engagement with the community in Hillbrow led me to be part of the Twilight Shelter for street kids. Upon visiting the shelter, I was shocked by the living conditions of the 120 boys who called the shelter their home.

While the shelter provided vital refuge, those children were often dealing with a mix of challenges that included family breakdown, poverty, migration, or even abuse; many were ending up surviving days without proper food, schooling, or adequate support.

Their bedrooms, showers, kitchen, and food they ate left much to be desired. Being in my early twenties, I was still close enough in age to feel that “that could’ve been me” connection.

Seeing young boys in Hillbrow living like that can hit especially hard because I could recognise their stages in life, their hopes, their confusion, and their need for guidance… That kind of empathy isn’t something everyone allows themselves to feel.

It can be uncomfortable, but it said something important about myself, and I could not just look past them.

I made a decision to get involved and became an important part of a team that took the challenge head-on to change the lives of some homeless young people in Hillbrow.

For several years, we raised funds, improved the structure and conditions in the home, took the kids to school, and reunited several kids with their families. In the process, I learned that the good work we were doing was part of a fancy word called philanthropy.

We often associate philanthropy with substantial financial donations to a particular cause; in this case, it was street children. Raising funds is an important part of the equation, but philanthropy goes beyond the money.

It includes a bigger commitment to social impact that encompasses time, talent, and expertise delivered in a focused, sustainable manner.

As we think about the guys at the back of the van, we may not have the answers to every problem. We may philosophise and debate about capitalism, communism, dictatorship, democracy, and all the eloquent descriptors.

What remains for all of us is that we carry a responsibility on our shoulders to care more, to improve the plight of our fellow human beings. We can do this by committing and giving time and effort, taking one event at a time.

While money is vital, the most enduring impact of philanthropy will likely come from strategic, long-term engagements that leverage intellectual capital, networks, and personal commitment rather than isolated, one-time donations.

I urge every entrepreneur like me to heed the cries of the needy and do something about it.

* Paul Phume is a Johannesburg-based businessman and philanthropist. The views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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TRACY Chapman’s Fast Car endures because it captures a quiet but unsettling truth: movement within a system is not the same as progress. One can comply, perform, and even advance, yet arrive repeatedly at the same destination.

That tension between promise and outcome has become an apt metaphor for how leadership selection, professional development, and reform are experienced within the SA Police Service (SAPS).

The SAPS Senior Management Service (SMS) portfolio and interview process was meant to be the members’ “fast car”, a professionalised mechanism to drive the department toward ethical, substantive leadership.

Yet, when independence is bypassed and discernment fails, we find ourselves in a familiar, hollow rhythm: promoted leaders with no engines, moving at high speeds toward a dead end.

We are still sitting in the same place, paying the high cost of a selection process that offers plenty of momentum but absolutely no substance.

In debates about policing, attention understandably gravitates toward crime statistics, leadership changes, and public confidence. Far less scrutiny is given to the internal processes that determine who leads, who advances, and who is forced to leave.

Yet it is within these processes, interviews, competency assessments, and career progression, that the future of policing is quietly shaped.

Testing what the eye cannot see

When I was recently asked during a television interview whom I considered suitable for the position of National Commissioner, after the cautionary suspension of General Masemola, I deliberately refrained from naming an individual.

Instead, I reflected on the metaphor of acid and water, two colourless liquids indistinguishable to the naked eye, yet fundamentally different in consequence. In a functional system, there are instruments to test the difference before anyone is compelled to drink. In a failing system, people drink first and discover the truth later.

A biblical account of Samuel, who was sent to choose a leader and warned against judging by outward appearance, is also instructive. The lesson is not theological; it is organisational.

Leadership worth appointing must be discerned, tested, and proven beneath the surface. This is where SAPS currently struggles, not because capable people are absent, but because mechanisms of discernment have weakened.

Interviews Without Independence: The blind leading the visionary

Selection panels within SAPS are frequently criticised for lacking independent members, calling into question their objectivity and credibility.

Where panels are internally homogeneous, perceptions quickly harden that interviews are designed to favour candidates who will not challenge the status quo, rather than those with strong credentials, analytical depth, or reformist capacity.

Under such conditions, interviews risk becoming rituals of continuity rather than instruments of evaluation. However, the crisis is deeper than mere bias; it is a crisis of cognitive capacity. We are currently witnessing a phenomenon of the blind leading the visionary.

There is an African proverb that suggests an elder sitting on the ground sees further than a junior at the top of a tree. While this honours the wisdom of age, it is a dangerous fallacy when applied to technical and strategic organisational leadership.

In a modern SAPS, “climbing the tree” through academic rigor, specifically achieving NQF 6 or above, is not a luxury; it is the lens required to see the horizon. Experience cannot be equated with a qualification.

Thirty years of experience may simply be one year of experience repeated thirty times, often reinforcing outdated or broken habits. When a panel member lacks the academic framework to understand strategic systems, they become a gatekeeper who drags the organisation backward.

They are unable to discern the very qualities required to modernise the service because they cannot recognise brilliance they do not possess.

The tragedy of ‘waiting for your name to be called’

This stagnation is particularly tragic given that we have lived through three decades of a democratic dispensation in an organisation that affords its employees bursaries to develop themselves. There is no excuse for the “NQF gap” at the SMS selection processes.

The lyrics of Sankomota’s Papa ring hollowly true for these cohorts: “You’re waiting for your name to be called / Cause you never ever worked for it before.”  We see individuals standing at the finish line of their careers, expecting the reward of senior management based solely on tenure and gatekeeping status, despite having ignored the tools for self-development provided by the state.

This is not just a personal failure; it is an institutional roadblock. Those without the requisite NQF 6 qualifications should no longer sit on SMS panels, regardless of their years in uniform. You cannot judge a candidate’s capacity for policy literacy or strategic systems thinking if you do not possess the vocabulary to define them.

These individuals are the gatekeepers of mediocrity, waiting for their names to be called to the highest tables while shaking with disbelief when the world demands more than a uniform.

When assessment failure has no consequence

Recent evidence before the Madlanga Commission laid bare a troubling reality: individuals could fail SMS competency assessments and still be appointed. This is not a procedural anomaly; it is a collapse of merit safeguards.

Competency assessments exist precisely to protect institutions from executive weakness. When failure carries no consequence, assessment becomes symbolic, process loses authority, and merit becomes negotiable. It is in such environments that institutional scepticism takes root.

Skills audits requested, yet invisible

For several years, parliamentary oversight bodies have called for skills audits of SAPS senior management. Yet their findings remain largely inaccessible to the public and insufficiently evident in transparent corrective action.

This silence fuels perceptions of blind loyalty, insulation from consequence, and resistance to scrutiny. An organisation that does not interrogate its own skills profile cannot credibly claim to be reform-oriented.

The forced exit of intellectual capital

Perhaps the least acknowledged cost of this environment is the steady loss of intellectually capable members into academia and other sectors. Many left not because they wanted to, but because the system could no longer accommodate them.

Members pursuing advanced qualifications up to and including doctorates, have been reminded that these are “only papers”, lacking practical value. Such remarks betray a misunderstanding of what it means to be a learning organisation.

Research-informed practice, analytical reasoning, and theoretical grounding are not opposites of experience; they are its refinement.

Some of my own students, still active within SAPS, have been explicitly or implicitly advised to look elsewhere, not because of incompetence, but because they no longer “fit” the prevailing culture.

Like the narrator in Fast Car, they move not in triumph, but because staying becomes suffocating.

Implications for the SAPS Amendment Bill: From discretion to discernment

With the Amendment Bill in mind, reform must address not only what decisions are made, but how those decisions are structured. This must occur regardless of the underlying reasons for gatekeeping, whether intentional or systemic.

Reform cannot rely on goodwill; it must be designed to withstand its absence.

First, selection panels should be statutorily required to include independent members with demonstrable expertise in leadership assessment, organisational governance, and strategic decision-making.

Independence must be substantive, not symbolic. External members should carry equal weighting in scoring and deliberation, with dissenting views formally recorded.

Second, competence thresholds for panel members must be clearly defined. While qualifications alone do not confer competence, panels assessing SMS candidates must collectively possess the capacity to interrogate strategic thinking, ethical judgment, and operational complexity.

This includes a mandatory requirement for an NQF 6 or above for any individual sitting on an SMS panel. We must stop those lacking the necessary strategic foresight from determining the fate of the visionary.

Third, the Amendment Bill should mandate standardised, competency mapped interview instruments. Core operational and strategic competencies must be tested through scenario-based questions rather than generic prompts. Any deviation from approved instruments should require written justification.

Fourth, assessment outcomes must be binding unless formally overturned through transparent, documented processes. Where competency assessments are failed, appointments should automatically trigger mandatory review.

Finally, panel processes must be auditable. Composition, scoring matrices, and decision rationales should be subject to oversight by an independent authority.

Conclusion: Beyond the culture of tenure

The implementation of these reforms is about more than just checking boxes; it is about shifting the SAPS away from a culture of waiting toward a culture of earning. For too long, the service has been anchored by those who view seniority as a birthright rather than a responsibility.

When we allow individuals without the requisite intellectual development to act as gatekeepers, we  are not just stalling progress, we are actively sabotaging the safety of the public.

A police service in a complex, 21st-century society cannot be led by those who are intimidated by the visionary or who dismiss advanced education as “just papers”. Those papers are the evidence of discipline, the capacity for high-level reasoning, and a commitment to self-improvement.

By ignoring them, we signal to every young, ambitious graduate in our ranks that their growth is a threat to the establishment.

The tragedy of Tracy Chapman’s song is the realisation that the “Fast Car” was never going to leave the town behind because the drivers were not actually going anywhere.

The SAPS Amendment Bill is our opportunity to change the driver, fix the engine, and finally move. If we fail to enforce these standards now, we will remain sitting in the same place, watching our best minds walk away while we wait for names to be called that should never have been on the list in the first place.

Reform succeeds not through perfect intentions, but through systems designed to reward substance over manageability.

* Professor Jacob Tseko Mofokeng is a professor of criminology and a member of the Council of the Criminological and Victimological Society of Southern Africa (CRIMSA). A former unit commander within the SAPS Information and Systems Management component.

** The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the University of South Africa (Unisa).

*** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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MILLIONS of girls in Africa are still at risk of child marriage and female genital mutilation (FGM) despite bans in most countries.

A new report by the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACERWC), with support from Equality Now, reveals how laws are often poorly enforced, with implementation varying widely and survivors facing challenges accessing justice and support.

Governments must urgently close protection gaps and bridge the divide between legal commitments and the reality girls face.

Drawing on case studies from Chad, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Egypt, Malawi, Mali, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, and Zimbabwe, the Thematic Report on Harmful Practices Affecting Children in Africa found that despite progress in strengthening legal frameworks and political commitments, harmful practices remain entrenched.

Climate shocks, conflict, and economic instability are intensifying the drivers of child marriage and FGM, weakening already fragile systems and increasing risks for girls, particularly in rural and conflict-affected areas, where access to services is limited and social pressures are stronger. Many cases go unreported due to stigma, fear of retaliation, and limited support services.

The report was launched at the 47th Ordinary Session of the ACERWC, held in Maseru, Lesotho, on April 21. The session was brought together by policymakers, civil society organisations, and regional stakeholders to advance dialogue and reinforce collective action to end harmful practices across Africa.

Sally Ncube, Equality Now’s regional representative for Southern Africa, explains: “Failure of implementation and enforcement of the law to protect children from harmful practices is not a failure of the law alone. It is a failure of the ecosystem that should make the law protect and support children.”

Legal gaps, climate change, and conflict exacerbate child marriage

Less than half of African countries set the minimum marriage age at 18 without exception, leaving legal gaps that allow child marriage under parental consent, judicial approval, or customary and religious law. Many countries also lack comprehensive legislation addressing prevention, access to justice, and survivors’ rights.

Crises like extreme weather fuelled by climate change erode economic and social structures, disrupt services, and shut schools, which are crucial for monitoring and reporting abuse. Economic hardship remains a major driver of child marriage, with families facing poverty sometimes turn to early marriage to reduce household expenses and in the mistaken belief that it will provide their daughter with protection.

The reality is that child marriage increases a girl’s likelihood of experiencing a range of harms, including domestic violence, unwanted and early pregnancy, dropping out of education, and poverty.

UNICEF noted that a 2022 drought tripled the number of children at risk of dropping out of school in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia. A 10% decrease in rainfall is associated with a 1% increase in child marriage rates, underscoring how environmental shocks can deepen economic pressures that push families toward early marriage as an economic survival strategy.

Drought in parts of Ethiopia led to a doubling of child marriage rates within a year in the worst-affected regions as families struggled with food insecurity and poverty.

FGM is often carried out to prepare girls for marriage, and in Djibouti and Somalia, climate-related economic pressure has resulted in girls undergoing FGM at younger ages to increase their “marriageability”.

In Somalia, FGM and child marriage remain deeply rooted, particularly impacting girls in internally displaced persons camps where protections are weak, while in Sudan, FGM was criminalised in 2020, but war and governance breakdown have severely undermined enforcement.

Legal gaps and weak enforcement undermine progress on ending FGM

Of the 27 African countries with national-level prevalence data on FGM, four countries (Liberia, Mali, Sierra Leone, and Somalia) still lack specific national legislation banning the practice, underscoring persistent legal gaps across the region.

The medicalisation of FGM and girls being transported across country borders to be cut remain under-addressed issues in many national laws. In some cases, survivors are inadvertently criminalised, and access to redress and support services remains limited, particularly in rural and crisis-affected areas.

In Egypt and Cameroon, FGM legal bans reflect progress, but shortfalls remain, such as FGM medicalisation in Egypt and legal inconsistencies in Cameroon. In Nigeria, laws criminalising FGM and setting the minimum age of marriage at 18 are weakened by inconsistent enforcement and conflicting customary and religious law.

Rising authoritarianism and military takeovers have stifled progress toward ending harmful practices. The withdrawal of countries such as Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger from ECOWAS and other regional bodies has reduced accountability and curtailed civil society's ability to advocate for change.

FGM laws at risk of rollback in some countries

Debates about decriminalising FGM are resurging, as seen in The Gambia (2024), where the Supreme Court is considering repealing the country’s FGM ban, underscoring the need for sustained vigilance and advocacy.

Proposed anti-FGM provisions in Mali were removed from the 2024 Penal Code following resistance from religious leaders, demonstrating how political and social pressures can stall reform.

Progress towards ending child marriage and FGM

Despite challenges, progress advances where legal reform and community leadership align. In Malawi, the report recognises the efforts of traditional leaders such as Chief Theresa Kachindamoto, who have played a key role in annulling thousands of child marriages, demonstrating the success of locally led action.

Another progressive example is how the Constitutional Court in Zimbabwe issued a landmark ruling that prompted the amendment to the 2022 Marriage Act, setting the age of marriage at 18 with no exceptions, following a case by two young women forced into early marriage.

Ethiopia, for example, adapted to COVID-19 restrictions by using mobile-based interactive voice recordings to reach out-of-school girls with FGM awareness content (https://apo-opa.co/4cFYuPj), showcasing how technology can support advocacy during a crisis.

African governments must turn legal commitments into real protection for girls

The thematic report recommends that all African governments implement strict legal provisions prohibiting harmful practices and fully incorporate international and regional human rights treaties, conventions, and protocols into their domestic legal systems to ensure that these instruments bind the state.

It is also critical to close legal loopholes to ensure that the minimum marriage age is set at 18 without exception and to align national, customary, and religious frameworks with regional child rights standards.

“The study illustrates that change is possible and indeed already taking place. Progress is achievable when legislation is complemented by implementation and coordination among relevant stakeholders and the promotion within the community,” said Hermine Kembo Takam Gatsing, special rapporteur on child marriage and other harmful practices, ACERWC.

Strong political will, clear policy, and coordinated national action are essential. This requires collaboration among governments, civil society, and communities, backed by dedicated funding, strong accountability frameworks, and well-staffed systems.

Efforts must address the social and cultural norms that allow harmful practices to persist. Context-specific approaches and local ownership are essential, grounded in meaningful participation of survivors and community leaders.

Empowering girls through education and providing survivors with guaranteed access to protection, justice, and support services are also crucial.

To better understand the causes and scale of child marriage and FGM, governments must strengthen national data systems, including birth and marriage registration and child protection databases.

Reliable, disaggregated data can help identify risks, design evidence-based responses, track progress, and hold institutions accountable.

“The law that cannot protect a girl in her own home is not a law; it is a broken promise. Lack of implementation is not a failure of law alone. It is a failure of the ecosystem that should make the law protect children from marriage and FGM.

This report, and this moment, matter because millions of girls across Africa are waiting for the law to find them. Not for them to find the law.” said Sally Ncube, Equality Now’s regional representative for Southern Africa.

"Equality Now and civil society organisations stand ready to continue working with ACERWC and States Parties to turn commitments into safety and justice. May this session be the turning point where Africa accelerates progress toward moving laws on paper into real-life protection in practice. Equality Now stands ready. Africa’s girls are waiting,” Ncube said.

* Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Equality Now. Equality Now is a worldwide human rights organisation dedicated to securing the legal and systemic change needed to end discrimination against all women and girls.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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If you missed the unveiling of Gert-Johan Coetzee’s Spring/ Summer 2027 collection at the recent South African Fashion Week, there's good news.

You still have the opportunity to see his breathtaking designs in the new theatrical production, “Behind The Crimson Door”, at The Cirk.

A compelling narrative of courage, ambition, and the transformative power of pursuing one's dreams is delivered through this show, which seamlessly blends theatre, couture, aerial performance and powerful storytelling.

At the heart of the tale is Charlotte, a young farm girl who aspires for something beyond the trappings of her rural life. As such, she is drawn to the big-city life, enchanted by the lights, temptations, and hope. 

She starts her journey with a certain naivete, but this quickly transforms as the reality of danger and challenges in this world collides with her imagination and dreams.

As such, the journey centres on overcoming her internal anxieties and relentlessly pursuing the intense passion that motivates her.

Profound in its impact, it is also, in many ways, quite poetic.

The narrative deeply resonated with Coetzee on a personal level, which is why he was drawn to it.

Growing up on a farm in Koster, North West province, his current success was once merely an ambitious pipe dream. 

And dominating global runways was a deep creative ache for the young boy, a vision that was yet to be realised.

“When you come from a small town, the world can feel incredibly big,” says Coetzee. 

“Sometimes the dream itself becomes the scariest part. But I have learned that fear is often just the beginning of something extraordinary. When you find the courage to move forward and go after what you truly want, the world has a way of opening doors.”

This production, in essence, captures that very thing with breathtaking clarity.

“Every dream is a door,” he explains. “Fear may stand on one side of it, but courage is what allows you to walk through it. When you do, you often discover that the life you dreamed about was waiting for you all along.”

Director Joanna Pawelczyk added: “We’re very excited to bring Gert’s costumes to life – not only through visually striking dance and aerial acts, but also through compelling storytelling. We’re bringing lots of new elements to the stage so it’s really going to be a production like no other.”

Where: The Cirk, Cresta Shopping Centre. 

When: Runs until June 14, 7pm.

Romeo & Juliet

William Shakespeare's enduring tragedy is being brought to the stage once more.

It revolves around Romeo and Juliet, two lovers whose families are engaged in a long-standing feud in the city of Verona. Determined to be together despite the hostility between the Montagues and the Capulets, the lovebirds take drastic actions to be together. 

It culminates in a heart-wrenching and devastating conclusion. The production explores themes of love, fate and the consequences of unchecked hostility.

Where: The Lesedi at Joburg Theatre

When: Runs until April 30. Times vary.

Oil markets are absorbing a structural shock following the United Arab Emirates’ (UAE’s) decision to exit Opec after six decades, a break that strikes at the cohesion of a group long relied upon to shape global supply and pricing, affirms the chief executive of one of the world’s largest independent financial advisory organisations.

The analysis from Nigel Green, CEO of deVere Group, comes as oil prices edged higher on the news but stopped short of a breakout, with Brent crude trading around $111 a barrel after briefly approaching $120 amid escalating tensions involving Iran and disruption risks in the Strait of Hormuz.

He comments: “A core pillar of oil market stability has been removed by this unexpected move.

“The UAE is not a marginal player. It’s one of the very few producers with both meaningful spare capacity and the operational flexibility to bring barrels online quickly, which has been critical to how Opec has managed supply and influenced pricing.

“Removing that capacity from a coordinated structure is likely to create a more fragmented supply outlook at a point where markets are already under pressure from the US-Iran war and constrained shipping routes.”

He continues: “Oil is trading higher, but the reaction has, so far, been pretty measured.

“Markets are already looking beyond the headlines to what this means for future supply. There’s no immediate loss of barrels, so the move reflects uncertainty pricing rather than a genuine supply shock.

“Near-term disruption risk is pushing prices up, while the prospect of weaker producer coordination is limiting how far that rally extends.”

Short term, conflict risk remains dominant. Any sustained constraint through Hormuz keeps crude firmly supported, and a return toward $120 remains “entirely plausible” if tensions intensify or shipping flows are disrupted further.

Focus is shifting toward the structural implications for Opec’s influence. The group’s pricing power has long depended on a small number of members with spare capacity acting in coordination, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE. A divergence between those producers weakens that model.

Nigel Green says: “Medium term, the balance shifts. A less cohesive Opec reduces the credibility of production caps and forward guidance. The UAE has both the economic incentive and the technical capacity to increase output independently, especially as producers seek to maximise revenues during a period of still-strong demand.”

Global oil consumption remains near record levels at more than 102 million barrels per day, supported by demand from major Asian economies and a continued recovery in aviation. Supply growth outside Opec has been inconsistent, leaving markets exposed to internal fractures among exporters.

“Additional UAE supply over the next 12 to 24 months would, we expect, begin to reshape pricing dynamics.

“Assuming geopolitical tensions stabilise, crude could move back into an $80 to $95 range as incremental barrels come through. Volatility, however, becomes embedded because coordination risk does not disappear.”

The geopolitical dimension extends beyond energy markets.

The UAE’s repositioning comes alongside closer financial engagement with the US.

US President Donald Trump has repeatedly criticised Opec’s role in sustaining higher oil prices, and recent discussions around potential currency support arrangements between US and UAE authorities point to deeper strategic alignment.

“Stronger ties between the UAE and the US introduce a different layer of influence,” notes the deVere chief executive.

“Energy strategy, liquidity support, and currency stability begin to intersect. A major producer stepping outside cartel constraints while strengthening bilateral economic links with Washington alters how global markets interpret supply signals.”

Longer-term implications are tied to the trajectory of global energy demand and the economics of production. Low-cost producers with expansion capacity face increasing pressure to accelerate output while demand remains structurally high.

Nigel Green explains: “Longer term, this reflects a strategic shift already underway.

“Producers with scale and low extraction costs are prioritising volume, aiming to monetise reserves before demand eventually plateaus. Sustained collective discipline becomes far harder to maintain and competitive pressure increases across the market.”

Markets are already responding across asset classes. Energy equities have moved higher alongside crude, while inflation expectations remain sensitive to prolonged oil strength given the direct pass-through to transport and industrial costs.

Nigel Green concludes: “Energy markets are becoming harder to read.

“Fewer shared decisions, more independent moves, and rising geopolitical pressure mean prices will likely swing more and adjust faster.”

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ACROSS Africa, constitutional reform is often viewed through a lens of suspicion. Too many precedents have conditioned citizens to assume that any amendment touching executive power is a step toward entrenchment.

Zimbabwe’s Constitution Amendment (No. 3) Bill, 2026 (CA3) has entered that same arena of doubt.

But this time, the legal architecture tells a more nuanced story. Far from exposing a constitutional weakness, CA3 may in fact demonstrate the strength of the system designed under the Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013).

At the centre of that system is Section 328, a provision that functions less like a procedural clause and more like a built-in restraint on abuse.

Section 328: The System That Anticipates Power

It is easy to overlook Section 328 because it does not deal with rights or institutions directly. Instead, it governs how the Constitution itself can be changed. That makes it one of the most consequential provisions in the entire document.

Its logic is straightforward. Constitutional change is allowed, but it must pass through clearly defined thresholds. More importantly, it embeds a principle that is often missing in political systems: those in power should not be able to rewrite the rules to their own immediate advantage.

Two parts of Section 328 are particularly relevant to CA3.

Subsection (1) defines what constitutes a “term-limit provision.” It closes the door on semantic manoeuvres by ensuring that any attempt to alter the length or conditions of holding office is treated with heightened scrutiny.

Subsection (7) goes further. It introduces the “no-benefit” rule. If a term-limit provision is amended, the sitting officeholder cannot benefit from that change.

That is not a symbolic clause. It is a legal firewall.

CA3 in Context: Reform Within Constraint

The proposed CA3 introduces, among other changes, an extension of both presidential and parliamentary terms from five to seven years.

On the surface, this is where concern tends to spike. Longer terms are often equated with reduced accountability. But the critical detail is not the extension itself. It is how that extension interacts with Section 328.

Under Subsection (7), even if CA3 passes through Parliament with the required two-thirds majority, the sitting President cannot benefit from the extended term. The five-year cycle that defined their mandate remains intact.

In practical terms, this means the amendment is prospective, not retrospective. It reshapes the system going forward without altering the contract already in place between the current officeholder and the electorate.

That distinction is not trivial. It is the difference between reform and manipulation.

A common critique is that CA3 represents a classic case of changing the rules mid-game. That argument does not hold when Section 328 is applied correctly.

The “no-benefit” rule ensures that the current players cannot take advantage of the new rules. The game changes, but only for future participants.

This is precisely the kind of safeguard many African constitutions lack. In several countries, amendments to term limits or tenure have been applied immediately, allowing incumbents to extend their stay in power. Zimbabwe’s framework prevents that outcome by design.

Duration vs Tenure: A Legal Distinction That Matters

Part of the confusion stems from conflating two different constitutional concepts.

The duration of a term defines how long a single cycle lasts. The tenure of an individual defines how long a person can remain in office across those cycles.

Zimbabwe’s Constitution separates these ideas. That separation has been reinforced in jurisprudence, including Marx Mupungu v Minister of Justice, where the court clarified that not every change affecting office conditions qualifies as a term-limit amendment.

CA3 operates within that distinction. It adjusts the duration of terms but does not inherently increase the number of terms an individual can serve. Combined with the restrictions in Section 328(7), this creates a system where reform is possible without opening the door to personal gain.

Another line of criticism suggests that allowing Parliament to pass such amendments undermines democratic participation. This overlooks a core constitutional principle.

Legislative authority is derived from the people and vested in Parliament. Section 328 explicitly empowers the legislature to amend the Constitution, subject to strict procedural requirements. These include public notice and a supermajority threshold.

This is not a shortcut. It is a deliberate balance between flexibility and stability. Not every amendment requires a referendum, and the Constitution is clear about which categories do.

Expanding the referendum requirement beyond what is legally prescribed risks politicising a process that is already carefully calibrated.

Why This Moment Matters Beyond Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe’s amendment debate speaks to a broader continental issue: whether African constitutions can evolve without being captured by those in power.

Too often, reform is viewed as inherently suspect because past experiences have justified that suspicion. But a system that cannot adapt is as problematic as one that can be easily manipulated.

What Zimbabwe’s framework demonstrates is that reform and restraint are not mutually exclusive. Section 328 allows for change while placing firm limits on how that change can be used.

If applied as intended, it offers a model where constitutional evolution does not come at the expense of integrity.

The real test of CA3 is not whether it changes term lengths. It is whether the safeguards embedded in Section 328 hold firm.

If the amendment proceeds within those boundaries, respecting the “no-benefit” rule and adhering to procedural requirements, it reinforces the credibility of the constitutional order.

It shows that Zimbabwe’s Constitution is not easily bent to serve immediate political interests. It shows that the system can absorb reform without losing its core principles.

The debate around CA3 ultimately comes down to trust.

Not blind trust in political actors, but informed trust in constitutional design. Section 328 was crafted with an awareness of how power operates. It anticipates pressure, ambition, and the temptation to extend influence.

The question is whether that design is strong enough to hold.

For Zimbabwe, and for Africa more broadly, the answer will shape how constitutional reform is understood in the years ahead. Not as a threat by default, but as a process that, when properly constrained, can strengthen rather than weaken democratic governance.

* Karabo Ngoepe is a journalist with over 15 years of experience in political, investigative, and human interest journalism who specialises in pan-African politics with a particular interest in SADC and Global South news. He is a former CEO of Rubicon Media Group in Eswatini.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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​“Music is where I say the things that I do not always know how to say out loud,” said emerging singer, songwriter and storyteller Ben September.

From the Vaal, he steps into a new phase of his career with the release of his singles “You’re So Spoilt”, featuring MashBeatz and Prince Kaybee, alongside “Samba For Your Life,” ahead of his EP “7 Girls" on May 22.

September is part of a growing wave of South African artists using music to explore modern relationships, emotional vulnerability and identity.

His work reflects how younger audiences experience love, distance, self-expression, and emotional complexity in a fast-changing social environment.

The music is shaped by conversation and observation rather than fixed concepts, which gives it a personal but widely relatable tone.

“‘You’re So Spoilt’ is a song about the emotional push and pull that can exist in a relationship where two people clearly care about each other, but there is also tension and unresolved feelings,” he said.

“It captures that moment where love, frustration and attachment all exist at the same time.”

He added that his writing process usually begins with emotion rather than structure.

“For me, songwriting usually starts with a feeling or a conversation I have had, and then I build around that emotion. With this song, the lyrics came from reflecting on the tension that can exist when someone wants love but is still guarded.”

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The track came together through two sessions that shaped its direction. MashBeatz first reached out to September on Instagram, which led to an initial studio session in which they worked on a different idea.

During that session, a beat stood out and shifted the direction of the work.

“I asked if anyone had worked on it yet, and when he said no, I jumped on it,” he explained. “It did not take long to write because the production already had a feeling to it.”

The song was later played for Kaybee after another studio session. He helped refine the production and shape it into its final form.

The result is a track that blends early emotional rawness with more structured production choices, creating a sound that feels both immediate and considered.

Before music, September began as a poet. That foundation still shapes his approach to songwriting.

“Poetry is where everything started for me, so it is still at the core of how I create,” he said. “It has made me more intentional with words and more comfortable with space and silence in music.”

He explained that he does not aim to fill every moment with lyrics. Instead, he focuses on tone, rhythm and emotional weight.

“I am not always trying to say everything directly. Sometimes it is about suggesting a feeling or letting a line sit with you. Even the way I deliver vocals is influenced by poetry. It is less about perfection and more about emotion, tone and honesty.”

“Samba For Your Life” introduces a different sound. It leans more into rhythm and movement while still holding emotional depth.

“It shows a different side of me sonically. It is a bit more energetic and rhythm-driven, but it still carries emotional weight underneath,” he said.

“It sits in that space where things feel alive and moving, but there is still something deeper happening beneath the surface.”

The project continues into his EP “7 Girls”, a title that reflects layered experiences rather than a literal account of relationships.

“‘7 Girls’ is really about perspective and experience. It is not just about seven individuals, but about different encounters, different emotional dynamics and what they reveal about you as a person,” he explained.

He added that while the project draws from real life, it is not a direct retelling.

“A lot of it is drawn from real-life experiences, but it is not purely literal. Some moments are direct, and others are shaped into stories that represent something bigger. It is more about emotional truth than documenting exact events.”

September described his music as confessional but carefully balanced.

“That is something that I am still learning to navigate,” he said.

“I think the key for me is understanding that I can be honest without giving away everything. I focus on sharing what something felt like, rather than every detail of what happened.”

He believes this approach allows listeners to connect while maintaining personal boundaries.

“It stays real and relatable, but I still keep certain parts of my life private. It is about creating a boundary while still being open.”

Looking ahead, he is focused on growth and consistency.

“2026 is really about building on everything that I have started. There is more music coming, more visuals and a deeper rollout of the world that I am creating around the sound,” he said.

“I am focused on consistency and growth, not just releasing songs, but creating moments that people can connect to.”

Mamelodi Sundowns are eager to make up for lost ground and retake control of their Betway Premiership title charge by bagging all three points against Richards Bayat uMhlathuze Sports Complex on Sunday afternoon (5.30pm kick-off).

Sundowns endured a 1-1 draw with Stellenbosch in their last league clash at home, Loftus Versfeld, during midweek action. This result left them second on the log with 57 points, one behind leaders Orlando Pirates, who have played a game more.

With six games remaining in their league campaign, Sundowns cannot afford to drop more points if they are to secure a record-extending ninth Premiership title in a row, and the second successive title under coach Miguel Cardoso.

The Portuguese coach was livid after the draw with Stellies, storming off his post-match media duties on television. He lamented that his troops had ample chances to kill off the game and completely manage it before Khulumani Ndamane conceded a penalty in the dying moments for the visitors..

Sundowns are accustomed to the pressure of the season's crunch time. They are widely expected to defeat Richards Bay away, which is why attacker Arthur Sales insists that the draw with Stellies served as a wake-up call.

“We feel bad about the draw. But I think it’s the right step for improvement. It will push us to do better,” Sales said.

Sales is not naive, though, acknowledging that Richards Bay will not be push-overs. The Natal Rich Boyz have recently made their home ground a fortress, making it difficult for any visiting team to leave with three points. 

Their notable strides include beating Kaizer Chiefs and holding Pirates to a recent draw. Pirates’ coach Abdeslam Ouaddou was highly impressed by the team, openly revealing that he hopes they do his side a favour against Sundowns.

Sales agreed with Ouaddou, acknowledging the game won’t be easy, which is why Sundowns need to be at their best from start to finish.

“I think it will be a tough game, playing that side. But I think we need to show something to our fans, how we answer to them,” he said.

Sundowns’ match against Richards Bay will follow the Soweto derby clash between Pirates and arch-rivals Kaizer Chiefs, which will be headlining the day’s fixtures at an earlier kick-off (3pm) at FNB Stadium. 

The result of the derby will go a long way in shaping the title race, especially since Sundowns are still scheduled to face Kaizer Chiefs in their own league fixture next week.

Sales remains focused on Sundowns, not other teams. Given that their clash is also sold-out, with Masandawana expected to dominate in the stands, the towering attacker wants the team to live up to expectations.

“I think it will be nice to play in front of a full crowd because it shows that everyone believes in us,” Sales said. “So we need to give a good answer and show a 100% effort in the game, and try to win three points.”

The Soweto Derby could prove decisive in the ultimate fate of Orlando Pirates and Kaizer Chiefs this season, making victory a non-negotiable for both teams.

While a collective effort will seal the result at FNB Stadium on Sunday afternoon (3pm kick-off), individual brilliance will prove vital. We look at three key match-ups that could define the outcome.

Relebohile Mofokeng (Pirates) v Aden McCarthy (Chiefs)

Mofokeng has been thriving in the No 10 position this year, scoring crucial and well-executed strikes. His ability to bypass defenders, link up with teammates, and impeccable positioning have made him stand out.

He won’t have it easy against Chiefs. McCarthy is expected to watch him like a hawk, reading the gaps, injecting calm and composure into his defence, and allowing the wing-backs to flourish.

Thalente Mbatha (Pirates) v Lebohang Maboe (Chiefs)

Mbatha is one of the kingpins of Pirates’ midfield. He thrives on controlling the game's tempo and has a knack for goal, thanks to his smart movement alongside teammates during open-play and set-pieces.

Mbatha’s freedom on and off the ball will be tested by Maboe. The Chiefs youth graduate has been the team's central pivot since his arrival. He combines well with his teammates, utilising neat passes and excellent scanning of his surroundings.

Lebone Seema (Pirates) v Flavio Silva (Chiefs)

Seema has seamlessly adapted to life at Pirates since his pre-season arrival. He complements his fellow centre-backs by knowing exactly when to commit, cover, and move forward, having already scored two 'scorchers' this season.

He must continue to keep things neat and tidy against Silva. The Guinea-Bissau international is finding the net with crucial goals, a result of both individual skill and collective effort. Silva consistently creates space for himself, reads the movement of his teammates, and simply knows where the net is.

National police commissioner General Fannie Masemola’s precautionary suspension by President Cyril Ramaphosa, following criminal charges for allegedly violating the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), is unlikely to resolve the deeper challenges facing the SA Police Service (SAPS).

Ramaphosa announced this week that he and Masemola had agreed he would be placed on precautionary suspension pending the outcome of the case, after the police chief appeared in the Pretoria Magistrate’s Court.

The president has appointed divisional commissioner for financial management services Lieutenant-General Puleng Dimpane as acting national police commissioner.

Masemola is charged with contravening the PFMA in relation to the alleged irregular awarding of a R228 million contract to Medicare24, which is owned by controversial businessman and attempted murder accused Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala.

Masemola  and 16 co-accused, including Matlala, are expected back in court next month, with the others facing charges such as corruption, fraud, and money laundering.

Prof. Kholofelo Rakubu, criminologist and Assistant Dean: Research and Innovation at the Tshwane University of Technology’s Humanities faculty, described Masemola’s precautionary suspension as once again highlighting a recurring governance pattern within the SAPS: the reliance on suspension as a substitute for deeper institutional reforms.

“While suspension may serve as a short-term accountability measure, it does not address the systemic vulnerabilities that repeatedly place national commissioners in positions where suspension becomes inevitable,” she said.

According to Rakubu, the SAPS has long struggled with structural weaknesses such as opaque procurement systems, politicised appointments and inadequate oversight that create fertile ground for governance failures.

“These vulnerabilities mean that leadership instability is not an exception but a recurring feature. The result is a cycle where commissioners are suspended, acting appointments are made and the institution remains in a state of paralysis,” she explained.

Rakubu also stated that Dimpane’s temporary leadership must be understood within this context and that while she may bring professionalism and stability in the short term, the limitations of acting appointments are clear: they lack the authority and long-term mandate to drive reform.

“This is compounded by the fact that the police ministry itself is under acting leadership, which further weakens strategic direction and continuity,” she added.

Rakubu believes that the impact of having both an acting minister and an acting commissioner is significant and creates uncertainty, undermines morale within the ranks, and signals to the public that the institution is in a perpetual state of crisis management rather than reform.

“Without a commitment to institutional restructuring, strengthening governance frameworks, depoliticising appointments, and ensuring accountability mechanisms beyond suspension, the SAPS will remain trapped in this cycle,” she warned.

In addition, Rakubu stated that in the short-term, the current situation within the SAPS reflects not just the challenges of individual leadership but the failure to address systemic reform.

“Until governance is strengthened at its roots, acting appointments will continue to serve as placeholders rather than solutions, perpetuating paralysis within the SAPS,” she declared.

The Independent Police Union of South Africa (Ipusa) said Masemola’s precautionary suspension was a necessary move to uphold the SAPS’s integrity and that his court appearance highlighted the pressing requirement for accountability at the highest levels of policing.

Ipusa said Dimpane’s acting stint as national commissioner should emphasise the importance of utilising this interim period constructively to restore public confidence in SAPS.

“The institution faces deep-rooted challenges, including corruption, inconsistent enforcement of disciplinary measures, and political interference, all of which have steadily undermined public trust,” the union added.

Ipusa said Dimpane has a valuable, though possibly brief, opportunity to show that SAPS leadership can be defined by transparency, fairness, and robust protection for whistleblowers.

“Her effectiveness will be measured not by words, but by actions – specifically, the consistent application of disciplinary processes, safeguarding procurement procedures from manipulation, and ensuring that honest officers are protected rather than targeted,” Ipusa stated.

It suggested that to move SAPS forward, she must prioritise independent investigations that are allowed to proceed without fear or favour, and institutional reforms should reinforce compliance and oversight mechanisms.

The union also said that while Dimpane’s challenges will be rooted in operational experience, her relationship with the board of commissioners will be pivotal to her success or failure.

“Ipusa advises her to draw on the collective expertise of the board, uphold the Constitution, and avoid advancing personal interests,” the union opined.

The Freedom Front Plus said Dimpane was the SAPS’s chief financial officer during a period marked by extensive financial irregularities, in which significant sums of money were misappropriated and that evidence of this has recently been presented before the Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry, among other platforms.

“This does not mean that Dimpane is directly implicated in any wrongdoing, but the fact that these transgressions occurred under her watch does not instil confidence,” the party said.

Brett Herron, secretary-general of the GOOD Party, said long-suffering South Africans should not have had to wait for Masemola to be suspended after appearing in court in relation to alleged tender oversight failures.

“He should have been pushed out last year when the levels of depravity in the senior ranks of police under his command became clear in the early proceedings of the Madlanga Commission and Parliamentary Ad-Hoc Committee probing police malfeasance,” he said.

Herron added that there is no evidence that Masemola benefitted from corruption but his weak management enabled corruption and that the police need stronger leadership.

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s nephew, Hangwani Maumela has not yet been charged for his role in the looting of R2 billion meant for healthcare at Tembisa Hospital, owing to information obtained by the prosecutors being converted into admissible evidence in court.

This was confirmed by Justice and Constitutional Development minister Mmamoloko Kubayi when she was responding to parliamentary questions from EFF MP Rebecca Mohlala.

Maumela was implicated by the SIU in September 2025 after it reviewed 1,728 procurement bundles worth R816 million and uncovered irregularities in 924 of them.

The investigation traced 41 service providers linked to Maumela as well as three companies that were awarded contracts worth R13m were reportedly linked to attempted murder-accused tenderpreneur Vusimuzi "Cat" Matlala.

The corruption-busting body has identified properties and luxury vehicles linked to Maumela, and the Asset Forfeiture Unit has preserved some of the assets.

In February 2026, the SIU announced that it handed over evidence against Maumela to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) to assess whether the evidence was sufficient to get a conviction.

The Cape Town office of Director of Public Prosecution received a docket registered at the Cape Town Central Police Station on December 11, 2025, for a prosecutorial decision and guidance on the matter.

Kubayi said the matter remains under investigation.

“The delay is attributable to outstanding investigation required to secure admissible evidence to enable the Director of Public Prosecutions to make an informed decision regarding prosecution. The matter will be enrolled when the outstanding investigations are completed.”

Kubayi also confirmed that no charges have been preferred against Maumela yet.

The minister explained that the matter, commonly referred to as Leg 4 of the Tembisa Hospital, was initially not referred to the NPA.

Instead, it was initially investigated by the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation and later the SIU received a proclamation and was seconded to investigate the matter as well.

“The information supplied to the NPA must still be converted into admissible evidence for a criminal case and further investigations are underway,” said Kubayi. 

She could not provide a date for the enrolment of the matter pending the outstanding investigation still to be conducted.

“However, prosecutors in the Specialised Commercial Crime Unit (SCCU) in Johannesburg are guiding the investigation in this matter.”

Asked about the luxury vehicles that were seized at Maumela’s property and the allegations that they were proceeds of crime, Kubayi said the Special Tribunal ruled on January 30, 2026, in favour of the car dealership in its application  for rescission of the preservation order in respect of five vehicles.

The vehicles were to be released from the preservation order, but the Special Tribunal imposed a condition requiring the car dealership to provide or retain alternative security with the curator bonis for the full value of the vehicles to be released.

Kubayi said the car dealership filed a notice of appeal on February 19 to the full bench of the Johannesburg High Court against the tribunal’s because it wants the vehicles to be released unconditionally.

“I am informed that the Special Investigation Unit is opposing the appeal,” she said.

Kubayi further said the SIU has since filed a counter-appeal to the car dealership’s appeal, requesting the full bench of the high court to find that the Special Tribunal should not have found in favour of the car dealership.

It also wants the Special Tribunal’s order to be replaced by an order dismissing the car dealership’s application for rescission of the preservation order, and the Special Tribunal should have left the preservation order in respect of the five vehicles unchanged and in place.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

President Cyril Ramaphosa’s nephew, Hangwani Maumela has not yet been charged for his role in the looting of R2 billion meant for healthcare at Tembisa Hospital, owing to information obtained by the prosecutors being converted into admissible evidence in court.

This was confirmed by Justice and Constitutional Development minister Mmamoloko Kubayi when she was responding to parliamentary questions from EFF MP Rebecca Mohlala.

Maumela was implicated by the SIU in September 2025 after it reviewed 1,728 procurement bundles worth R816 million and uncovered irregularities in 924 of them.

The investigation traced 41 service providers linked to Maumela as well as three companies that were awarded contracts worth R13m were reportedly linked to attempted murder-accused tenderpreneur Vusimuzi "Cat" Matlala.

The corruption-busting body has identified properties and luxury vehicles linked to Maumela, and the Asset Forfeiture Unit has preserved some of the assets.

In February 2026, the SIU announced that it handed over evidence against Maumela to the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) to assess whether the evidence was sufficient to get a conviction.

The Cape Town office of Director of Public Prosecution received a docket registered at the Cape Town Central Police Station on December 11, 2025, for a prosecutorial decision and guidance on the matter.

Kubayi said the matter remains under investigation.

“The delay is attributable to outstanding investigation required to secure admissible evidence to enable the Director of Public Prosecutions to make an informed decision regarding prosecution. The matter will be enrolled when the outstanding investigations are completed.”

Kubayi also confirmed that no charges have been preferred against Maumela yet.

The minister explained that the matter, commonly referred to as Leg 4 of the Tembisa Hospital, was initially not referred to the NPA.

Instead, it was initially investigated by the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation and later the SIU received a proclamation and was seconded to investigate the matter as well.

“The information supplied to the NPA must still be converted into admissible evidence for a criminal case and further investigations are underway,” said Kubayi. 

She could not provide a date for the enrolment of the matter pending the outstanding investigation still to be conducted.

“However, prosecutors in the Specialised Commercial Crime Unit (SCCU) in Johannesburg are guiding the investigation in this matter.”

Asked about the luxury vehicles that were seized at Maumela’s property and the allegations that they were proceeds of crime, Kubayi said the Special Tribunal ruled on January 30, 2026, in favour of the car dealership in its application  for rescission of the preservation order in respect of five vehicles.

The vehicles were to be released from the preservation order, but the Special Tribunal imposed a condition requiring the car dealership to provide or retain alternative security with the curator bonis for the full value of the vehicles to be released.

Kubayi said the car dealership filed a notice of appeal on February 19 to the full bench of the Johannesburg High Court against the tribunal’s because it wants the vehicles to be released unconditionally.

“I am informed that the Special Investigation Unit is opposing the appeal,” she said.

Kubayi further said the SIU has since filed a counter-appeal to the car dealership’s appeal, requesting the full bench of the high court to find that the Special Tribunal should not have found in favour of the car dealership.

It also wants the Special Tribunal’s order to be replaced by an order dismissing the car dealership’s application for rescission of the preservation order, and the Special Tribunal should have left the preservation order in respect of the five vehicles unchanged and in place.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

National police commissioner General Fannie Masemola’s precautionary suspension by President Cyril Ramaphosa, after being criminally charged for violating the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), will not fix the challenges facing the SA Police Service (SAPS).

Ramaphosa this week announced that he had agreed with Masemola that he be deemed to be on precautionary suspension pending the conclusion of the case after the top cop appeared before the Pretoria Magistrate’s Court.

The president appointed divisional commissioner for financial management services Lieutenant-General Puleng Dimpane as the acting national police commissioner.

Masemola is charged with contravening the PFMA in relation to the alleged irregular awarding of a R228 million contract to Medicare24, which is owned by controversial attempted murder accused businessman Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala.

Masemola and his 16 co-accused including Matlala will be back next month and the others face charges of corruption, fraud and money laundering.

Prof. Kholofelo Rakubu, criminologist and Assistant Dean: Research and Innovation at the Tshwane University of Technology’s Humanities faculty, described Masemola’s precautionary suspension as once again highlighting a recurring governance pattern within the SAPS: the reliance on suspension as a substitute for deeper institutional reforms.

“While suspension may serve as a short-term accountability measure, it does not address the systemic vulnerabilities that repeatedly place national commissioners in positions where suspension becomes inevitable,” she said.

According to Rakubu, the SAPS has long struggled with structural weaknesses such as opaque procurement systems, politicised appointments and inadequate oversight that create fertile ground for governance failures.

“These vulnerabilities mean that leadership instability is not an exception but a recurring feature. The result is a cycle where commissioners are suspended, acting appointments are made and the institution remains in a state of paralysis,” she explained.

Rakubu also stated that Dimpane’s temporary leadership must be understood within this context and that while she may bring professionalism and stability in the short term, the limitations of acting appointments are clear: they lack the authority and long-term mandate to drive reform.

“This is compounded by the fact that the police ministry itself is under acting leadership, which further weakens strategic direction and continuity,” she added.

Rakubu believes that the impact of having both an acting minister and an acting commissioner is significant and creates uncertainty, undermines morale within the ranks, and signals to the public that the institution is in a perpetual state of crisis management rather than reform.

“Without a commitment to institutional restructuring, strengthening governance frameworks, depoliticising appointments, and ensuring accountability mechanisms beyond suspension, the SAPS will remain trapped in this cycle,” she warned.

In addition, Rakubu stated that in the short-term, the current situation within the SAPS reflects not just the challenges of individual leadership but the failure to address systemic reform.

“Until governance is strengthened at its roots, acting appointments will continue to serve as placeholders rather than solutions, perpetuating paralysis within the SAPS,” she declared.

The Independent Police Union of South Africa (Ipusa) said Masemola’s precautionary suspension was a necessary move to uphold the SAPS’s integrity and that his court appearance highlighted the pressing requirement for accountability at the highest levels of policing.

Ipusa said Dimpane’s acting stint as national commissioner should emphasise the importance of utilising this interim period constructively to restore public confidence in SAPS.

“The institution faces deep-rooted challenges, including corruption, inconsistent enforcement of disciplinary measures, and political interference, all of which have steadily undermined public trust,” the union added.

Ipusa said Dimpane has a valuable, though possibly brief, opportunity to show that SAPS leadership can be defined by transparency, fairness, and robust protection for whistleblowers.

“Her effectiveness will be measured not by words, but by actions – specifically, the consistent application of disciplinary processes, safeguarding procurement procedures from manipulation, and ensuring that honest officers are protected rather than targeted,” Ipusa stated.

It suggested that to move SAPS forward, she must prioritise independent investigations that are allowed to proceed without fear or favour, and institutional reforms should reinforce compliance and oversight mechanisms.

The union also said that while Dimpane’s challenges will be rooted in operational experience, her relationship with the board of commissioners will be pivotal to her success or failure.

“Ipusa advises her to draw on the collective expertise of the board, uphold the Constitution, and avoid advancing personal interests,” the union opined.

The Freedom Front Plus said Dimpane was the SAPS’s chief financial officer during a period marked by extensive financial irregularities, in which significant sums of money were misappropriated and that evidence of this has recently been presented before the Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry, among other platforms.

“This does not mean that Dimpane is directly implicated in any wrongdoing, but the fact that these transgressions occurred under her watch does not instil confidence,” the party said.

GOOD secretary-general Brett Herron said long-suffering South Africans should not have had to wait for Masemola to be suspended after appearing in court in relation to alleged tender oversight failures.

“He should have been pushed out last year when the levels of depravity in the senior ranks of police under his command became clear in the early proceedings of the Madlanga Commission and Parliamentary Ad-Hoc Committee probing police malfeasance,” he said.

Herron added that there is no evidence that Masemola benefitted from corruption but his weak management enabled corruption and that the police need stronger leadership.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

ZIMBABWE'S latest debate on the constitution has quickly taken on familiar contours. On one hand, opposition voices are demanding a national referendum on the proposed Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No 3) Bill, 2026 (CA3).

On the other hand, proponents argue that Parliament is well within its rights to proceed without one. Strip away the rhetoric, and what remains is a technical but important legal question: Does the Constitution actually require a referendum for the changes being proposed?

A careful reading of the Constitution of Zimbabwe (2013) suggests the answer is no.

Section 328 is not a vague guideline. It is the Constitution’s procedural backbone for amendments. It sets out a two-track system.

First, there are standard amendments. These can be passed by Parliament, provided there is a two-thirds majority in both houses and a 90-day period of public notice. This is not a loophole or a shortcut. It is the default mechanism deliberately built into the Constitution.

Second, there are protected provisions. These trigger a mandatory referendum. They are narrowly defined and include Chapter 4, which contains the Declaration of Rights; Chapter 16, which governs agricultural land; and Section 328 itself, which outlines amendment procedures.

Anything outside these categories does not require a referendum. That distinction is central to the current debate.

The proposed CA3 reforms focus on institutional design. Among them is a shift toward a parliamentary model for selecting the president, along with adjustments aimed at streamlining governance structures.

Critics argue that altering how the president is chosen infringes on political rights, particularly those in Section 67. However, this conflates two distinct legal concepts. The right to vote remains intact. What changes is the mechanism through which executive authority is constituted.

That difference matters. Constitutional law routinely distinguishes between rights and systems. A voting right can exist under multiple electoral models, whether direct presidential elections or parliamentary selection.

In other words, changing the system does not automatically amount to changing the right itself.

The Term Limit Debate Is Being Misread

Much of the opposition’s case hinges on the claim that CA3 effectively alters presidential term limits and therefore triggers Section 328(7), which places restrictions on such changes.

This argument does not hold up under close scrutiny.

The Constitution separates two concepts that are often blurred in public debate:

• Section 95(2) defines the duration of a presidential term, currently five years
• Section 91(2) defines the tenure of an individual, limiting a President to two terms

That distinction between “time in office” and “eligibility to remain in office” is not semantic. It is foundational.

Section 328(7) is triggered only when an amendment extends the tenure of an individual beyond existing limits. It does not apply to changes in how a president is selected or how long a single term lasts, unless those changes directly extend the number of terms a person can serve.

Judicial precedent reinforces this interpretation. In Marx Mupungu v Minister of Justice, the Constitutional Court made a clear distinction between age limits and term limits. The ruling confirmed that not every change affecting office conditions qualifies as a “term limit” amendment requiring a referendum.

That reasoning is directly relevant here.

Parliament’s Mandate Is Not Optional

There is also a broader constitutional principle at play. Legislative authority in Zimbabwe is explicitly vested in Parliament, derived from the people themselves. That authority includes the power to amend the Constitution, provided the procedures in Section 328 are followed.

To insist on a referendum where the Constitution does not require one is not a defence of democracy. It risks undermining the very framework that governs constitutional change.

Referendums are not symbolic exercises. They are reserved for specific, high-threshold issues clearly identified in the Constitution. Expanding that requirement through political pressure rather than legal necessity sets a dangerous precedent.

None of this means CA3 should escape scrutiny. Far from it. Constitutional amendments, especially those that reshape executive power, deserve rigorous public debate.

But that debate must be honest about what is being contested.

The legal position is relatively clear. CA3 does not amend the Declaration of Rights, does not touch agricultural land provisions, and does not alter Section 328 itself. It therefore does not meet the constitutional threshold for a mandatory referendum.

What remains is a political argument about legitimacy, trust, and the direction of governance. Those are valid concerns. But they should be argued on their own terms, not dressed up as constitutional imperatives that do not exist.

A Test of Constitutional Maturity

Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution was designed to balance flexibility with protection. It allows for reform through Parliament while safeguarding core rights and structural principles through referendums.

That balance only works if it is respected.

If every significant amendment is forced into a referendum regardless of constitutional requirements, the system becomes rigid and politicised. If, on the other hand, Parliament abuses its amendment powers, public trust erodes.

The current moment is a test of whether Zimbabwe can navigate that balance with legal clarity and political honesty.

The Constitution provides the rules. The challenge now is whether the country is willing to follow them, even when the politics become uncomfortable.

* Karabo Ngoepe is a journalist with over 15 years of experience in political, investigative, and human interest journalism who specialises in pan-African politics with a particular interest in SADC and Global South news. He is a former CEO of Rubicon Media Group in Eswatini.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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THE popular adage goes that war is the continuation of politics by other means, or at least that’s what Carl von Clausewitz, the Prussian general is posthumously published to have said in 1832.

He probably had conventional war in mind and its routines. In such conventional setting, the vicissitudes of politics tend to dictate the rhythm of war. In a battle of wits, however, where the party with more leverage tends to dominate, the sophistication of negotiations is the natural continuation of the battles of leverage by other means.

It may have been the verbosity of Trump or the cunning of the successor Ayatollah, no matter. But someone or some fortuity has led to the uniqueness of this happenstance. A kinetic war has quickly mutated into a war of leverage.

As such, it has quickly altered the calculus of victory by the US/Israeli led coalition, if ever there was one. 

The sudden mutation from a war of muscle to a battle of wits had melodramatic consequences. A lot of calculations became imponderable permutations. A direct assault on the Kharg Island would be irreducibly suicidal.

There would be no sustainable logistical supply lines for the expeditionary assault units. Neither would there be adequate cover against an unceasing barrage of unmanned attack drones and bombardment by ballistic missiles from impenetrable jagged folds of the Zagros mountains.

Besides, there are no convenient approach lines to the Kharg Island that would not expose the airborne divisions and the paratrooper forces to mortal harm. Every simulated attack scenario keeps revising the required forces from modest figures to ridiculously high numbers. From a modest number of 5000, the estimates are now sitting at 50 000.

In fact, the true scale of the plan as staggering as it is absurd, is borne of the realisation that there could be no attack on the Kharg Island without first implementing a regime change in Iran. Or put simply, the assault on Kharg Island would be a mission creep to eventually achieve a regime change. 

Given the size of the Iranian landmass, even 200 000 Iraqi forces could not subdue an Iranian force half their cumulative strength. The US, therefore, will require a massive force approximating half a million men and women to achieve the absurdity called regime-change!

The Iranians had long understood that in all the projected war scenarios, from opening salvos to escalatory peaks, the curiosity of the politics of the United States will inevitably get mired in Iran’s political economy, especially of its production of oil and gas.

Particularly, when the hydrocarbon molecule is produced, to enquire where it is destined, if for no other reason than to determine which points of Iran’s economy or those of its partners, could be rendered militarily vulnerable.

Further that, the point of loading of these commodities in the Kharg island and their passage through the Strait of Hormuz, present the attacking forces with strategically sensitive targets which by a single stroke, could cower the Iranians to a humiliating surrender.

This means therefore that the internal politics of the US and its regime change ambitions, were bound to dictate how its war against Iran, would be the continuation of its politics by other means.

The Iranians for their part, understood their leverage from day one.  Or to be sure, they invested in the prescient identification and broad definition of such leverage. For one, the United States is too far away an adversary, located thousands of miles across the pond.

At any rate, they are too big to confront directly, renowned as they are for their apex dominance in the hierarchy of blue water navies. And in a conventional confrontation, they would immediately assume escalatory dominance.

From a long and acrimonious history with the United States and its allies, the Iranians had somehow learnt that all military power has definitive limits. Given all that dominance, the Americans could not master the tempestuousness of a Vietnamese bamboo jungle, nor were they endowed with enough patience to.

The expanse of the bamboo green shoots for their part, resplendent in their turgidity and intelligence, were empathetic to the plight of the Vietnamese hands that have nurtured them over the ages. That is leverage, so vast, so mysterious and indomitable.

Iran had to define its own leverage which would, in all probability, take critical factors into account. The primary consideration for Tehran, is that Israel as an attacking force, should be within reach and striking distance of their ballistic missiles’ stockpiles, and in that distance, must bear the brunt of their retaliation. 

Second, the US military forces and forward mission assets including aerial defence batteries, are located all over the Persian Gulf and other proximate locations in the Gulf of Oman. Any retaliation should portend a commensurate effect both visually and politically, with surprising and demoralising effect, especially to the US electorate.

Third, that any pain suffered by the people of Iran because of the US/Israeli bombing campaign, shall in like manner, be horizontally extended to the Gulf states who are collaborating with the US and Israel in prosecuting this unprovoked and illegal war against them. 

The Trump administration for their part, had to juggle many balls in the air to contrive a counterpoint to such capabilities, especially the most vantageous of them all, the Strait of Hormuz. Any greater harm they could conceive to punish the Iranians, could in retaliation, be the same harm Iran will visit on its Gulf neighbours, including far removed Israel.

It would be as if Iran found the switch first. A little pain for Iran, a little pain for its neighbours. The conundrum for the invaders is fairly pronounced. The Strait of Hormuz is closed except for those ships that pay tribute of two million dollars equivalent in Yuan to Iran. Iran proposes to share that toll with Oman.

Trump contrived a plan. If he had one eye patch, he would be called Pirate Trump. For, the scheme involves blockading a blockaded strait. This time, the US blue water navy would lie in wait in the Indian Ocean, targeting ships passing through the Strait into the Gulf of Oman.

The thinking, it would seem, is that if Iran is blockading the Persian Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz, the US will blockade the Gulf of Oman, of any ship that passes through the beleaguered Strait.

This thinking posits a battle of tactic against leverage. If only the US president would have perused the translated pages of Sun Tzu’s war epic written circa 544 BC. But then again, Sun Tzu and his legacy is indubitably Chinese.

In that wise, why would Donald J. Trump be relying on the wisdom of the Chinese art of war to asphyxiate the Chinese oil economy? Make it make sense. After all, he has Netanyahu as his own personal Sun Tzu!

There could be no doubt that leverage, is a concentration of advantages. And what, pray tell, could be the difference between advantage and leverage.

From the lessons drawn out of this unfolding crisis, it would seem as if advantage, properly defined, is some tactical facet of a military strategy. Leverage on the other hand, is a facility provided by the quirks of the universe.

Much as General Vo Nguyen Giap of Vietnam enjoys the distinction of having been a master war tactician, combining minimalist resources with the leverage of a vast jungle, King Moshoeshoe II emerges as one of the greatest war strategists ever lived.

He had the ultimate leverage. He bivouacked his forces on the commanding heights of Thaba Bosiu. He vanquished all his enemies who tried to reach him at the zenith by liberally rolling down massive boulders on their advancing calvary.

Somehow, and this may not be completely accurate, Donald J. Trump has awoken to the reality that a nature endowed leverage is impossible to dislodge. He has therefore announced an indefinite ceasefire.

Not surprising. He now knows that leverage, of the ilk of the Strait of Hormuz, is a permanent force marjeure! 

* Amb Bheki Gila Esq is a Barrister-at-Law.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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FREEDOM Month couldn’t have come at a more convenient time. Right on cue — just as election season begins to heat up — we are reminded of 27 April 1994, of democracy, and of the power of our vote.

Yet, as South Africa is celebrating freedom, many of its people are still desperately searching for it. For millions, freedom has become something strenuously negotiated in the realms of inequality, injustice, and survival.

As we conclude Freedom Month — we look forward to the revered long weekend, culminating in Freedom Day. This is a prime opportunity to really crack down on our progress as a nation, particularly considering the upcoming elections. 

As we draw deeper into our election season, our government has been consistently churning out the same-old line: “27 April marks not only the birth of a democratic nation but also stands as a testament to South Africans' unwavering commitment to justice, equality, and human dignity, in the hope of building a better, more inclusive future for all.”

This is, honestly, a hard pill to swallow. In fact, many would argue that our post-apartheid “democracy” is an absolute fallacy — the exact opposite of the reality of modern-day South Africans.

Today, our nation is severely ravaged by injustice. Human dignity is haphazardly sacrificed every single day. And of course, ours is still — over three decades into democracy — the most unequal society in the world.

But the government was right about one thing: “Freedom Day is not simply a date in history books. It is a continuous and ever-changing process that is prevalent within the day-to-day struggles for justice and equality…”

And this is something many South Africans have failed to understand: Freedom wasn’t just a moment frozen in history. Freedom is a continuous mission. It’s ever-evolving. It is shaped by the needs and conditions of South Africans today — their challenges, geopolitical dynamics, economic conditions, and lived realities. All of these shape how freedom is experienced and defined. And that is why it’s so important — especially in our nation — to know what freedom instinctively and subjectively means to you.

Because the truth is this: not many South Africans understand what freedom means. Not really. And this is alarming, as we near another election.

In fact, elections in our nation have been reduced to popularity contests amongst leading political parties. Everyone seems to focus on who to vote for, instead of why they’re voting in the ways that we are.

The government claims to “believe that true freedom is incomplete without justice and reconciliation in the world.” They claim to “support those who are still fighting for their freedom — whether it be economic, social, political, environmental, or psychological.” But we all know this is a bunch of poppycock. This is not the reality we face.

Furthermore, in the public eye, we always maintain a moral high ground. From being the first nation in the world to chastise the Israeli genocide of Palestinians in Gaza to our calls for the United Nations to reassert itself in global affairs, we boldly call for reform in global governance institutions — yet fail to wrangle the perverse corruption in our own governance.

Yes, there are conflicts in the world. There are wars happening in our neighbouring nations. And yes, these conflicts affect us, often whether we like it or not. But they are not what Freedom Day is about. Freedom Day is about us — our nation, our people. It has little to do with geopolitical tensions and more to do with South Africans’ freedoms in our own homes, streets, schools, workplaces, and public institutions.

This is about the persistently poor service delivery we contend with across the nation, on a weekly or daily basis. This is about the consistent challenges with corruption — stealing the funds meant to maintain our neighbourhoods, schools, hospitals, roads, and so much more. This is about the same bobblehead figures being paraded around, spewing the same empty promises every election season while lambasting one another for what the other has “not” been doing.

And this is the issue with our political climate. It still seems rooted in that apartheid-era tendency of disinformation, blame-shifting, and blatant competition for power. It’s purely focused on presentation rather than practical transformation. Hence, this is a prime opportunity to re-educate citizens on the value of your vote — particularly in a nation where unimaginable deaths were suffered just to secure the right and privilege of voting.

In that sense, our vote should be amongst the most sacred processes we undergo in this fragile democracy. Yet now more than ever, despite our so-called Government of National Unity, election season is still just an array of parties putting on a show.

This is where we are now: a democracy that demands participation, but rarely demands understanding. And if we are not careful — if we keep voting without asking what freedom actually means in practice — then we will keep electing versions of the same disappointment. What’s clear is that it is not democracy that is broken — it is intention. And that breakdown is beginning to define us more than anything else, even our hard won “freedom”.

Yes, we can go back to history. However, freedom is not sustained by memory alone, but also by meaning. We can even track the exact progress of the “empty promises” that these parties regurgitate every election season. But if we’re not voting with knowledge and intention, we’re in deep trouble — or as the youth say, we are absolutely “cooked.”

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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WHEN Stimela asked: Where Did We Go Wrong?, it was not a nostalgic lament aimed at a lost past. It was a moral audit. A demand that societies interrogate the precise moment judgement was abandoned and direction surrendered. It was an insistence that decline must be explained, not merely endured.

South Africa confronts that question again today, following the cautionary suspension of the National Commissioner of the SA Police Service (SAPS) General Fannie Masemola, after findings by a magistrate’s court on charges brought by the Investigating Directorate Against Corruption (Idac).

This development should not be misunderstood as closure or resolution. It is neither. It is a disclosure, and a late one.

Moments such as these test whether institutions are capable of learning or merely skilled at surviving scandal. When consequences appear only after intervention by courts and external bodies, accountability arrives by default rather than by design.

That reality should trouble us far more than the fate of any individual office bearer. What stands exposed is not simply misconduct but an institutional crisis of recognition — the inability to distinguish acid from water.

Acid and water can look identical. Both may be colourless, contained in similar vessels, and poured with equal confidence. The danger lies not in their appearance, but in their effect. Institutions collapse not because poison announces itself, but because the habit of testing what is being consumed quietly disappears.

From Whispering to Exposure

In Whispering in the Dark, I argued that public disclosures by senior police officers were symptoms of institutional collapse rather than acts of insubordination. When internal accountability structures are perceived as compromised, truth migrates outward. Whistleblowing becomes an act of institutional self-preservation, not rebellion.

The present moment confirms that diagnosis. When judicial processes are required to intervene where internal oversight should have acted earlier, the institution’s corrective capacity has already failed. Courts and investigative bodies are safeguards, not substitutes for ethical command.

A credible police service resolves its contradictions internally before judges are forced to do so publicly. Once accountability is externalised, the institution continues to function procedurally, but its moral authority erodes.

Where We Went Wrong

We went wrong when blind loyalty replaced professional judgment as the organising logic of authority. Loyalty has a legitimate place in disciplined institutions. But when loyalty to individuals eclipses loyalty to law, ethics, and reason, it becomes corrosive.

Commands are followed not because they are just or lawful, but because questioning them is framed as betrayal. Silence is rewarded as cohesion. Competence is subordinated to allegiance.

In such an environment, acid flows freely as water, not because no one suspects danger, but because raising concern becomes professionally hazardous. We went wrong when rank came to function as immunity rather than responsibility.

Authority was mistaken for virtue, and seniority for credibility. Yet institutional history is unequivocal: power unchecked does not preserve systems; it distorts them. When questioning command becomes taboo, truth retreats.

We went wrong when ethical dissent was punished in practice, even as policies claimed to protect it. Those who raised concerns found themselves isolated, marginalised, or labelled difficult, while compliance was praised as discipline. Over time, the organisation learned not to see what it did not wish to confront.

And finally, we went wrong when accountability was outsourced. Oversight drifted from internal mechanisms into the hands of journalists, courts, and commissions. When this happens, institutions lose moral agency. They react only when compelled, not when conscience demands.

A Test of Institutional Judgement

Nowhere is the crisis of recognition more visible than in the conflicting responses to the appointment of Dimpane to senior leadership responsibility within SAPS. Supporters of the appointment argue that continuity matters in moments of institutional strain. They contend that experience, operational familiarity, and institutional memory are stabilising assets.

From this perspective, appointing a senior insider is framed as pragmatic, a means of preventing organisational paralysis while legal and disciplinary processes unfold. To them, criticism of the appointment reflects a broader cynicism toward the institution itself, rather than an objective assessment of competence.

Critics, however, raise a fundamentally different concern. They argue that the appointment reflects precisely the organisational reflex that brought SAPS to this moment: recycling authority within the same closed command ecosystem, without sufficiently interrogating culture, allegiances, or historical proximity to dysfunction.

To these critics, the issue is not personal culpability but structural judgement. The question is not who Dimpane is, but what her appointment symbolises,  an institution struggling to imagine leadership beyond familiar networks.

These conflicting interpretations are not trivial disagreements. They expose the fault line between procedural legality and moral legitimacy. An appointment can comply with formal rules and still fail the deeper test of institutional credibility. Conversely, rejecting an appointment on symbolic grounds alone risks collapsing governance into optics.

The real failure lies elsewhere. The institution lacks trusted, transparent criteria through which such appointments can be evaluated beyond factional loyalty or defensive rationalisation.

As long as SAPS remains unable to convincingly demonstrate that leadership decisions are filtered through independent ethical and professional scrutiny, every appointment will be contested, and every defence will sound self-protective. This is how acid continues to be poured as water, not because leaders are malicious, but because the testing mechanism is compromised.

The Limits of Symbolic Accountability

The cautionary suspension of a National Commissioner may reassure some that consequences exist. But reassurance must not be confused with reform. If this moment is treated as an ending, the system will learn the wrong lesson, that accountability is episodic, externally imposed, and survivable through silence.

Acid is not removed from water by belief or hope. It is removed through testing, structure, and refusal to consume what has not been verified. The challenge before South Africa is therefore not merely to remove contaminated leadership when exposure becomes unavoidable, but to rebuild the system’s capacity to detect, resist, and neutralise toxicity early.

Cleaning the System: Four Corrective Measures

If SAPS is to regain public trust and institutional credibility, reform must focus on authority, culture, and procedure. Personality-based change will not suffice. The system itself must be rebuilt.

1. Break the Loyalty–Promotion Pipeline: Senior command appointments must be insulated from internal factional allegiance. SAPS should establish externally verified promotion and appointment processes for senior ranks, incorporating independent judicial, academic, and civilian oversight. This is not an attempt to weaken command but to restore legitimacy to leadership. Loyalty to process must outweigh loyalty to persons.
2. Restore Internal Detection Capacity: No ethical institution relies solely on whistleblowers. SAPS must create a protected internal professional dissent mechanism — confidential, nonpunitive, and structurally insulated from command retaliation. Reports through this channel must trigger mandatory, timebound review procedures.
3. End Rank-Based Immunity: Authority must command accountability, not exemption. Senior officers should be subject to routine, independent ethics and competence audits, with findings reported institutionally rather than politically. Water is not safe because it comes from a high tap. It is safe because it is tested.
4. Redefine Blind Loyalty as Fidelity to Ethics: SAPS doctrine must be explicit: blind loyalty to unlawful or unethical instruction is misconduct. Refusal to comply with such instruction is not defiance; it is duty. Training and disciplinary systems must reflect this inversion.

Choosing Between Learning and Repetition

Stimela’s question endures because societies avoid answering it honestly. Where did we go wrong? We went wrong when familiarity replaced verification, when loyalty eclipsed judgment, and when silence masqueraded as stability.

The suspension of a police commissioner, or the contestation around a senior appointment, must not become symbolic full stops. There should be pauses long enough to rebuild institutional clarity.

A credible police service is not one without scandal. It is one capable of recognising danger early, correcting itself without compulsion, and distinguishing what sustains from what corrodes. Clear does not mean clean. Blind loyalty detached from truth is not water. It is acid.

The choice before us is simple but difficult: either this moment becomes another chapter in a long cycle of institutional decay, or it becomes the point at which South Africa relearns how to test what it is being asked to drink.

* Prof Jacob Tseko Mofokeng is a professor of criminology at Unisa and an NRF-rated researcher. He is a recipient of the Unesco University of Connecticut Award for his contribution to human rights and global solidarity. The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect those of Unisa or the official policy or position of Unisa.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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AS THE 2026 BRICS chair, India is presiding over a historic rupture of the bloc, for the first time since it was created, one member has used military force against another member, shattering the bloc’s fragile hegemony.

Iran, a full BRICS+ member since January 2024 and one of the chief beneficiaries of the bloc's decision to transform itself from an economic forum into a geo-economic power, launched a massive campaign of drone and missile strikes on Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), two nations that were also accepted into BRICS+ in that same 2024 expansion; having joined the grouping precisely to diversify their international partnerships, deepen economic ties with the Global South, and signal their emergence as modern, development-focused states capable of shaping global governance.

That a founding principle of sovereign equality and mutual cooperation could, within two years, give way to one member firing ballistic missiles into the residential neighbourhoods and civilian infrastructure of two others is not merely an irony; it is the definitive collapse of the premise on which the expanded BRICS+ was sold to its members and to the world.

These strikes occurred during the wider US-Israeli-Iran war. While the US and Israel attacked Iranian territory, Iran retaliated not only against them but also against Saudi Arabia and UAE infrastructure and civilians.

Iranian officials argue the strikes targeted US bases and were legitimate self-defence, but the Saudi and UAE governments continue to view them as unprovoked aggression.

This intra-bloc aggression marks a total deviation from the vision coined in 2001 by Lord Jim O’Neill, then head economist at Goldman Sachs. Lord O’Neill’s original "BRIC" thesis was strictly an economic and investment research projection for emerging markets to reform global financial institutions.

In his paper, titled, “Building Better Global Economic BRICs”, O' Neill identified Brazil, Russia, India, and China as the emerging engines of global growth that would inevitably catch up to the G7.

That was before South Africa’s inclusion in 2010, and his vision was about institutional reform: making the IMF, World Bank, and UN more representative of these rising economic weights.

The contradictions BRICS cannot escape

The “multipolar dream” that BRICS has long promised to the Global South is colliding with the hard reality that the bloc’s own internal fractures are now directly fuelling a humanitarian emergency among the very populations it claims to champion.

Beyond the immediate crisis of one member bombing two others lies a thicket of deeper contradictions that the 2024 expansion has made impossible to ignore.

As a non-aligned Bloc, now permanently aligned: BRICS has always defined itself in opposition to Cold War-style blocs, promising a partnership free of the rigid alliances that characterised the 20th century.

Yet the war has forced its members into precisely those alignments. Russia, China, and Iran now operate as a de facto axis within BRICS, coordinating diplomatic cover and military logistics, while Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt depend on US security guarantees and have turned to Washington rather than their own bloc for protection.

The very body created to transcend bloc politics has reproduced them internally.

BRICS was also built on the principle of non-interference in members' internal affairs. That principle has now become a straitjacket. Iran justifies its strikes as self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter; Saudi Arabia and the UAE call them unprovoked aggression.

Non-interference means the bloc cannot adjudicate between these claims, cannot condemn, and therefore cannot act. A founding virtue has now become the mechanism of paralysis.

BRICS proponents also spoke of a “civilisational state” consensus, that is, major powers representing distinct historical traditions coming together to reshape global governance.

The Iranian strikes on Saudi Arabia and the UAE have instead revived the deepest civilisational fault line in the Middle East: Persian-Shia revolutionary ideology versus Arab-Sunni developmentalism.

This is not a clash of East and West; it is a clash within BRICS itself, and the bloc has no language to address it.

Both the Saudi Arabian and UAE governments stated unequivocally that Iran's attacks went far beyond hitting military or American assets. Their official positions, as reported during the March 2026 escalation, included:

Saudi Arabia

• Confirmed strikes on civilian infrastructure, including energy facilities and desalination plants in the Eastern Province.
• Reported civilian casualties.
• Described the attacks as a "direct act of aggression" against the Kingdom's sovereignty, not an incidental strike on US bases.

United Arab Emirates

• Confirmed that Iranian missiles and drones struck civilian areas, not just military zones.
• Reported damage to  infrastructure and civilian deaths.
• Recalled its ambassador from Tehran and formally protested at the UN.

Both countries explicitly rejected any narrative that framed the strikes as limited to “American targets on their soil”. They characterised them as unprovoked attacks on their civilian populations.

This came as Iran launched a massive campaign of ballistic missiles and drones against the UAE, striking residential areas in Abu Dhabi and Dubai.

Speaking to CNN, UAE Minister of State for International Cooperation Reem Al Hashimy described the Iranian strikes as “unjustifiable and very unlawful” attacks that hit “not just the UAE but also the rest of the Gulf and beyond”.

Crucially, she noted that even before the war began, the UAE had repeatedly made clear it would not let its territory be used against Iran, yet Tehran attacked anyway.

Why the O’Neill vision is haunting BRICS

The 2026 crisis has vindicated those who warned that expanding BRICS+ to include high-conflict nations would lead to institutional paralysis. The initial vision proposed by O’Neill was built on the “Big Four” (Brazil, Russia, India, China) and South Africa within the context of Africa.

The deviation into a geopolitical “counter-power” has resulted in a scenario where the bloc is unable to issue a unified statement because one member is bombing the cities of two others.

The expansion that was meant to elevate BRICS+ into a genuine multipolar force has instead produced a crisis that the bloc is structurally incapable of resolving.

Nowhere is this more starkly visible than in the Strait of Hormuz, where the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps has seized Indian and Liberian-flagged merchant vessels. These are not American or Israeli ships; they are commercial carriers moving goods for the very nations that sit alongside Iran in the BRICS+ framework.

Under the banner of resisting Western hegemony, Iran is effectively blockading its own partners; an act of maritime predation, and the consequences radiate far beyond the Gulf. 

The disruption of Hormuz shipping lanes is severing critical supply chains to the Sahel, East and Southern Africa at a moment when the continent can least absorb the shock. The UN World Food Programme warns that the war in Iran could push an additional 10.4 million people into acute food insecurity, compounding the 52 million already in crisis across the region.

Food, fertiliser, and fuel that would normally transit the Strait are now trapped by a conflict in which two BRICS members, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, have seen their civilians targeted, while a third, Iran, chokes the maritime artery on which African nations depend.

India’s path through the chaos

The 2026 BRICS Chairmanship was supposed to be India’s moment to showcase the “Vishwa Mitra” (Friend of the World) doctrine. Instead, Prime Minister Narendra Modi finds himself presiding over a family feud where one “family” is using ballistic missiles against others.

India’s response has been a masterclass in “calibrated neutrality”. While Western critics call for a unified BRICS+ condemnation, New Delhi understands that the bloc’s expansion to include Iran, did not include a mechanism for conflict resolution.

By staying quiet on the “Iran-US-Israel war," India is not being indecisive; it is preserving the only remaining platform where these rivals still sit at the same table. 

India’s positive handling involves shifting the 2026 agenda toward supply chain resilience, effectively “economising” the conversation to prevent the bloc from fracturing and disintegrating.

The Gulf states, whatever their religious differences, have bet their futures on building modern economies and integrating with the world. That is precisely the kind of partnership BRICS+ is supposed to champion. And India must restore that discipline.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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WITH youth unemployment in South Africa reaching approximately 60% among 18- to 24-year-olds as of early 2025, according to Statistics South Africa (StatsSA), a skills mismatch is increasingly cited as a contributing factor.

A 2023 study by the Department of Higher Education and Training on employer perceptions of TVET college graduates rated foundational competencies — including reading, writing, numeracy, speaking, oral and written comprehension, and computer skills — as very poor.

Against this backdrop, a virtual entrepreneurship programme for learners aged 9 to 16 is introducing practical business training at the primary school level.

The Koa Academy Online Entrepreneurship Challenge, a free five-week virtual programme, guides participants through identifying market opportunities, developing business models, and presenting proposals to industry evaluators.

The curriculum includes weekly live coaching sessions and self-paced coursework focused on skills such as problem-solving, creative thinking, and financial literacy. Industry analyses project a 73% increase in demand for these competencies over the next five years.

Participants receive mentorship from founders, investors, and business executives. The programme structure emphasises iterative development: students build prototypes, receive feedback, refine their approaches, and conclude with a formal pitch to a panel of industry professionals.

“Learning how to build a business and clearly pitch its value transforms a concept into something others can believe in. Giving young people the opportunity to learn and practice these skills early is incredibly powerful, building both confidence and strong public speaking abilities,” says Abena Opeibea Anie-Budu, Venture Partner at MEST Africa and one of the 2026 Entrepreneurship Challenge judges, alongside Pargo co-founder Lars Veul and Koa Academy co-founder and chief executive, Lauren Anderson. “Practical skills and real-world exposure give young people a meaningful advantage — not just in business, but in how they approach opportunities and challenges more broadly.”

The challenge operates on a structured weekly framework. Each participant attends a one-hour live group coaching session led by an experienced entrepreneur, supplemented by individual mentorship from an assigned advisor.

An additional hour per week is allocated to self-paced online coursework covering business fundamentals. By programme completion, each student develops a business pitch presentation, delivers it to an expert panel, receives formal feedback, and pilots an initial version of their proposed venture.

Beyond business-specific outcomes, the curriculum targets transferable competencies: critical analysis, resilience, communication, and financial reasoning. Participants are taught to identify community needs, evaluate existing solutions, and design actionable responses. Past participants have launched operational ventures in skincare, food production, and sustainable fashion that continue post-programme.

Documented outcomes from previous cohorts include:

• Nia Kinuthi (Kenya), who developed Nani Knits, a sustainable crochet brand, and reported improved confidence in public presentation and responding to critique — skills subsequently applied in academic debate representation for Kenya.
• Sere Kiteto (Kenya), founder of natural skincare brand Solani, who gained proficiency in business planning, cost calculation, pricing strategy, profit margin analysis, and budgeting.
• Anna and Cleopatra Achiambo (South Africa), co-founders of Snacks by Sissies, who expanded their product offerings while developing leadership, budgeting, and presentation capabilities.

Industry professionals serve as judges, guest speakers, and mentors throughout the programme. Confirmed judges for the 2026 edition include Lars Veul, co-founder of Pargo; Abena Opeibea Anie-Budu, venture partner at MEST Africa; and Anderson.

Guest entrepreneurs scheduled for live sessions include Kylie Lai King, founder of wellness brand Sanrae; Milan Rendall, founder of The Bowling Club; and Danei Rall, co-founder of Fintr. These individuals will also provide one-on-one mentorship to top performers as part of the prize allocation.

Recognition is awarded across junior and senior categories for winners and runners-up. Prizes include cash awards, mentorship access, business development support, and brand-building assistance.

Registration for the Koa Online Entrepreneurship Challenge is open from April 1, until May 10. There is no participation fee. Programme alumni have launched verifiable business ventures following completion of the curriculum.

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THERE comes a moment in public life when explanations stop helping and start hurting. Tshwane has reached that moment.

What is happening around the city’s suspended chief financial officer is not a technical argument about rules. It is not a PR mess that a careful statement can fix.

It is something much darker. It is a clear view of how quietly, how dangerously, our understanding of accountability has changed inside South Africa’s public institutions.

At the Madlanga Commission, Gareth Mnisi defended his actions with a very simple argument. There was no payment. No bribe. No direct business interest. So, he said, there was no conflict.

That argument should not make you feel reassured. It should make you worried.

Because it tells us that at a senior level of city finance, conflict of interest is no longer seen as a risk to avoid. It is treated like a crime that only counts if someone gets caught red-handed. That is not a small misunderstanding. It is a complete flip of how public service is supposed to work.

You see the same thing elsewhere in the testimony. Evidence given to the commission, including WhatsApp messages, shows a private person being pulled into discussions about city invoices and arguments over service providers.

Mnisi later admitted that, looking back, things could have been handled more professionally. But by the time you call something “poor judgement”, the real failure has already happened.

Ethical systems are not meant to react after someone steps over the line. They are meant to make sure you never get close to the line in the first place.

South Africa’s procurement rules are very clear about this. National Treasury’s municipal supply chain laws were written to stop conflicts before they happen, not to argue about them afterwards.

Officials must declare their interests. Bid committees must act fairly. The whole system rests on one principle: public trust must never be put at risk.

That means the real test was never just: “Did you personally benefit?” The real test is harder than that. Were you too close to the decision? Did you tell the whole truth? Would a normal person on the street trust the process after seeing what you did?

Once you replace those questions with the smaller ones about personal gain, something important breaks. The rules are no longer being applied carefully. They are being shrunk down to their weakest possible meaning.

And this is happening inside a system that is already showing deep cracks. The Auditor General reported R87.03 billion in irregular municipal spending since the 2021–22 financial year.

And even that number comes with a warning that the real figure is probably higher because of incomplete reporting. In the most recent audit, 174 municipalities, nearly seven out of ten, recorded spending that was not approved.

This is not background noise. This is the world Tshwane lives in.

Which is why this case matters. Not because Tshwane is uniquely broken, but because it is unusually exposed.

South Africa has gotten used to treating municipal failure like isolated incidents. A suspension here. A scandal there. A list of audit findings somewhere else. Each one quietly forgotten.

But the pattern is no longer subtle.

We do not lack rules. We do not lack forms, checklists, oversight committees, or reporting structures. What we lack, increasingly, is a shared understanding of what those rules mean in real life.

On paper, conflict of interest is about prevention. In practice, we argue about it after the fact.

On paper, the standard is fairness. In practice, the standard becomes: “Did you get caught stealing?”

On paper, ethics is supposed to stop the rot early. In practice, we use ethics later to soften what has already gone wrong.

This is how systems fall apart without collapsing. Not through dramatic explosions. Through the quiet normalisation of behaviour that would have raised alarms just a few years ago.

And the results are not abstract. Residents do not experience this as “non-compliance”. They experience it every day in a city that just does not work properly. Payments are late. Contractors are dodgy. Costs go up. Trust drips away, slowly but surely.

By the time a commission sits down to take evidence, the public has already been living with the mess. So please, do not call the Tshwane matter a misunderstanding. That is not just wrong. It is dangerous.

Because if a senior city finance official can stand up in public and defend his conduct on the grounds that no money changed hands, then this is no longer about one person’s poor judgement. It is about a system that no longer agrees with itself on where the line is drawn.

South Africa does not have a procurement policy problem. We have an interpretation problem. A gap between what the rules say on paper and how people live them on the ground. And inside that gap, standards do not fall overnight. They erode. Slowly, quietly, until what was once unacceptable starts to feel perfectly normal.

Tshwane is not an outlier we can just shrug off. It is a warning sign.

Until we enforce conflict of interest as a preventative discipline, not something we negotiate down after the damage is done, we will keep mistaking government failure for a disagreement.

The bare minimum we should demand is: Any senior official who fails to declare a potential conflict before a decision is made, regardless of payment, should face automatic suspension. No commission required. No softening.

But the deeper fix is cultural. The rule we need is simple enough to write on a postcard and stick on every municipal desk: If you must wonder whether you are too close, you are already too close.

No payment required. No retrospective excuse accepted. Tshwane did not fail because one man broke the law. It failed because no one stopped him when he first walked up to the line.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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After shutting down Loftus Versfeld in 2025, DJ Maphorisa and Kabza De Small are bringing “Scorpion Kings Live” back, and this time it’s bigger, louder and heading to one of the country’s most iconic venues, FNB Stadium.

Set for September 19 2026, the show is expected to draw over 70 000 fans, positioning it as what could be the biggest Amapiano concert yet.

Last year’s debut at Loftus wasn’t just another live show. It was a turning point for Amapiano. The stadium was packed, the lineup was stacked, and the energy carried the night from start to finish.

From Makhadzi setting the tone early on, to performances from the likes of Young Stunna and Kamo Mphela, it was a reminder of just how far the genre has come.

Some moments stood out beyond the music, too. From the detailed stage production to personal touches like Maphorisa’s mother opening his set with a prayer, it all added to a night that felt bigger than just performances. 

Even with the usual challenges that come with events of that scale, like crowd movement and long queues, fans still walked away feeling like they had witnessed something important.

The 2026 edition is building on that foundation. This year, they are calling it “A Family Affair”, a theme that leans into the sense of community around amapiano.

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It’s less about just the performance and more about everyone involved in the movement, from the artists and collaborators to the fans who have taken the sound beyond South Africa and into new spaces.

Reflecting on the journey, Maphorisa said the Loftus show was only the beginning. 

“Loftus was a moment we’ll never forget - the energy, the love, the unity. It showed us just how far Amapiano has come. But for us, that was only the beginning. FNB Stadium is about taking that feeling and amplifying it for the world to see.”

De Small echoed that sentiment, framing the show as something that continues to grow with the culture. 

“Every Scorpion Kings Live show is about growth - not just for us, but for the culture. ‘A Family Affair’ is exactly what this is. It’s about bringing everyone together again, bigger than ever, and creating something unforgettable.”

It’s expected to be a step up from 2025, with a bigger setup and a lineup that will likely bring together some of the key names in amapiano right now. 

The focus looks to be on the overall experience and how the show continues to grow within the genre.

The "Scorpion Kings Live" concert is scheduled for September 19 at FNB Stadium. The line-up and ticket information have not yet been announced.

TOKENISED gold is acting as a model for future real-world asset tokenisation projects, says D24 Fintech.

The tokenised gold market grew from $1.9 billion in 2025 to $7.13bn in 2026, reaching $178bn in trading volume and a market cap of $6bn. This growth has sparked discussions about its integration into institutional finance.

According to D24 Fintech, tokenised gold is a prime example of how real-world assets can be integrated on-chain. This shift is expanding investors’ access to hedging tools, supported by the rise of dedicated asset tokenisation frameworks and institutional-grade advisory services.

Tokenised gold is a digital representation of physical gold established on a blockchain. Each token corresponds to a quantity of gold held in a secure wallet by a custodian.

D24 Fintech notes that the security of these assets increasingly relies on Multi-Party Computation (MPC) digital wallet solutions, which eliminate single points of failure while maintaining high-speed transaction capabilities.

The infrastructure behind this transition relies on decentralised ledgers that facilitate atomic settlement, ensuring that ownership transfer occurs simultaneously with the payment.

D24 Fintech highlights that integrating smart contracts facilitates the automation of complex compliance workflows, such as dividend distribution or automated rebalancing, without manual intervention.

Additionally, the use of Oracle networks provides a secure, real-time link between the physical vaults and the digital tokens, enabling Chainlink Proof of Reserve (PoR) or similar protocols to verify that every digital unit is backed 1:1 by audited physical bullion in real-time.

“On-chain gold comes with a host of benefits, allowing 24-hour trading and fractional ownership, opening gold investment up to a wider field,” said D24 Fintech. “It has a heavy compliance and custody focus, pushing verified gold backing, regulated custodians, and automated platform screening tools. There is also added potential for its integration as a digital finance application like DeFi.”

Tokenised gold is being actively used for investment and hedging, borrowing cryptocurrency, cross-border payments to avoid expensive shipping costs, and general gifting.

“We are seeing an increasing adoption of tokenised gold in DeFi and traditional finance industries, especially those that hold haven assets,” D24 Fintech continued. “Many investors are looking to tokenised gold amid recent Bitcoin crashes, and, at present, banks and asset managers are looking to capitalise on the tokenised gold boom by leveraging liquidity aggregator engines to eliminate physical handling of gold with clients.

“Considering this, there are acute risks associated with tokenised gold that investors need to be aware of,” added D24 Fintech. “As investors do not have physical possession of their gold, they have to rely on a custodian to hold it for them, and laws surrounding tokenised assets are continuing to evolve, with some nations banning trading altogether.

"The market is volatile, with tokenised gold tracking alongside gold prices, meaning that added liquidity or technical issues create subsequent gaps in pricing, and cybersecurity risks are high with millions of wallets hacked every year.”

“Overall, for tokenised gold to make the greatest impact, countries must establish strong compliance and regulatory readiness. For it to trade smoothly, it requires additional liquidity provisioning and advanced exchange connectivity.

"There needs to be full technology integration with automated KYC/AML tools, smart contracts, and compliance tools operating as one to ensure tokenised gold assets remain secure and auditable,” concluded D24 Fintech.

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THE Select Committee on Cooperative Governance and Public Administration (including Traditional Affairs, Human Settlements and Water and Sanitation) has criticised the North West Provincial Department of Human Settlements, the Dr Kenneth Kaunda District Municipality and the Matlosana Local Municipality for poor integrated planning.

This follows an oversight visit to Matlosana, where a housing project was implemented without adequate bulk infrastructure.

The chairperson of the committee, Mxolisi Kaunda, said in a statement this week that it was deeply concerning that the Alabama Extension 10 project proceeded without essential services. “South Africa has transitioned from housing delivery to integrated human settlements.

“It is therefore unacceptable that this project lacks basic bulk infrastructure, leaving residents with blocked sewage systems and no electricity,” he said. While the committee noted plans to electrify the area in the upcoming financial year, it emphasised that bulk infrastructure can never be treated as an afterthought.

The committee was also concerned about contractor management. It noted that the project to deliver about 1 600 houses is still incomplete, and the appointed contractor has not been on site since October 2025. Noting the poor monitoring of the project, the committee urged authorities to act.

Members warned that without corrective action, including possible termination of the contract, delays will persist. The committee recommended that future projects involve multiple contractors to distribute capacity and reduce risk.

Another concern was the breakdown in communication between the government and the community. The committee called on local leadership to meet with residents to address frustration and dissatisfaction.

The community meeting must be held within two weeks, and authorities should provide a progress update, including plans for electrification set to start on 1 July 2026.

Despite concerns, the committee commended the quality of the completed houses and urged that the standard of workmanship be maintained throughout the project.

The committee also welcomed visible progress in the refurbishment of the Orkney Wastewater Treatment Plant, highlighting its importance in preventing untreated sewage from contaminating local water sources.

The committee reiterated that municipalities have a moral and legal responsibility to ensure dignified living conditions and proper wastewater management.

It will continue to closely monitor progress and implementation of remedial actions across all spheres of government.

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AS the life expectancy for people living with HIV continues to rise, the focus for healthcare systems has shifted towards managing comorbidities, medication-related risks and long-term organ health.

We aim to transition members to safer and more advanced therapies to prevent chronic kidney disease, bone density loss and other downstream complications — while still reducing long-term healthcare costs and disability burdens.

Our HIV management programme has proven to be our biggest success, having met and exceeded the UNAIDS targets for HIV management.

Often referred to as 95/95/95, the aim of these targets is for 95% of people living with HIV to know their status, 95% of those diagnosed to receive antiretroviral therapy (ART), and 95% of those on ART to achieve viral suppression. We achieved these targets in 2024 and are now closer to achieving 97/97/97.

In practical terms, the 95/95/95 targets mean that most People Living With HIV (PLWH) know their status, are receiving effective treatment, and have achieved viral suppression. This translates to fewer HIV-related complications, longer quality of life and less HIV transmission through U=U (Undetectable viral load=Untransmittable HIV virus), resulting in a reduced number of new HIV cases.

Due to robust HIV treatment, life expectancy in PLWH has increased. As a result, ageing-related illnesses, polypharmacy and treatment toxicity become more prominent, and patient-centred care and treatment integration become vital. Clinicians need to have a holistic view of the patient to consider treatment customisation.

Ultimately, success beyond viral suppression can be measured by the quality of life in PLWH – through reduced opportunistic infections, fewer hospitalisation instances and better management and prevention of noncommunicable diseases.

Of course, as HIV becomes a long-term chronic condition, there are new and emerging risks — including cardiovascular diseases and treatment toxicity. These risks require proactive screening and intervention and careful selection of treatment regimens to minimise long-term harm.

Transitioning patients to newer therapies is thus critically important if health institutions are serious about patient-centred care and the quality of life in PLWH beyond viral suppression. This further supports sustainable, affordable, quality health care by mitigating costs in complication management and hospitalisations.

Comorbidities such as chronic kidney disease (CKD) and bone density loss are becoming increasingly important in HIV care. These complications do not only come with ageing but can occur prematurely in PLWH. This can be caused by the HIV itself or certain classes of HIV treatment.

We have made proactive moves to introduce kidney-friendly and bone-density-preserving HIV treatments for its members.

It should also be remembered that alternative or newer HIV treatment might cost more upfront, but the benefits, including significant reductions in costs related to morbidity, specialist care and hospitalisation, will be evident long-term.

Today, we can reduce new HIV infections through Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP), Post Exposure Prophylaxis (PEP), and anti-retroviral therapy (ART), which serves to reduce opportunistic infections and other complications related to disease progression and HIV transmission.

Furthermore, digital health technology enables data-driven decisions to be made, such as patient risk stratification that can address treatment optimisation and improved care coordination. This technology also helps us monitor the outcomes of HIV management.

Another crucial aspect of HIV management is the impact of treatment on Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs). This speaks to the morbidity — the life lived with disability — and the mortality, or years lost, due to the disease. HIV management has come a long way and has significantly reduced DALYs by introducing robust ARTs with fewer side effects, promoting good adherence and longer quality of life.

Crucially, better HIV care enables economically active individuals, the most affected group in South Africa, to be physically well, employable, and able to remain at work. This reduces absenteeism and supports household stability. At a societal level, it strengthens workforce productivity, reduces dependency, and contributes to the broader economic resilience of our country.

Additionally, it promotes and improves population health and social stability, reduces long-term healthcare costs, and maintains workforce productivity and, thus, economic sustainability. This, in turn, means that it also aligns with environmental, social and governance (ESG) principles.

Key lessons that could benefit the wider healthcare system include coordinated care and investment in primary healthcare that focuses on preventative programmes and integrated chronic disease management. These lessons can be applied across other chronic conditions and healthcare settings.

HIV management will continue to advance, with focus shifting towards being a chronic condition, using therapies that are safer to the ageing body, and integration with other chronic diseases. This will help to ensure a long quality of life beyond viral suppression.

We will continue to shift the conversation from basic HIV survival to one of HIV longevity, with the associated improvement in patient quality of life and the ongoing delivery of sustainable healthcare economics.

* Dr Katlego Lekganyane is a general practitioner at Platinum Health Medical Scheme.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Children's publisher For Little People has launched its first three titles - "I Am Beautiful and So Are You!", "The Story of Bumble the Bee" and "The Story of a Hundred Dresses" - marking its retail debut at Exclusive Books.

Each book invites children into stories where they are seen, celebrated and affirmed, with a clear focus on identity and self-worth.

“Through the launch, we hope to tap into a broader conversation around reading culture and the importance of representation in childhood as something that shapes confidence, belonging and self-worth,” said Thabisile Sambo, founder of the publishing company.

The three titles each carry a clear message.

“I Am Beautiful and So Are You!” centres on self-image and reminds children that they are enough as they are. “The Story of Bumble the Bee” explores courage and belonging, showing that difference can be a source of strength.

“The Story of a Hundred Dresses” introduces imagination and identity while also teaching basic numeracy through South African cultures.

The official launch is set for Saturday, April 25, two days after World Book Day on April 23. The timing reflects the purpose behind the project, which is rooted in the idea that stories shape how children understand themselves and the world around them.

The idea began at home, where she created stories so her daughter could see herself reflected in them. What started as bedtime storytelling has grown into a publishing project focused on representation.

“For Little People was created to ensure that children see themselves reflected in the stories that they read. When children can see themselves, it shapes how they understand their beauty, voice and place in the world,” she said.

The move into retail marks a new step for the brand as it reaches a wider audience.

It also highlights an ongoing gap in children’s publishing, where many parents still struggle to find stories that reflect their children’s lived experiences.

Through this launch, Sambo aims to contribute to a reading culture that values inclusion and representation.

Her work centres on giving children access to stories that affirm who they are, while also encouraging confidence and a sense of belonging from an early age.

SINCE its establishment in 1983, the US National Endowment for Democracy (NED) has stayed true to its nefarious objectives, which are aimed at subverting undesirable foreign governments that are deemed to pursue malign activities that threaten the foreign policy interests of the world’s superpower.

When the Ronald Reagan administration founded NED as an NGO, they viewed it as a main vehicle to support what Washington termed “democratic movements abroad”.

The NED is the master of soft power. Unlike the US military, they never invade countries with bombs and guns. They come with a chequebook and sign blank cheques to selected civil society organisations whose modus operandi is to topple their governments, or at least weaken their grip on power through a variety of de-legitimising activities, including violent protests.

From its origins in Cold War strategy to its present-day operations, the NED has functioned as a mechanism advancing US strategic interests through funding networks, political engagement and narrative shaping.

Different US administrations – be they Democrats or Republicans – pour obscene funding into the coffers of the NED annually. Overwhelmingly funded by Congressional appropriations, the NED received 315 million US dollars in 2025 alone, according to its annual report.

The NED is not called the “Second CIA” for nothing. The label reflects a consistent operational pattern rather than a symbolic comparison. Former CIA officer Philip Agee once described the NED as a “sidekick” to traditional intelligence operations — one that enables influence to be exercised more openly while maintaining strategic effect. What has changed is not the objective, but the method.

In its wake, the NED leaves toppled regimes reeling, not from the barrel of a gun, but by pumping large sums of funds in support of opposition political parties and civil society organisations that are loaded. Many of the rebel movements masquerading as legitimate civil society organisations are a creation of the NED itself.

Through its soft power character, the NED operates through covert funding channels that replaced the increasingly ineffective covert forms of external intervention.

The NED has many countries on its sights, including South Africa, Brazil, China, Russia and obviously Iran. In fact, BRICS has become a key focus area for NED.

The unfolding process of de-dollarisation is a spot of bother for the Trump administration. There is a lingering threat hanging over BRICS from President Trump. Any evidence of moving away from the usage of the US dollar in international trade within BRICS financial dealings will be met with harsh tariffs, Trump has warned.

Meanwhile, gently and politely, the NED is mobilising rebellion against legitimate governments that are perceived to stand in the way of US interests. They organise seminars and workshops, conferences and symposiums in different capitals of the world, big and small. The NED works to preserve the US domination of a unipolar world order.

This they do, among bags of dirty tricks, through systematic defamation and smearing campaigns. Through hundreds, if not thousands, of selected NGOs that they fund handsomely, the NED functions as a producer and disseminator of falsehoods and disinformation.

In the latter part of the 21st century, the NED has perfected the art of “bloodless coups”, although their ignominious funding leaves many regimes bleeding on the floor.

Iran’s mass civic disobedience and civil unrest of last year derived significant oxygen from the clandestine coffers of the NED. Only after the no-nonsense Iranian Revolutionary Guards quelled the uprising did the appetite for military attack grow, as is the case at this juncture.

Under the guise of democracy, the NED sows seeds of unrest around the world, leading to economic decline, increased legitimacy deficit and inevitably intensified social confrontation. Wherever NED has reared its head, communities in far-flung places abandon many traits of their lives and yearn to be like people of a Coca-Cola and hamburger societal background.

China has long been on the NED’s radar. Each year, the NED allocates substantial funding to anti-China programmes, the aim to foment separatist sentiment in places such as Hong Kong, Xinjiang and Xisang.

According to information released on the NED’s own website in 2020, the NED provided over $10 million (R165m) in grants for 69 China-related programmes within a single year. The aim of this support is to undermine China’s political and social stability.

Since 2003, the NED has been accused of planning, directing, and funding multiple large-scale street movements in Hong Kong, including the illegal “Occupy Central” movement.

The NED has also invested heavily in other Hong Kong-related projects, paying some $640 000 that was budgeted to amplify noise about human rights narratives to discredit China.

The NED is also regarded as the US’s greatest vehicle used to “export” and distribute democracy. To this end, they established “democracy awards”. These are aimed at encouraging dissidents in other countries to support the US agenda.

Since 1991, the NED has presented its Democracy Awards annually to political activists and dissidents in countries including Russia, China, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), Iran, Cuba, Venezuela, Myanmar and Ukraine. All winners were praised for “defending human rights and democracy”.

In its own right, the NED offers a perspective on modern warfare. As the US has been the only remaining superpower for a long time following the end of the Cold War, and being the world’s biggest economy, it has used capital-laden NED as an instrument of regime-change.

The NED has thrived in economically struggling countries. However, massive economies such as China and Russia offer proof that no country is out of the US’s reach for regime change.

The lesson that nations should learn is that bombs, drones, missiles, and submarines are no longer the exclusive tools of warfare. Legitimate governments can be toppled through a mere funding of locals whose instruction is to install democracies a la the US.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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I HAVE no reservations whatsoever in asserting that I support Julius Malema, leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), in his battle against the five-year jail sentence handed to him last week for unlawfully firing a rifle at his party’s fifth anniversary celebration in 2018.

Why I present this argument is a question that is very important to both pose and answer. I know all about Malema’s history, much of which has been surrounded by several allegations of corruption.

I first met Malema in 2010, when he was still president of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). The purpose was an interview I requested with him for the authorised biography of the then deputy president of the ANC and South Africa, Kgalema Motlanthe, which I wrote.

Then already, as we have so often seen, he was a youth leader who was fearless and courageous and, as often, aggressive, volatile, cavalier and even somewhat narcissistic. But he was undoubtedly also the most militant Black youth leader in this country and, in fact, in the entire history of this country.

Probably predictably, the ANC dismissed him as president of the ANCYL in 2012. I believe the grounds for the dismissal were spurious, to say the least. His crimes, according to the ANC, were that he was guilty of sowing divisions, bringing the party into disrepute, and criticising how the ANC government handled a foreign relations matter with Botswana.

Malema should, in the first place, never have been dismissed, and the ANC set a terrible precedent by doing so. Hence, several leaders of the ANC did not support his dismissal, including Motlanthe. Malema, defiant of the ANC leadership to the end, went on, with Floyd Shivambu and others, to form the EFF in 2013.

That is how he is, as he has been since he faced charges related to having fired a rifle at the EFF’s 2018 fifth anniversary celebrations. Perhaps some might argue with some justification that such tenacious and defiant conduct, even when he is facing trouble, is further evidence of a gung-ho and cavalier attitude on his part.

Over the past decade, there have been many media stories about corruption allegations against Malema, some of which appeared substantial and credible, but he was not actually charged. No doubt, he is a very controversial, combustible and strong Black youth leader, probably the most radical we have ever seen in this country.

But few people, including the media and the ANC itself, have ever really thought carefully about the conditions that produced the likes of Malema. How did it happen that we have had a black youth leader like Malema, with all his virtues and warts?

That is how Malema must be seen. I argue that if you listen very carefully to what Malema and the EFF believe in and the radical ideas and policies, such as nationalisation without compensation, they have and why, we will probably understand better their roots and aims.

A logical extension of my argument will include why it was extremely excessive and severe for him to be sentenced to five years last week. I called it a case of judicial onslaught when I heard this sentence, though many might argue that his firing a rifle in public was unlawful and that, as the leader of the EFF, he should have known better.

However, I argued in an SABC panel interview last week that the circumstantial context of this dramatic event was not seriously considered by the presiding magistrate, Twanet Olivier, as a major mitigating factor, which should have led to a suspended sentence.

A key and critical question in this matter is: Why was this approach not adopted? Why could he not have received a stern warning, a suspended sentence or even correctional supervision under the Criminal Procedure Act, which is a community-based sentence which avoids a prison sentence?

Now, the fact that what I have said thus far was not seriously considered by Olivier is itself a stark revelation of a very punitive mindset and even that there was perhaps a political element deep down in her legal reasoning. So much so that some might argue, as they have on social media, that she did what Afriforum desired to see.

It must also be said that Afriforum is certainly not always motivated by a conservative and right-wing agenda. In fact, like some of the issues the Democratic Alliance (DA) has taken up in our courts, which were very important, such as their fight against the ANC’s cadre deployment policy, which was successfully prosecuted and declared unlawful.

Our approach to both Afriforum and the DA requires a much more sophisticated and nuanced approach, certainly not a knee-jerk reaction. But there is no doubt that, as much as Malema’s radicalism, some of which has no doubt been opportunistic and even reckless, struck such fear in the hearts and minds of white people in general, especially white Afrikaners, that many or most of them would have been elated with the very disproportionately severe five-year jail sentence Olivier imposed on him.

But there is no doubt whatsoever that many of Malema's and the EFF’s radical sentiments and policies are themselves a reflection of the seriously limited “transformation” we have had in this country since we had our Uhuru elections in 1994.

Who can deny that the Black working-class majority, including the ANC’s own historical support base in townships, are poorer today than they were under apartheid?

The townships are a total mess today, if the frank truth be told. I was there in 1972 when others and I joined the South African Student Movement (SASM). The black townships were, in fact, in material and socioeconomic terms, better off than they are today. Often, raw sewage running down streets and children playing alongside are common sights today in Black townships.

What this approach means is that the judiciary, the political establishment, the white-dominated corporate sector and the elite beneficiaries of Black economic empowerment must take full responsibility, but to varying degrees, for creating the likes of Malema and the EFF, with all their virtues and vices, strengths and weaknesses.

Finally, Olivier paid no attention at all to the political consequences that Malema and the EFF would have to face if he were indeed sentenced to five years in prison. No regard whatsoever to what it would mean to the EFF in Parliament.

As I argued last week on the SABC, such a very severe sentence would have devastating political consequences for Malema, the EFF and indeed to an extent even the political establishment, bearing in mind the earlier exodus of Floyd Shivambu and Mbuyiseni Ndlozi, which has seriously affected its leadership and intellectual resources.

Malema, whatever we think of him, kept the entire political establishment on its toes. He is a fierce, vibrant and very vocal voice in our deeply troubled and crisis-ridden politics, which I believe will be worsened if Malema is sent to jail for five years.

Besides, I think that were he to succeed in his pending appeal against the sentence, it would have a positive effect on Malema, the EFF and our general politics. Malema himself will be much more careful in his conduct in the years ahead.

I am making no apologies at all for Malema, whom I have strongly criticised many times over the years in columns and articles, but a punitive, vindictive and politically biased approach to his sentencing in this matter is, I fear, going to worsen our political crisis and bedevil further relations between an embittered and embattled EFF without him, especially in parliament.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Gert-Johan Coetzee's "Behind the Crimson Door" Spring/Summer 2026 collection, unveiled on Wednesday night in Johannesburg, literally sent fabric flying on the first day of South African Fashion Week.

With A-list guests including Pearl Thusi, Nadia Nakai, Lira and Kim Jayde occupying the front row, the designer transformed the runway into a fully immersive theatrical experience, where every garment functioned as a living extension of performance.

Created in collaboration with CIRK, an entertainment and performance company dedicated to the circus arts and based at Cresta Mall, the opening act was a multi-layered fusion of couture, aerial performance and storytelling.

This spectacle served as a preview, as their full production will be staged publicly from April 24 to June 14.

The show opened with a striking musical performance, immediately commanding attention as an acrobatic artist was elevated into the air, her gown’s side trains cascading in sculptural motion. It set the tone for what followed: an exploration of duality and transformation.

At the centre of Coetzee’s collection was movement itself.

This was most evident in his use of fringe, particularly in a standout turquoise full-length backless gown that anchored the collection for me.

The decorative trim extended the silhouette into motion, breaking the boundary between body and garment. With each step, the look created a visual echo of movement - exaggerated, intentional and deeply performative.

Further amplifying this sense of visual rhythm, bold ombré pieces in both menswear and womenswear introduced gradients of yellow, turquoise, maroon and red across the runway.

These tonal shifts created optical flow, sculpting the body while reinforcing the show’s cinematic, almost dreamlike quality.

In a deliberate break from the runway format, guests were then immersed in a full theatrical performance directed by Joanna Pawelczyk.

The unapologetically expressive costumes - sequins catching strobe light, feathers reacting to every gesture, silhouettes engineered for drama - reframed fashion as performance art.

The intimate, burlesque-inspired sequence blended dance, music and movement into a sensory experience, offering a more immersive lens through which to interpret the collection.

Across the narrative, Coetzee explored garments as emotional architecture - reflecting themes of ambition, tension and transformation. In his own words, each look was designed with intention, balancing structure and fluidity, strength and vulnerability, control and release.

The evening concluded with further looks from “Behind the Crimson Door,” including rich red-toned ensembles where fringe and ombré detailing reached their peak.

Standout moments included leather full-length boobtube gowns, a striking red corset-and-skirt set with a “main character” energy and a show-stopping sequined fringe gown that drew audible applause from the audience.

What stood out most about “Behind the Crimson Door” was not just the clothing, but the insistence that fashion does not exist in stillness. Coetzee didn’t present a collection - he staged an experience where garments became extensions of breath, motion and emotion.

* SAFW continues until Saturday, April 25, at VRTUOSUS in Hyde Park, Johannesburg.

Ultra Music Festival South Africa 2026

Prepare for some international heavy hitters and local superstars as this renowned electronic dance music (EDM) festival returns to Joburg for its 11th edition this weekend.

The star-studded line-up includes Afrojack, DJ Snake, Axwell and John Summit.

The multi-stage event, which is part of the global Ultra Music Festival brand, will also host the likes of Scorpion Kings, DBN Gogo, Kyle Watson, Kitty Amor, Caiiro, Da Capo, Mila Rose, Baby Whitz, and Headroom b2b Geometric Flux.

Niskerone b2b Dakota, Kurt April, Dwson, Leighton Moody, b2b Cassiem and Roz will also be part of this musical spectacular.

There are also dedicated local-focused stages (like Groove Room) showcasing amapiano and South African house artists. 

Where: Expo Centre at Nasrec. 

When: Saturday, April 25, from 2pm.

Deep In The City - Open Air Festival

The long weekend festivities continue at this gathering, which is curated by Euphonik (real name Themba Nkosi).

The deep house music festival’s line-up will include  Ape Drums, DJ Maphorisa and Kabza De Small with a special Afrohouse set, alongside Sun-El Musician, DJ Kent, Vinny Da Vinci and DJ Christos.

The event will also feature street food vendors.

Where: Montecasino.

When: Sunday, April 26, from 12pm.

Things We Love with Simmy and Rowlene

The April edition of the event will be headlined by renowned musician Simmy and R&B and Afro-pop star Rowlene.

Simmy brings her unique blend of neo-soul, Afro-house and maskandi, and Rowlene captivates audiences with her mesmerising vocals and emotive songwriting. 

Where: Sognage in Strydompark.

Where: Friday, April 24, from 6pm.

SOUTH Africa’s flooding crisis, coinciding with La Niña‑linked rains since late 2025, has spread nationwide, prompting a national disaster declaration in January 2026, with damages estimated in the billions of rand.

Provinces including Limpopo, Mpumalanga, KwaZulu‑Natal, Eastern Cape, North West, and now Western Cape face devastation, displacing thousands and claiming at least 37 lives by late January, according to a report by ReliefWeb.

Heavy downpours triggered SA Weather Service (SAWS) Level 9 and 10 alerts starting January 10, impacting 3 911 households (around 19 555 people), mainly in Limpopo (1 954) and Mpumalanga (1 557).

Xolani Hadebe of Thamsanqa Career Pathways (TCP) said the more recent April 18–20 cold fronts that submerged Cape Town areas such as Nyanga, Brown’s Farm, Bellville, and Table View exposed “systemic vulnerabilities of our infrastructure and housing in the face of recurring climate‑induced disasters”.

“From Nyanga and Brown’s Farm to the Boland and Garden Route, risks escalate due to enforcement gaps, stormwater system failures and infrastructure neglect,” Hadebe said.

The SA National Defence Force (SANDF) and SA Police Service (SAPS) conducted 247 rescues, with multi‑agency aid distribution underway. Limpopo Premier Dr Phophi Ramathuba said in January: “The devastation inflicted upon our communities, our infrastructure, and, tragically, the loss of lives cannot be overstated.”

President Cyril Ramaphosa outlined a phased approach: “First, we will focus on immediate humanitarian relief, ensuring that all affected persons are safe and that their basic needs are met. Second, we will focus on stabilisation and recovery, rehousing people who have lost homes and restoring the provision of services.”

Hadebe argues: “These failures reflect a structural breakdown in the institutionalisation of preventative maintenance and condition assessments required by our legislative framework.”

He then highlighted that Thamsanqa Career Pathways (TCP) was rolling out building inspector programmes, a structured initiative aimed at addressing these governance gaps, which TCP said were being implemented nationally via 11 universities led by the University of Johannesburg (UJ).

The TCP model integrates high-potential Not in Employment, Education, or Training (NEET) youth into a stackable “education-to-employability” pipeline, targeting youth with tuition, stipends, and SACPCMP registration.

Professor Jeffrey Mahachi stated: “The rollout is grounded in evidence‑based learning, combining academic rigour with workplace exposure to ensure demonstrable professional outcomes.”

According to TCP, phase one prioritises KwaZulu‑Natal post‑2022 floods, with June 16, 2026, events planned across 12 venues. Experts urge drain clearing, community wardens, wetland preservation, and avoiding flood‑prone development.

Hadebe said: “South Africa cannot resolve infrastructure failure through reactive disaster response alone. By embedding trainee building inspectors within the state and municipal systems, we shift toward proactive enforcement and climate‑resilient governance.”

Holistic informal settlement upgrades with secure tenure and sanitation are also critical. Provincial assessments continue, with ongoing weather threats demanding sustained action.

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EVEN in a world defined by rapid digital transformation, one persistent and underestimated threat continues to undermine cybersecurity resilience: legacy software vulnerabilities.

Many organisations, particularly those with long-established IT environments, still rely on outdated systems or applications due to operational convenience, compatibility requirements, or financial constraints.

However, what often begins as an effort to “keep things running smoothly” can quickly evolve into a cybersecurity liability that exposes entire networks to exploitation. The urgency of addressing these vulnerabilities cannot be overstated.

Legacy systems are often treated with a sense of misplaced comfort — they’ve worked for years without significant issues, so why change them? Yet this mindset overlooks the crucial fact that security evolves faster than functionality.

As new threats emerge, older software that is no longer actively supported by its developer stops receiving critical security patches.

Cybercriminals are acutely aware of this. They frequently target known vulnerabilities in outdated software, leveraging public exploit databases and automated scanning tools to find unpatched systems.

For instance, attackers have successfully infiltrated networks through vulnerabilities that were discovered and patched years ago but left unresolved in organisations running outdated systems

The cost of ignoring these vulnerabilities often exceeds the perceived savings of delaying upgrades, manifesting in data breaches, ransomware infections, and reputational harm.

Unpatched legacy systems act as open doors for attackers. Once inside, cybercriminals can move laterally across the network, harvest credentials, and escalate privileges, gaining access to sensitive data or mission-critical systems. In some cases, outdated software components have been exploited as stepping stones to compromise newer, otherwise secure systems.

What makes legacy vulnerabilities particularly dangerous is their predictability. Attackers don’t have to innovate when so many organisations fail to perform basic patching. In fact, many successful breaches exploit known weaknesses rather than unknown zero-day flaws, which are vulnerabilities exploited by attackers before a patch or fix is available from the vendor.

The problem isn’t always about awareness; it’s about prioritisation. IT teams, often overwhelmed by operational demands, may postpone patching because it requires downtime or poses a risk to business continuity. But in doing so, they create the very conditions attackers thrive on.

Effective patch management isn’t about installing updates as they appear — it’s about establishing a structured, strategic process. Organisations need to move beyond viewing patching as a one-off maintenance task and instead treat it as an essential component of cybersecurity governance.

Strategic patch management starts with visibility: knowing exactly what systems, software, and endpoints exist across the environment. Once this inventory is established, patches can be prioritised by risk, with critical vulnerabilities addressed first.

Automating routine updates, scheduling maintenance windows, and testing patches in controlled environments before deployment can further reduce disruptions.

Equally important is embedding patch management into organisational culture. When leadership understands the business risk posed by unpatched systems, IT teams receive the necessary support, financial and operational, to act proactively.

This support is not just a formality but a recognition of the crucial role IT teams play in the organisation’s security.

Even with a robust patching strategy, blind spots remain inevitable. This is where cybersecurity specialists add measurable value. Regular IT audits, performed by experienced professionals, help identify unpatched systems, misconfigurations, and overlooked dependencies that may otherwise go unnoticed.

These experts can evaluate the broader security posture, not just whether patches are installed but also whether the overall environment is resilient against known and emerging threats. They can also help design tailored patch management frameworks that align with the organisation’s unique operational requirements and risk tolerance.

An external perspective often reveals what internal teams have grown accustomed to overlooking. For example, a legacy database quietly running on an old server might seem harmless until an audit exposes its connectivity to critical production systems.

Identifying and mitigating such risks before they’re exploited is the difference between proactive defence and reactive crisis management.

A common challenge organisations face when dealing with legacy software is balancing the need for uninterrupted operations with the need to apply updates or replace systems.

In sectors like finance, manufacturing, or healthcare, even brief downtime can have significant consequences. Yet, clinging to outdated systems for the sake of continuity can paradoxically increase downtime in the long run through breaches, data corruption, or system failures.

The most successful organisations recognise that cybersecurity and business continuity are not mutually exclusive. Strategic planning, risk assessments, and staged migrations enable upgrades and patches without halting operations.

Moreover, modern cloud and virtualisation solutions make it easier to test patches or new systems in isolated environments before full deployment.

As digital infrastructures become more complex, legacy vulnerabilities will remain a tempting target for attackers. But with foresight, governance, and the right partnerships, organisations can turn a longstanding weakness into a strength.

Regular patching, combined with expert-led audits, forms the foundation of a security-first culture, one where resilience isn’t a reaction to threats but a core part of operational excellence.

Ultimately, safeguarding the business from legacy vulnerabilities isn’t just an IT concern; it’s a strategic imperative. The organisations that recognise this will not only secure their systems but also strengthen the trust of customers, partners, and employees in an increasingly connected world.

* Saurabh Prasad is a senior solution architect at In2IT Technologies.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Jonathan Roxmouth is a revered name in the world of musicals and tribute shows. And he has returned to the stage for another run of his highly acclaimed show, “Key Change”.

The production is a tribute to the comedians, singers, and entertainers who have shaped his musical journey. He honours them with his piano-based renditions.

If you are a fan of iconic names like Jerry Lee Lewis, Elton John, Billy Joel, Liberace, Richard Clayderman, David Foster, Carole King, Burt Bacharach and Freddie Mercury, you are in for a treat. 

Roxmouth, true to form, delivers a performance injected with his signature, playful, tongue-in-cheek humour.

The phenomenal talents of Kieran Woolmington, Michael Wilson-Trollip, Cole Matthews, Wian Joubert, and Lindzi Moore make up the show's live band.

The show is two and a half hours long, with an interval. Also, there is no wheelchair access to the balcony.

Where: Pieter Toriens Montecasino Theatre. 

When: Runs until May 10, 7.30pm.

Have you seen Zandile?

For a moving experience that evokes deep feeling, this production is highly recommended.

The story focuses on Zandile, an eight-year-old girl who enjoys a happy life with her cherished Gogo in Durban.

The shift in her life occurs when her mother takes her to rural Transkei, demanding she adhere to a traditional way of life that prohibits education, mandates hard labour and includes an early marriage.

Contending with rigid societal expectations, Zandile navigates the challenges of her new life, a journey marked by the loss of her grandmother’s nurturing presence and her own personal growth.

Zandile's journey is an exploration of love's intricacies, shattered aspirations and the remarkable fortitude of the human spirit, all unfolding against a setting of political instability and economic hardship. 

With a blend of song, humour and raw feeling, the play delves into universal themes of identity, family bonds and resilience.

Where: Sibikwe Arts Centre, Benoni

When: Runs until Sunday, April 26. Times vary between 11am and 3pm.

The Return of Elvis du Pisanie

Paul Slabolepszy wrote and directed this play, which features Ashley Dowds in the lead role.

The narrative follows Eddie du Pisanie, a 49-year-old salesman from the East Rand whose life spirals after being retrenched, leading him to consider suicide. Alone and desperate in his car, he turns on the radio.

The Elvis Presley track that plays does more than just trigger a thirty-year flashback; it brings to mind a pivotal childhood event that permanently altered the course of his life.

Where: Theatre on the Square.

When: Runs until April 30, 7.30pm. Weekend times differ.

SOUTH Africa’s President Cyril Ramaphosa has appointed Roelf Meyer, a white Afrikaner who served in the final government of the apartheid era, as his new ambassador to the United States.

Presidential spokesperson Vincent Magwenya confirmed the nomination last week, stating that it would take “immediate” effect. “I can confirm that President Cyril Ramaphosa has appointed Meyer as South Africa’s ambassador to the US,” Magwenya told media reporters.

The appointment fills a post that has been vacant since early 2025, when South Africa's previous envoy, Ebrahim Rasool, was expelled from Washington after he publicly accused President Donald Trump of using claims of white victimhood in South Africa as a “dog whistle” to mobilise his voter base.

Those claims, which Trump used to justify pausing US aid to South Africa and to introduce a policy welcoming Afrikaners as refugees, have since been widely discredited by independent analysts and human rights organisations.

Ramaphosa himself has called them “completely false”, stating there is no evidence that “people of a certain race or culture are being targeted for persecution” in South Africa.

Rasool’s expulsion deepened an already deteriorating relationship between the two countries, one that had been on a downward spiral since Trump returned to office.

Ramaphosa's choice of Meyer is, by any political measure, a calculated and intelligent decision. Meyer is not simply a diplomat. He is a white Afrikaner who lived through and actively participated in the dismantling of apartheid, a living witness to the complexity of South Africa's post-racial transition and direct evidence that the country's democratic order is not hostile to its white population.

Analysts in South Africa have broadly recognised this. Dr Oscar van Heerden, a senior research fellow at the University of Johannesburg, described the appointment as a “clever, tactical decision”, noting that sending a white male Afrikaner to Washington flies “in the face of the lie that there is a white genocide” in South Africa.

Van Heerden also pointed to Meyer’s long experience as a negotiator: “He still has his wits about him, a set of skills, both in terms of negotiations but also dealing with difficult, intransigent individuals.”

On the question of whether Washington would accept Meyer’s credentials, Van Heerden was direct: “I think that’s why they chose someone that Trump and Marco Rubio are going to find difficult to say no to.”

Meyer, 78, played a central role as one of the chief mediators in the negotiations that ended white-minority rule in South Africa in the 1990s.

He was the chief representative of the National Party, the same party that had introduced and enforced the apartheid system, while Ramaphosa sat across the table representing the African National Congress, then led by Nelson Mandela.

The two men forged more than a working relationship during those talks. They went on a fishing trip together during that period and went on to build a lifelong friendship that continues to this day.

After the historic 1994 elections that brought Mandela to the presidency, Meyer served as constitutional affairs minister in the last apartheid government before joining the government of national unity.

He left two years later and co-founded the United Democratic Movement, eventually becoming a member of the ANC. Within his own Afrikaner community, his role in the peace process earned him the label of traitor from right-wing groups, a characterisation that speaks precisely to how seriously he engaged with transformation.

Meyer was also part of a group of 32 prominent South Africans Ramaphosa selected in 2024 to guide the country’s national dialogue process, aimed at addressing the country’s persistent social and economic challenges.

Reaction to the appointment inside South Africa has been mixed. The ANC’s Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula welcomed it. Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters dismissed it as “politically tone deaf” and “a deliberate insult to our democratic struggle”.

Criticism from the right-wing Afrikaner groups like AfriForum leader, Kallie Kriel, described Meyer on X as an “ANC cadre” whose record shows “he is someone who is willing to dramatically reposition himself to suit his own personal interests”.

The Solidarity Movement, which the South African government has accused of spreading misinformation in the US, called the appointment disappointing, with spokesperson Jaco Kleynhans warning that it risked “deepening existing concerns” within the Afrikaner community.

Meyer himself had once said he did not think someone of his age should take on a role demanding “everyday, hard work” and “youthful energy” in Washington. Ramaphosa overruled that reservation, saying Meyer would “represent South Africa very well”.

The broader context of this appointment is one of serious concern. The Trump administration's approach to South Africa has been shaped not by a careful reading of the country's history or political landscape, but by domestic political imperatives.

Amplifying claims of white persecution in a country that only three decades ago freed itself from white-minority domination through negotiation, not violence, reflects a refusal to engage with the actual and documented record.

This is not an isolated failure. Washington's aggressive unilateral trade and tariff policies have disrupted international markets, strained alliances, and imposed costs not only on targeted countries but on the global economy at large.

Partners of the US across Africa and beyond have found themselves absorbing the consequences of decisions made with no reference to their realities.

Ramaphosa’s appointment of Meyer is a response built on fact, intelligence and history. It forces Washington to confront, in the person of a single ambassador, the evidence that contradicts its own narrative. Whether the Trump administration chooses to engage with that evidence is another question.

What is certain is that South Africa has placed its strongest available argument directly in front of those who have chosen, until now, not to see it.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of the Sunday Independent.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Thapelo Esau is stepping into a new chapter with her latest single, a reimagined version of “Drive” by Incubus.

Known for her grounding in R&B and gospel, the singer uses this release to explore new musical territory while telling a personal story about growth, fear and self-belief.

Revisiting “Drive” began as a creative decision with her team.

“We wanted to explore different genres and tap into new spaces as an artist,” she said.

“I have always been rooted in R&B and gospel, but I have never wanted to be boxed in. I believe in growing, experimenting and allowing music to evolve with you.”

As the process unfolded, the track took on deeper meaning.

“It became a lot more personal than I expected,” she explained. “I realised how deeply I relate to its message.”

For Esau, the song reflects a period in her life where fear held her back.

“For a long time, I allowed fear of judgment and fear of not being received well to hold me back from fully pursuing music the way I knew I wanted to.”

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A post shared by Lutho Pasiya (@djtho_tho)

That realisation pushed her to make a shift.

“At some point, I had to make a decision to stop letting fear take the wheel and start choosing myself,” she said.

“That shift has been liberating. It hasn’t been about instant success, but about embracing the journey and growing through it.”

The message of “Drive” aligned with where she is now.

“It reflects exactly where I am in my life, stepping into my purpose, taking control of my path, and owning my story,” she said.

“It is personal, but it is also something I think a lot of people can relate to.”

While the song carries her voice, Esau is clear about the importance of respecting the original.

“Honouring artists who came before us is essential because nothing exists in isolation,” she said. “Every sound and every genre is built on something that existed before it.”

She pointed to artists like Luther Vandross and Whitney Houston as examples of how to strike that balance.

“They held onto the emotion and essence of the original while still making it feel their own,” she said.

For her version of “Drive”, that balance came through her sound and delivery.

“We leaned into a more jazzy, R&B-influenced sound, which reflects my musical DNA,” she explained.

“My phrasing, my tone and the way that I interpret lyrics come from who I am as an artist.”

The creative process began with the instrumental.

“Once we had that foundation, we revisited the original to understand the structure and emotion behind it,” she said. From there, the production took shape naturally.

“We began building around the production, layering textures and allowing the sound to guide the direction.”

The result is a softer and more emotive take on the song.

“It evolved organically in the studio, and that is when we knew we had something,” she said.

“Vocally, I was very intentional. It was about phrasing, dynamics and restraint, letting the track breathe so the emotion could come through.”

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A post shared by Thapelo Esau (@thapelooesau)

Esau wanted the song to feel intimate.

“I wanted it to feel like a conversation rather than a performance,” she explained.

At the same time, she remained focused on preserving the core message.

“Drive is about taking control of your life and not allowing fear to lead you, so even with the changes that had to remain.”

Beyond the sound, the artist hopes the track connects on a deeper level. “Music has always been a source of healing for me,” she said. “My intention is for it to do the same for someone else.”

She hopes listeners take away a sense of courage.

“I hope people walk away feeling a sense of self-trust,” she said. “Fear can keep you stuck, unable to fully step into who you are meant to be.”

For Esau, the song represents movement and growth.

“This song reminded me to trust the process, to grow and to allow myself to evolve,” she said. “If my interpretation can make someone feel seen or even just a little bit braver, then I have done what I set out to do.”

Looking ahead, she sees 2026 as a year of expansion.

“It feels exciting and aligned for me,” she said. “I did not put pressure on myself with strict expectations. I wanted it to feel natural and guided.”

She plans to continue building her catalogue.

“I have always envisioned myself as an artist who gives a full experience, not just a moment,” she said. “I want to step on stage and take people on a journey.”

Visual storytelling is also a focus.

“This year is about visuals, bringing the music to life in a more complete way,” she said.

She is also open to collaboration. “There are a few dream collaborations I have in mind, and I would love to see those come to life.”

Born and raised in Vosloorus in the East Rand of Johannesburg, Esau’s journey began in church at the age of eight.

Surrounded by harmonies, she discovered her voice early. Today, she continues to draw from those roots while shaping a sound that reflects both her influences and her growth.

Mamelodi Sundowns head coach Miguel Cardoso cut an emotional figure during his post-match press conference after guiding his side to the CAF Champions League final, thanking everyone who supported him from day one.

Sundowns booked their place in the final with a 1-0 victory over Espérance in the semi-final second leg at Loftus Versfeld Stadium on Saturday, sealing a 2-0 aggregate win following their first-leg victory in Tunisia.

Although the Brazilians were not at their best across both legs, they showed grit, resilience, and professionalism to move within touching distance of their first continental title in 10 years.

𝙁𝙄𝙉𝘼𝙇 𝙇𝙀𝙂 𝙊𝙁 𝙏𝙃𝙀 𝙅𝙊𝙐𝙍𝙉𝙀𝙔 🙌

Masandawana have secured their spot in the #TotalEnergiesCAFCL final! This badge. This journey. This moment.👆🔥

Yellow Nation, how are we feeling? Let us know in the comments👇#Sundowns #AreyengMasandawana pic.twitter.com/FnG9635Ekq

— Mamelodi Sundowns FC (@Masandawana) April 18, 2026

They will now face either RS Berkane or AS FAR in the two-legged final. This marks Sundowns’ second consecutive appearance in the final, having lost to Pyramids FC last season.

For Cardoso, the achievement is another milestone. The Portuguese tactician has now reached three consecutive Champions League finals, an impressive feat since arriving in African football in January 2024.

“I want to thank the people who trusted me and brought me to this club,” Cardoso said, acknowledging president Patrice Motsepe, chairman Thlopie Motsepe, and sporting director Flemming Berg.

“We need to speak about the players; there are more important things than coaches. They go onto the pitch and make things happen. A very big thank you to them.”

🏆 ℂ𝔸𝔽 ℂ𝕙𝕒𝕞𝕡𝕚𝕠𝕟𝕤 𝕃𝕖𝕒𝕘𝕦𝕖 🏆

🗣️ "𝘐 𝘢𝘮 𝘴𝘰 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘶𝘥"

Mamelodi Sundowns coach Miguel Cardoso is very happy to have advanced to the #TotalEnergiesCAFCL final once again after beating Espérance in Tshwane! #SABCSportFootball pic.twitter.com/do0nUZRCcZ

— SABC Sport (@SABC_Sport) April 18, 2026

Cardoso admitted the journey has not been without challenges, with some below-par performances drawing criticism. However, he praised the players for their commitment and unity.

“They received us with open arms and hearts from the first day. It has been a wonderful journey together, with ups and downs, good and bad moments,” he said.

MAMELODI SUNDOWNS (1) (0)

Leon (p) 35’

ESPERANCE 0

Sundowns win 2-0 on aggregate to reach final

Mamelodi Sundowns’ 10-year wait to seal a return to the pinnacle of African football is now one step away after reaching the final of the CAF Champions League at Loftus Versfeld in Hatfield on Saturday afternoon.

Sundowns beat Esperance 1-0 in the semi-final second leg in the nation’s capital, winning the tie 2-0 on aggregate after securing the same scoreline in the reverse leg in Tunis, Tunisia, last Sunday.

The Brazilians etched their name in the history books with this victory as it marks their second final in a row, having fallen short to Pyramids last season.

However, plaudits must go to coach Miguel Cardoso – the Portuguese has now reached his third Champions League final in as many attempts, which is why he will be eager for it to be third time lucky.

Given that they’ve been in a 10-year waiting period for a “marriage” with the Champions League, they’ll hope that now that the relationship has reached the altar – the final – they can seal it with a kiss: the crown.

That symbolism was also reflected in their gesture here. At half-time, they paraded two newlyweds on the pitch in their wedding attire, which included a Sundowns knitted shirt worn by the groom.

Granted, Sundowns didn’t get everything right to reach the final, but they did what was needed – adapting to the demands and finding a way to get the job done, with everyone pulling their weight when called upon.

This run all started with Cardoso. Backed into a corner by the absence of his first-choice defenders, Aubrey Modiba and Grant Kekana, the Portuguese had to think carefully about replacements, eventually opting for Divine Lunga and Khulumani Ndamane.

Regarded as a fringe player and new to this stage of the competition, the decision was risky, but it paid off. The duo were calm and composed on and off the ball, hardly looking out of place, with Ronwen Williams providing solid support behind them.

It has been such a smooth and dominant campaign under Cardoso that his players have answered every call. For all his flaws, Tashreeq Matthews had his moments here, nearly setting up Brayan Leon for the opener, only for the Colombian to see his effort saved by Bechir Said.

Resplendent in his casual wear – tight pants and a long-sleeve sweater – Cardoso paced up and down the touchline like a father in a maternity ward, waiting for the birth of his son. Except this time, Jayden Adams stepped up like a ‘grootman’.

Adams continued to repay the faith shown in him by Cardoso in recent weeks, breaking up Esperance’s passing rhythm while also creating opportunities. On one occasion, he threaded through balls forward, only lacking finishers in the final third.

The revival of Adams hasn’t only steered Sundowns to the final, but it is also a boost for Hugo Broos ahead of the World Cup in June. Cardoso, meanwhile, has also benefited from the arrival of Leon.

The Colombian has been instrumental in Sundowns’ continental run, scoring five goals coming into this match, including the winner against Esperance in the first leg.

In high spirits, Leon made sure of the result, calmly finishing from a rebound after his initial penalty was saved by Said. He had earned the spot-kick himself after being fouled inside the box.

Leon’s goal edged Sundowns closer to the promised land, though there was a nervy moment when Adramane Konate struck the crossbar from close range after connecting with Yan Sasse’s cross.

But that proved to be Esperance’s only real threat. Their travelling Ultras, who rallied behind the team throughout, were left disappointed as Sundowns delivered another professional performance over the two legs.

With back-to-back clean sheets in the semi-final, Sundowns will be confident of going all the way. They have to – because with Cardoso’s experience and the squad’s professionalism, simply reaching the final will not be enough this time.

Doubts have been expressed about whether or not the reconfigured ANC KwaZulu-Natal provincial task team (PTT) can achieve its aim of reversing the party’s decline largely due to the uMkhonto weSizwe Party’s (MKP’s) emergence.

ANC secretary-general Fikile Mbalula this week announced that former Cabinet minister and party veteran Jeff Radebe had been removed and replaced by erstwhile MEC and deputy provincial chairperson Mike Mabuyakhulu, who was previously the PTT coordinator.

Former eThekwini mayor James Nxumalo was named the new PTT coordinator and Mbalula is expected to return to KwaZulu-Natal in the coming week to announce additional task team members.

In an interview this week, Nxumalo said the previous PTT was too big as it had about 66 members and the ANC felt it had to trim down to around 30 or 35.

He said Luthuli House was also unhappy with the slow process of implementing directives given to the previous PTT for the rebuilding the ANC, uniting the organisation and starting preparations for the upcoming local government elections.

“We don’t have time, as you know we will be going for the forthcoming local government elections between November up to January 2027,” Nxumalo said.

He added that the reconfigured PTT was equal to the task.

“We must make sure that we win back the province of KZN into the fold of the ANC. The ANC was dislodged by counterrevolutionary forces including MKP,” Nxumalo said.

Nxumalo, the SACP central committee member and its former KwaZulu-Natal chairperson added: “Our task is to make sure that we bring back as many people as possible including members of the ANC who left the organisation and joined other political parties including the MKP and warmly welcome them back home to the ANC.”

Nxumalo said the reconfigured PTT was prepared to deal with issues that concern former ANC members who left the party and that it must make it able to rebuild the organisation and provide services to the people.

However, University of KwaZulu-Natal-based political analyst Zakhele Ndlovu was not hopeful that this goal was achievable.

“I don't see this reconfiguration helping the ANC to regain the support it has lost, particularly, to the MKP. I think this change is necessitated by the frustration of not making progress in convincing those who left to come back,” he said.

Ndlovu said he does not think the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal can rebuild and unite.

“Some of its members even sympathise with the MKP,” he stated.

Political analyst and director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at the Nelson Mandela University Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu said the ANC has struggled to deal with the MKP and to explain to the public why it colluded with the DA and the IFP to deprive former president Jacob Zuma’s party of the opportunity to constitute the KwaZulu-Natal provincial government although it obtained the highest number of seats.

He said, in principle, the ANC's decision to reconfigure the PTT was understandable.

“Jeff (Radebe) and Mike (Mabuyakhulu) had different approaches. Mike wanted the ANC to humble itself before the voters and rebuild itself. Jeff seemed impatient saying that those who did not toe the line would be expelled,” Mngomezulu explained.

He, however, said the change is too little, too late.

“The same Mbalula who announced the change is on record saying the PTT was a (Toyota) Tazz, not the Ferrari Luthuli House had hoped for. There's trust deficit between Luthuli House and the KwaZulu-Natal PTT,” said Mngomezulu.

He stated that the ANC’s challenges in the province are a replica of its challenges nationally.

“Until the ANC reorganises itself nationally, the KwaZulu-Natal PTT will not perform miracles,” Mngomezulu explained.

He said some of the people in the trimmed PTT have failed to deliver services in their previous and current portfolios.

Mngomezulu asked: “What will make them efficient and effective now that they are part of the (reconfigured) PTT?”

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

EKURHULENI Metro Police acting chief Lieutenant General Julius Mkhwanazi has repeatedly stepped into the spotlight over the past year, not only for the alleged corruption and blue‑light scandals engulfing the Ekurhuleni Metro Police Department (EMPD) but also for his own words — recorded in public, under oath, and on official video. Those words now form the most incriminating trail of evidence against him.

“I will take a bullet for you”

At the heart of the Madlanga Commission’s inquiry into the EMPD is a video clip from what was meant to be a routine Christmas‑party gathering of senior municipal officials and police leaders. In that footage, Mkhwanazi is seen pledging absolute loyalty to then‑City Manager Dr Imogen Mashazi.

According to coverage by Eyewitness News (EWN), Mkhwanazi says on camera: “We will die for you. Mina, I will take a bullet for you.”

Moments later, he hammers the point further: “I will die for you because you are my mother… you have not only secured my continued employment within the municipality, but you’ve also advanced me against all odds, against all processes of the municipality.”

Those lines, once an awkward party moment, have since become a powerful symbol of patronage and protection — a senior metro‑police commander openly crediting his rise to a single political figure, while admitting that his advancement ran counter to formal municipal procedures.

The commission presented the video as evidence that Mkhwanazi and Mashazi were bound by a mutual loyalty pact, with the then‑city manager shielding him from disciplinary and criminal probes.

“I was not authorised…”

While the “bullet” line lays bare the emotional side of the relationship, another of Mkhwanazi’s statements exposes the legal and procedural fault lines. Speaking before the Madlanga Commission, he conceded that he never had the proper mandate for a key security deal linked to the blue‑light saga.

ENCA and SABC coverage of the live testimony records him saying: “I was not authorised to enter into a memorandum of understanding with Matlala’s company, Cat VIP Security.”

That line is devastating in context. It is not only an admission that Mkhwanazi entered into a controversial agreement with a security outfit tied to alleged crime‑cartel figure Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, but that he did so without the formal authority the municipality required

For investigators and opposition parties, it crystallises the argument that the EMPD’s blue‑light arrangement was politically driven, procedurally flawed, and legally vulnerable.

Intelligence, manipulation and a systemic threat

In earlier testimony before ad‑hoc parliamentary hearings examining the KwaZulu‑Natal Provincial Task Team (PKTT) and broader intelligence conduct, Mkhwanazi framed himself as a whistleblower against “rogue elements” within the state. Yet his own words sometimes revealed how deeply he was embedded in the same system.

Mkhwanazi was arrested by the South African Police Service’s (SAPS) Madlanga Task Team. Police confirmed on Saturday that a 50-year-old senior municipal official has been arrested in Gauteng as part of an ongoing corruption probe linked to the EMPD.

The arrest was carried out by the SAPS Madlanga Task Team at the suspect’s home earlier on Saturday morning. The official is facing charges of fraud, corruption, and defeating and/or obstructing the ends of justice.

“The SAPS Madlanga Task Team has arrested a 50-year-old senior municipal official for fraud, corruption and defeating and/or obstructing the ends of justice,” police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe said.

Authorities indicated that the arrest was part of a broader investigation into alleged corruption within the EMPD, with more suspects potentially facing arrest.

“The Task Team is still searching for other suspects linked to the case,” Mathe said.

Police declined to provide further details on the allegations, citing the ongoing nature of the investigation.

The arrest comes after Mkhwanazi faced sustained pressure at the Madlanga Commission this week, as his testimony unravelled under sharp questioning, exposing contradictions, missing records and serious allegations of criminal conduct inside a police unit.

“These arrests emanate from an ongoing investigation into corruption within the Ekurhuleni Metro Police Department (EMPD)," Mathe said. “No further comment will be provided on the merits of the case at this stage.”

The suspect is expected to appear before the Boksburg Magistrate’s Court on Monday, April 20, 2026.

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THE International Monetary Fund’s (IMF’s) April 2026 Global Financial Stability Report (GFSR) highlights mounting challenges for South Africa and the broader BRICS+ group of emerging and frontier economies as global financial markets confront heightened risks stemming from the ongoing war in the Middle East and associated amplification channels.

This complex risk environment is testing vulnerabilities across sovereign and corporate sectors, with financial market participants needing to balance risk management with policy responses to safeguard macrofinancial stability.

The GFSR assesses that global financial stability risks are elevated due to multiple factors. Since the conflict erupted in late February 2026, global equity prices have declined, while bond yields have risen sharply — a reflection of rising energy prices and market expectations of sustained inflation.

Measures of market volatility, such as the Chicago Board Options Exchange Volatility Index (VIX) for equities and the Merrill Lynch Option Volatility Estimate (MOVE) for bond markets, have surged, underscoring the rapid increase in uncertainty.

Emerging markets — including BRICS+ economies — have been disproportionately impacted, particularly commodity importers and countries with higher external vulnerabilities.

The report underscores that these countries face pronounced capital outflow risks and currency depreciation pressure, with carry trade adjustments and terms-of-trade shocks amplifying financial instability risks.

The IMF notes that while financial markets have so far functioned in an orderly manner, the risks are asymmetrically skewed toward further tightening and more abrupt disruptions the longer the conflict persists.

The erosion of traditional safe-haven bonds in advanced economies also heightens global fragility, as simultaneous equity and bond sell-offs challenge established hedging relationships, an effect observed in the G4 economies, including the United States, Japan, the Euro Area, and the United Kingdom.

The report’s detailed analysis highlights several structural vulnerabilities that are particularly salient for BRICS+ and other emerging and frontier markets. Key among these are:

• Elevated Sovereign Debt and Rollover Risks: Many emerging economies face persistently high public debt levels compounded by chronic fiscal deficits. This elevates rollover risks, especially in sovereign bond markets where volatility can trigger forced selling and liquidity squeezes. Limited fiscal policy space constrains governments’ ability to respond countercyclically to shock events like the Middle East conflict.
• Nonbank Financial Intermediaries (NBFIs) and Amplification Mechanisms: Since the global financial crisis, there has been a marked shift in cross-border capital flows, with nonbank financial investors (such as portfolio investors, leveraged funds, and hedge funds) playing a growing role. The report emphasises that these investors tend to be highly sensitive to global risk changes, and their leveraged positions could amplify volatility in emerging markets. This trend particularly affects countries within BRICS+ that rely heavily on portfolio debt flows, which are more volatile than traditional bank lending.
• Private Credit and Liquidity Mismatches: Growth in private credit markets, especially in semiliquid credit structures, poses moderate systemic risks but warrants close monitoring given signs of borrower vulnerabilities. Illiquidity or credit deterioration here may cascade into broader corporate credit issues in emerging markets.
• Investment in Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Financial Sector Interconnections: Several BRICS+ economies harbour significant exposure to AI-related investment cycles. The report analyses “hyperscalers”, major AI-focused technology firms, whose capital expenditure and financing structures could influence corporate credit risk through rising debt burdens. Under stress scenarios involving rapid obsolescence of AI capital assets, earnings decline substantially, potentially increasing debt financing needs and corporate risk premiums.

A recurring theme is the constrained policy headroom facing emerging markets and BRICS+. Large sovereign debt issuance to service deficits narrows fiscal manoeuvrability, while persistent inflation pressures limit the ability of monetary authorities to stimulate economies or stabilise financial markets. Monetary policy credibility and inflation expectations are key factors; missteps could exacerbate financial volatility.

To sustain macrofinancial stability under current stress conditions, the IMF stresses the importance of maintaining clear communication from central banks, allowing exchange rates flexibility, and judicious use of foreign exchange intervention where volatility threatens disorderly movements. The IMF’s Integrated Policy Framework provides guidance on deploying capital flow management measures in coordination with sound macroeconomic policies.

Given the heightened risks, the IMF reiterates that policymakers in BRICS+ countries must act decisively to bolster resilience:

• Operational Readiness of Liquidity Facilities: Central banks should ensure liquidity and funding facilities are accessible and operationally ready to respond swiftly to market dysfunctions. Enhancing bilateral and regional currency swap lines is also highlighted as critical for maintaining foreign exchange and funding market stability during periods of geopolitical shocks.
• Fiscal Discipline: A major policy thrust is towards shifting fiscal stances toward tighter positions, to place public debt on a sustainable trajectory amid rising debt-servicing costs and fiscal demands tied to ageing populations and defence spending. Social protection measures should be temporary and well-targeted to mitigate the adverse effects of energy price shocks.
• Financial Regulatory Reforms: Completing the implementation of international prudential frameworks, such as Basel III, remains essential. The IMF advises against uncoordinated regulatory reviews, which can weaken standards and encourage regulatory arbitrage. Instead, reforms should improve the consistency of capital and liquidity requirements relative to systemic importance and risk profiles of financial institutions.
• Closing Data and Oversight Gaps in NBFIs: As leverage and interconnectedness in nonbank financial intermediaries grow, the report calls for closing key information gaps, enhancing cross-border cooperation on data sharing, and strengthening oversight frameworks to preempt amplified systemic risks.
• Enhanced Stress Testing and Scenario Analysis: Banks and, where possible, nonbank entities should be subjected to rigorous stress testing to assess vulnerabilities arising from potential illiquidity and corporate credit deterioration. Early recognition of losses is critical, particularly as retail and semi-liquid credit fund structures gain market share.
• Institutional Governance: The report underscores the necessity of strong institutional governance frameworks, operational independence of central banks and supervisors, and accountability mechanisms to preserve market trust and policy effectiveness.

For frontier markets within the BRICS+ or broader emerging group, the report finds uneven improvement in financial resilience. Sovereign spreads have generally narrowed since the February 2026 conflict onset, but divergence exists based on energy exposure, credit quality, and external vulnerabilities. Countries with weaker credit ratings or constrained market access see deteriorated reserve adequacy and sustained refinancing pressures, although near-term bond maturities remain manageable.

Additionally, the pricing of restructured external debt and upcoming maturities for lower-rated sovereign borrowers suggests the need for continued multilateral cooperation and assistance to manage vulnerabilities and prevent disorderly market episodes.

The IMF’s April 2026 Global Financial Stability Report encapsulates the multi-dimensional challenges confronting BRICS+ nations amid an increasingly complex global risk landscape. The ongoing war in the Middle East has acted as a catalyst revealing and amplifying systemic vulnerabilities. While the global financial system has displayed resilience so far, the report warns that this should be seen as a prompt for renewed efforts to strengthen buffers and close gaps rather than as a conclusion.

For BRICS+ and other emerging and frontier economies, rebuilding fiscal and monetary space, enhancing financial regulatory frameworks, and coordinating policy efforts internationally are imperative to absorb shocks without triggering damaging feedback loops. The IMF’s recommendations aim at enabling these nations to better withstand amplification risks and maintain sustainable growth trajectories in a volatile global environment.

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The Cape Peninsula University of Technology (CPUT) conferred an honorary doctorate on outgoing South African Revenue Service commissioner Edward Kieswetter during its Autumn Graduation ceremony on Friday, April 17, recognising his distinguished career and longstanding ties to the institution where he first studied.

Kieswetter, a CPUT alumnus, described the moment as "full circle", reflecting on his journey from a young apprentice at the former Peninsula Technikon to leading one of the country’s key institutions.

"I started here as a young man trying to get his start in life. It is ironic that it is the impact of the work that I have done over these past decades that brings me back now," he said.

The Autumn graduation series, which saw more than 9,200 students capped, is the largest of its kind in the Western Cape, with university leadership highlighting Kieswetter’s career as an example of the impact of a technikon education.

"I came to Peninsula Technikon as an apprentice in 1978. That turned out to be one of the greatest gifts in my life because this institution taught me that theory must connect to application," Kieswetter said.

"I walked these grounds back then with remarkable people who expanded my sense of what was possible."

He told graduates that his career, spanning engineering, finance, power generation and government, was not carefully planned, but shaped by a desire to solve meaningful problems.

"I never set out to have a varied career… I then set out to solve problems that mattered," he said.

"What I discovered is that the skills required to turn around a struggling power station are not fundamentally different from those required to rebuild a revenue authority."

Kieswetter urged graduates to look beyond qualifications and focus on the broader systems they will work within.

"Institutions matter. Become a student of institutions, not just of your discipline. Your degree gives you a credential - what you do with curiosity, courage, and commitment gives you a career," he said.

Reflecting on his time at CPUT, he said the practical, application-focused approach to learning shaped his outlook.

"What I took from those years was not just a qualification; it was a disposition, the habit of asking not only ‘what’ but also ‘how’, and not only how but ‘so what’. That disposition has served me in every role I have held."

He also used the platform to speak about leadership, drawing on his tenure at SARS following the damage caused by state capture.

"When I returned to SARS in 2019, the institution had been deeply damaged…what restored public confidence was consistent and verifiable delivery, month after month and year after year," he said.

"Leadership is measured not by the authority you hold, but by the change you leave behind."

Kieswetter said he would use his post-retirement phase to focus on institutional rebuilding, including launching a company and a “solutions laboratory” aimed at helping organisations improve delivery and integrity.

"This is a new chapter rather than a retirement… South Africa still has many problems that require fixing," he said.

In his closing remarks to the Class of 2026, he called on graduates to take an active role in shaping the country’s future.

"You are graduating into a South Africa that needs you desperately, not eventually, but now," he said.

"The question that will define your life is not ‘what did you achieve for yourself?’ but ‘what did you build that will outlast you?’"

Kieswetter, who was supported at the ceremony by family, colleagues and incoming SARS commissioner Dr Johnstone Makhubu, said he was proud to hand over a stronger institution.

"The best leaders work themselves out of a job. I am proud to hand over an institution which is better today than when I received it," he said.

"I receive this honorary doctorate on behalf of all the young people on the Cape Flats and beyond who have had limits set on their lives."

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

A commemorative event marking the 65th anniversary of the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion took place n Friday April 17, at the Castle of Good Hope in Cape Town, with organisers drawing parallels between Cuba’s historic military victory and what they described as renewed global struggles against imperialism, including ongoing United States pressure on the island.

Hosted by the Castle Control Board, the event reflected on the failed CIA-backed invasion in April 1961, when Cuban exile forces attempted to overthrow Fidel Castro’s government but were defeated within days by Cuban troops in what organisers described as a defining moment of resistance against foreign intervention.

Against that historical backdrop, speakers linked the commemoration to Cuba’s current socio-economic challenges, which have intensified in recent months amid tightened US sanctions and restrictions widely described by critics as an economic blockade. The measures have been associated with worsening fuel shortages, electricity disruptions and broader strain on basic services, contributing to a deepening humanitarian crisis on the island.

The situation has also prompted renewed international solidarity efforts, including humanitarian aid initiatives and public calls for an end to sanctions, with supporters arguing that ordinary Cubans are bearing the brunt of prolonged geopolitical tensions.

Castle Control Board CEO Calvyn Gilfellan said the commemoration was intended to draw lessons from history while reflecting on present-day global conflicts.

"In 1905 George Santayana told us that ‘Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it’, and what a truism if we look at what is happening in Cuba, Venezuela, Gaza, Iran, Ukraine and on our very doorstep," Gilfellan said.

"Today, more than at any point in our history, peace-loving people of the world are subjected to some of the worst forms of oppression, subjugation, persecution, bigotry, tyranny, and brutal warfare."

He said the continued pressure on Cuba must be understood in the context of decades of sanctions and political isolation.

"After 65 years of American boycotts, sanctions, disruptions and interference, Cuba, like Palestine, is today facing an existential crisis. As South Africans, we have a moral and revolutionary obligation to engage in solidarity actions to assist and in a sense repay the very people who helped us to defeat the apartheid army in the renowned Battle of Cuito Cuanavale."

Gilfellan added that the event also aimed to encourage broader reflection on global struggles.

"The Bay of Pigs remembrance event at the Castle of Good Hope highlights an important message: that we must never give up and stand in solidarity with our counterparts across the globe. Colonialism, imperialism, and injustice is still rife amongst us and it is crucial for us to remain aware of what is happening right in front of us."

He said the event was attended by about 50 people, including anti-apartheid activists, and featured contributions from Tony Ehrenreich, Marius Fransman, Jerimia Thuynsma, Professor Yusuf Chikte and Igshaan Higgins.

"Let the Bay of Pigs be a reminder that we need to stand up and stand together against imperialist powers and the threat to sovereignty across the Global South," Gilfellan said.

The programme included a documentary screening, a roundtable discussion and an open debate session focused on historical memory and contemporary global politics.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

THE US-Iran war has exposed, once again, the fundamental asymmetry of global power. As major state actors openly fight for influence over energy corridors, regional hegemony and military positioning, the African continent is being left to manage its most severe food crisis in a generation.

Today, while Washington, Tehran, Moscow and Beijing manoeuvre for advantage in the Middle East, Africa is faced with a humanitarian crisis — a crisis directly exacerbated by the resource wars that have fuelled instability from the Niger Delta to the Great Lakes.

While America, Iran, China, and Russia profit from the chaos in the Middle East, whether through elevated energy revenues, expanded military footprints, or strengthened negotiating positions, a different playbook is being written across the African continent.

African nations, particularly those dependent on food and fuel imports, are disproportionately exposed. A joint report from the African Development Bank, African Union Commission, and United Nations agencies warns that the war could reduce the continent's GDP by 0.2 percentage points if it extends beyond six months, a seemingly modest figure that translates into millions of people pushed deeper into poverty.

Projections indicate a 21% increase in food-insecure populations in West and Central Africa, and a 17% increase in East and Southern Africa.

This is a man-made catastrophe, engineered by a global order that prioritises the strategic interests of a few over the survival of many. A structural feature of an international system that has historically externalised its costs onto the Global South.

The war in the Middle East, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, and the sudden removal of nearly 20% of global oil supply from the market have created a crisis that is reshaping energy markets, inflating costs, and exposing every nation’s vulnerabilities.

It follows the Russia‑Ukraine war, African economies had no choice but to absorb the shocks. Import bills ballooned as global commodity prices spiked, currencies came under sustained pressure as capital fled to safer havens, and inflation ate into the real incomes of households already struggling with stagnant wages and limited social safety nets.

Meanwhile, developed nations, armed with strategic petroleum reserves, domestic production capacity, and industrial policies planned long before the crisis, are in a better position. They were able to cushion the blow and even turn the situation to their advantage.

As of April 2026, more than 87 million people across East and Southern Africa are facing acute hunger. In West and Central Africa, another 52 million are projected to be food insecure by mid-year. Across the continent, 31 African nations now require external food assistance to avert catastrophe.

These figures, drawn from the World Bank, the World Food Programme, and the Food and Agriculture Organisation, describe a humanitarian emergency of staggering scale. Yet the crisis is unfolding largely beyond the gaze of global news cameras, eclipsed by the intensifying conflict in the Middle East that has consumed diplomatic bandwidth and media attention alike.

The numbers tell a story of systemic failure. In Zambia, a brutal El Niño cycle has obliterated 70% of the national maize harvest; in neighbouring Zimbabwe, the figure stands at 80%. Five countries, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, have declared national disasters over the drought and resultant hunger.

In Malawi, the government faces a funding shortfall for its national relief programme, leaving millions of families dependent on the uncertain goodwill of international donors.

The Horn of Africa is faring no better. Four consecutive failed rainy seasons have scorched crops and decimated livestock across Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia.

The World Food Programme has warned of “catastrophic shortfalls” in Somalia, where it urgently requires $95 million to sustain operations between March and August 2026. In West and Central Africa, the outlook is equally grim.

The World Food Programme warns that 10.4 million additional people could be pushed into acute food insecurity if the Middle East conflict persists, adding to the 52 million already projected to face crisis-level hunger by the June-to-August lean season.

Burkina Faso, already grappling with years of armed conflict and political upheaval, has launched a national humanitarian response plan targeting 4.4 million vulnerable people at a cost exceeding 769 billion CFA francs, a staggering sum for a nation where many households are now subsisting on a single meal per day.

It is in this crisis that India's humanitarian aid has arrived on the continent. In recent weeks, New Delhi has dispatched 1 000 metric tonnes of rice to drought-stricken Malawi, 1 000 metric tonnes to Burkina Faso, and 500 metric tonnes plus relief supplies, including tents, hygiene kits, and medicines to Mozambique.

The shipments themselves are modest in scale relative to the continent’s immense needs. But their significance lies not in volume but in timing and framing. India’s Ministry of External Affairs has explicitly characterised the aid as “humanitarian assistance” aimed at “supporting food security for vulnerable communities and internally displaced persons”, describing the gesture as reflecting “India’s continued commitment as a reliable developmental and HADR (Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief) partner to Global South countries.”

India’s rice and food shipments alone cannot reverse a continent-wide food crisis. But they represent something increasingly rare in contemporary geopolitics: a gesture of solidarity in a world obsessed with taking sides and unwilling to analyse the real cost of conflict on the most vulnerable.

In a year when 31 African nations require external food assistance and global attention is fixed elsewhere, that may be the most valuable export New Delhi can offer.

The Middle East war will eventually end. Its geopolitical winners will count their spoils. But for millions of Africans who never fired a shot, the true cost will be measured in inflation, lost harvests, malnourished children, and a future made narrower by forces entirely beyond their control. India, at least, has chosen to notice.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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The HONOR 600 Lite has just been launched in Mzansi, bringing together cutting-edge AI-powered photography, long-lasting battery life and a sleek, premium Metal-forged Unibody design. It’s incredibly immersive display, encased in a metallic mystique, feels and responds like its playing to win, sharing the country’s no-compromising attitude.

Unveiled earlier today, SA's trendsetting, media and influencer communities, embraced every deftly designed element of the event, each anchored in the star of the show’s Sprout Green pantone theme, revealing HONOR 600 Lite’s premium, fashion-forward authenticity. It was a movement, literally a launch that echoed the device’s leaner, lighter natural rhythm, on a stage built to make a statement. Guests including William KRM, Thembi Seete, Penny Ntuli, Gaisang Noge, Lindough, and Ronwen Williams experienced the device in motion, from courtside moments to social interactions, reflecting a smartphone designed to be used, not demonstrated. With YFM broadcasting live on The Home Run with Ayanda MVP, the mood mirrored the phone, a lightweight feel with a powerful presence. 

At the centre of the HONOR 600 Lite’s immediate appeal is an upgraded 108MP ultra-clear camera system, evolving from the 2025 HONOR 400 lite, designed to deliver even sharper detail, improved clarity and more reliable results across different environments. Paired with the popular AI Camera Button, the HONOR 600 lite responds intuitively to an era where South Africans want to experiment and explore with this rapidly developing technology. In this slim and strong innovation, you can capture moments as they happen, with smooth zoom control and intuitive handling. AI tools such as AI Eraser and AI Outpainting are set to impress even more, by simplifying the editing process, removing distractions and refining images in seconds. Nothing interrupts the professional flow of an artist’s vision as AI is briefed one step ahead, to find ways to elevate the tiniest of details.

Power That Moves With You

Built for full days that rarely slow down, the HONOR 600 Lite features a 6520mAh battery supported by 45W HONOR SuperCharge. Content, streaming or sharing, the device keeps pace throughout the day, with ease. Its six-year battery durability puts the attention back on the confidence that performance will hold up over time, far more than expected. Iin Mzansi, reliability matters as much as innovation, so this becomes a feature that quietly makes a difference. 

Slim Design, Serious Strength

The HONOR 600 Lite made a stylish entrance, refined, an ultra-slim profile with a metal forged-unibody frame that is strengthened in all the places it feels super-light. Even peace of mind is built in with structural strength and a stress-saving 1.8m drop resistance. Performing beyond its category, it protects even more with a SGS Premium Performance Certification of Drop & Crush Resistance - a first-in-class durability rating in its segment. Form and function wrapped in value is a gift right now.  The 6.6-inch full-view display, framed by ultra-narrow bezels, delivers an immersive viewing experience with strong outdoor visibility, making it equally suited to capturing content and enjoying it. 

“The HONOR 600 Lite reflects what matters most to people across Mzansi, a future-forward designed experience, that performs as impressively as the first impression it makes,” said Fred Zhou, CEO of HONOR South Africa, “We’re seeing real interest in AI, especially around the camera. So we focused on making it accessible, something people can explore without overthinking it, with a battery that keeps up while they find what works for them. It is the feature we need in our everyday life, personified by a premium metal-forged unibody design.” 

The HONOR 600 Lite will be available in-store from 24th of April 2026 in Sprout Green and Velvet Black at a recommended retail price of R8999. Available promotions in retail from R399 x 36 months. 

• Free Gift: R999 (HONOR Choice Watch 2i). Valid from today until 7th June 2026. 
• HONOR Care Service Benefit + Free Gift Valued up to R3998. Once-off 180-Day Free Accidental Damage Protection. Service promotional offer limited to HONOR 600 Lite valid from today until 31 December 2026. The add-value service benefit covers spare part charges, postal repair logistics fees and includes labor fees. 

THERE is something about timing in South African politics that never quite feels accidental.

On Thursday, EFF’s Julius Malema was officially convicted for discharging a firearm in public during a rally, and sentenced to an effective five years’ imprisonment. And just like that, our country has once again been fractured into familiar camps, with national attention locking sharply onto a moment that is already being read in completely opposite ways.

On one hand, the official story is clean and almost comforting in its certainty: No one is above the law. Not politicians, not movement leaders, not people who sit at the centre of public emotion and influence in this country.

And in that reading, this is exactly what accountability is supposed to look like in a democracy. The justice system, at its core, should always punish the contravention of law — especially where public safety is concerned.

But on the other hand, South Africans do not live inside that clean version of the story. We live inside a country where the law has always been experienced through extreme inequality, through selective urgency, through a long memory of who gets pursued quickly and who moves through official processes that look identically equal from the outside, but play out very differently inside, depending on who you are.

So, even when the legal facts are clear, the public interpretation is never neutral.

This story is particularly sensational because it does not arrive in a neutral political climate. Election season is not approaching. It is already here, already shaping how every institution behaves, already moulding every major decision into something that carries political weight — whether it admits it or not.

So when Malema is convicted and sentenced now, it cannot avoid being read through that lens. Timing becomes part of the story, whether the courts acknowledge it or not.

What’s worse is that Malema is not just another accused public figure moving through the system. He is the rambunctious Juju Malema — a political force who has spent more than a decade disrupting the comfort of South Africa’s post-apartheid consensus, refusing to soften his language, refusing to dilute his confrontation, and refusing to become the kind of politician the system finds easy to manage.

Whether people support him or despise him, he is impossible to ignore. From grassroots politics to global platforms, even into the orbit of the Trump administration’s White House, Juju has never been one to fade into the background — he’s always unapologetically provoked reaction, one way or another.

Figures like that do not simply get judged. They are continuously contested, fought over, defined, and disputed in the public arena. And that is why this moment already feels politically charged, far beyond the courtroom.

Especially when placed alongside uncomfortable comparisons that are already circulating. One such example is that, in the same case from the same incident, Juju’s white counterpart in the case, Adriaan Snyman, was swiftly acquitted, while Malema was convicted.

Add to that the role of AfriForum. They didn’t just participate in this trial — they were the engine behind it. Their role as the primary complainant is what pulled this case out of a simple legal docket and thrust it directly into South Africa’s unresolved political fault lines.

Afriforum, the pro-white (Afrikaner) supremacist group, have always found figures like Juju to be the bane of their existence. Afriforum, as the primary complainant, certainly ensured that this case became a lightning rod for racial and political tensions across the nation.

Now, none of this proves conspiracy. But South African politics does not require proof to generate meaning. It runs on perception, memory, and more importantly, patterns that people feel even when they cannot always formally prove them.

And then there is the actual incident itself — the thing at the centre of it all: a rally. A political gathering. A firearm was discharged into the air amid a convivial atmosphere of EFF’s 5th anniversary celebrations. No injuries recorded. No immediate escalation into physical harm.

And throughout the process, Malema has not disappeared or evaded scrutiny — he has engaged the system, appeared in court, and remained visible through the legal process that has now culminated in conviction and sentencing.

The legal seriousness of that act is not in dispute. A firearm discharged in a public space is not symbolic politics — it is conduct with real risk attached to it. The law treats it as such, and rightly so. But even that does not remotely settle the public contestation of the moment.

Because Malema is not only an individual before the court. He is also the leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters — a political formation rooted in a very specific social reality in South Africa: a generation of young, educated people who entered the post-apartheid economy with expectations of mobility and instead encountered exclusion, unemployment, and stagnation.

A generation who are being suffocated under the weight of an imperialist post-apartheid system.

This is why the EFF is not just a party in the traditional sense. It is a political expression of accumulated frustration. It is the literal face of millions of modern-day South Africans. It is extremely central in student bodies of universities, in student and youth politics, in national youth culture, and in spaces where formal opportunity has not matched formal qualification.

Mind you, the youth constitutes over half of the entire national population, and around 80% of our nation’s unemployed demographic. It speaks to a constituency that is already politically awake, already critical of institutions, and already sceptical of the repeatedly broken promises of the system.

So when Malema is sentenced, it does not land as an isolated legal outcome. It lands across an entire political formation and a generation that already feels that the system does not distribute justice or opportunity evenly.

As seen following his sentencing, EFF supporters took to the streets of South Africa to express their outrage. And rightfully so. Our justice system has been extremely flawed for decades now. The average murderer and rapist in South Africa almost never receive a sentence this harsh.

However, the hammer of the law coming down on Juju seemed like something we could all safely bet on. Particularly because rampant corruption in South Africa so often goes unpunished.

From former President Jacob Zuma’s brushed-off sentencing, to the VBS bank heist, to President Cyril Ramaphosa’s Phala Phala dramas, to the Zondo and Madlanga commissions, and beyond! Yet, this impropriety wasn’t born yesterday!

From the scandals around Eskom, SAA, the Covid-19 PPE fraud, SAPS incompetence, BEE misappropriation, and so much more, our nation has been embroiled in debauchery for much too long now. And what is often left-out of the conversation is our brutal history under the barbaric apartheid system.

Here, there was no real law, nor was there any real humanity. Black people were tortured, slaughtered, and disappeared with zero accountability. Oppressors representing the heinous minority regime enjoyed impunity. There was no justice system, just a “whites vs everybody” structure of governance.

So how then can we expect our post-apartheid government to move earnestly and morally when those same apartheid loggerheads are still at the helm of power? How can there be change when the same figures still contribute to running our economy, institutions, and government?

And that is where the real tension sits. Because what is unfolding here is not a single story with a single meaning. It is a collision of two readings of the same moment.

On the one hand, a democracy insists that the law applies without exception, even to its most contentious political figures. On the other hand, a society that has lived long enough with inequality and inconsistency to ask whether that application is always as even as it claims to be — or whether timing, power, and political pressure still shape how justice is experienced.

What must be made clear is that Malema is not just an individual moving through a courtroom moment — he is both a product of deep political frustration in this country and a target of its institutions, shaped by the very anger he continues to channel, and at the same time constantly pushed into the path of systems that are designed to contain that kind of disruption.

Juju has always represented both mobilisation and institutional confrontation at once, and that contradiction is exactly why moments like this never settle cleanly, because they are never just about what has been decided in court, but about what that decision means in a country still struggling to agree on how power, consequence, and accountability should actually look in practice.

That gap between legality and legitimacy is where South African politics now lives. The fragility of our public institutions — judiciary, in this case — is at a very critical precipice. This is not just about a court case; it is a sharper indication of the heightened lack of trust across our nation. And figures like Juju have always loudly called out these kinds of hypocrisy, double-standards, and injustices.

And in the end, let’s make it clear: This is not about one man or one verdict. It is about a country once again split open over whether justice is ever truly equal, or whether it will forever remain selective.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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ON April 16, 2026, Magistrate Twanet Olivier, sitting in the East London Regional Court in KuGompo City, handed down a five-year direct prison sentence to Julius Malema, the leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).

This was for illegally possessing a firearm and firing it at a party rally back in 2018. The court also fined him R20 000 for each of three other charges: firing a gun in public, not taking proper precautions, and recklessly endangering others.

If he couldn’t pay these fines, he would face an extra six months in prison for each. The sentence for unlawfully possessing ammunition, along with the fines, would run at the same time as the five-year term.

While the state wanted him to get up to 15 years, the court gave less, but it’s still a sentence we should look at very closely.

There’s no argument about what happened. During the EFF’s fifth-anniversary celebration at the Sisa Dukashe Stadium in Mdantsane, Malema was filmed shooting a semi-automatic rifle into the air. Nobody got hurt. Nothing was damaged.

There’s no proof anyone actually feared for their safety. That day, the only danger was a potential risk, which thankfully didn’t turn into real harm. Malema’s legal team, led by Advocate Tembeka Ngcukaitobi SC and Laurence Hodes SC, rightly highlighted these points for the court: It was one continuous event, lasting no more than two minutes, with no injuries, no property damage, and the state didn’t present any evidence to make the crime seem worse.

Given these facts, we need to judge the sentence. Firing a gun unlawfully is definitely a serious crime, and the court was right to treat it that way. But the real question is whether sending him to prison for five years is fair and balanced. I don't think so.

The sentence is too harsh. A suspended prison term, combined with a significant fine, would have served justice just as well, maybe even better.

South African sentencing laws follow what’s called the “Zinn Triad”, a principle from the 1969 case of S v Zinn. It means the court has to consider three things: the crime itself, the person who committed it, and what’s best for society.

The punishment should fit both the crime and the criminal. It needs to be fair to society but also show some mercy. These aren’t just empty words; they’re the rules set out by our Constitution for every sentence.

When we apply these rules to Malema's case, the outcome is concerning. Yes, the crime is serious, but it was reckless, not an act of intentional violence. There was no plan to hurt anyone, no attack, no property destroyed, and no actual victim.

The Constitutional Court, in the 2001 S v Dodo case, said a sentence shouldn’t be “so out of proportion to the crime as to shock the conscience”. A five-year prison term for something that hurt no one and damaged nothing comes dangerously close to being just that.

Take S v Mkhize (2014) as an example. The Supreme Court of Appeal reduced a prison sentence for someone who negligently fired a gun at what they thought were intruders, but didn't hurt anyone. The court stressed that it’s usually better not to send someone to prison if they acted recklessly rather than with direct intent to harm.

Similarly, in S v Ndlovu (2017), a person who fired a rifle in public but caused no injuries didn't go straight to jail. There’s nothing to suggest these people got lighter sentences because they weren’t famous like Malema. Instead, the key factor was that no one was actually harmed.

The state tried to argue that the incident was “planned” and “calculated”. But with all due respect, simply planning an act doesn’t make a reckless event deserving of five years in prison. Planning is something that can make a crime worse, but it has to be weighed against the complete lack of physical injury.

The court even agreed with the state that it was the “main event of the evening”. Even so, the legal question remains: What is the right sentence for a planned but ultimately harmless firing of a gun? Based on previous cases, the answer isn’t necessarily immediate imprisonment, and certainly not for this long.

There was no evidence that anyone was hurt. No property was damaged. The state didn't call any witnesses who said Malema's actions put them in fear. The defence clearly pointed out that no evidence was presented to make the sentence harsher.

Usually, in sentencing, the fact that no one was actually harmed is a strong reason to be more lenient. It doesn’t excuse the act, but it’s a fact that should be given proper consideration.

However, the court seemed to treat the possibility of harm as if it were actual harm. Magistrate Olivier mentioned: “We hear daily, or weekly, of children playing in the front yards, in the street, who are caught in crossfire, random shots fired, killing people.”

With respect, that line of thinking mixes up a general societal problem with the very specific details of this case. There was no crossfire here. No one was randomly shot at. It was a single act of celebratory gunfire into the air, inside a stadium, in a somewhat controlled setting. Sentencing Malema as if he’s to blame for every gun-related death in the country is simply wrong.

The R20 000 fines for the other three charges don’t seem to have a clear purpose. No one asked for compensation. No restitution was ordered. The fines just feel like extra punishment, piled on top of an already harsh prison sentence.

In a case where a suspended sentence plus a big fine could have deterred others and condemned the act, giving him immediate prison time and fines feels like overkill.

Jessi-Ann Thompson, a social worker for the defence, suggested a sentence that didn’t involve prison. She noted that Malema is a first-time offender, didn’t intend to cause harm, and that there are no similar cases where someone got a prison sentence under these circumstances.

The court rejected her advice, partly because public figures are held to a higher standard. While that’s a valid point, it doesn’t erase the fact that no actual harm was done or ignore his personal situation.

Being held to a higher standard doesn’t mean you automatically get a harsher sentence, no matter the facts. It means the sentence should reflect the seriousness of breaking that trust, but still be fair and proportional.

A suspended sentence would have served justice better. Given Malema’s prominent role as the leader of a major political party, just getting convicted and a suspended sentence would have sent a very clear message to everyone.

The simple fact that such a well-known person was found guilty, that he had to stand in court and be declared a criminal, is a powerful deterrent in itself. It shows every citizen and every politician that the law applies to everyone equally.

A suspended sentence, along with a substantial fine, would have achieved this without the destructive consequences of sending him straight to prison.

People now understand that illegally firing a gun is serious. This understanding comes from the conviction itself, not from how long he’ll be in prison. In fact, all the media coverage of the trial and conviction has already taught the public about why celebratory gunfire is against the law.

Adding direct imprisonment doesn’t really add anything to that public education, but it does come with a huge personal and political cost that simply doesn’t match the harm caused.

In the 2007 case of S v M (Centre for Child Law), the Constitutional Court ruled that a child's best interests must be considered when sentencing a primary caregiver. While Malema’s situation is different, the core idea is the same: a court needs to think about the broader impact a prison sentence will have.

In his case, the impact goes beyond him to his family, his political party, and the millions of South Africans who voted for him. These wider consequences aren’t reasons to avoid prison altogether, but they are factors that should be properly considered. Here, they weren’t given enough weight.

It’s hard to ignore the politics surrounding this. The case was brought by AfriForum, a lobbying group that has a long-standing antagonistic relationship with Malema and the EFF. The state pushed for a 15-year sentence, which always seemed excessive for the facts.

While the court did reduce that to five years, suggesting it didn’t completely give in to political pressure, the feeling persists that the sentence is tougher than what an average person would get. The defence argued that “deviating from (a non-prison) approach would simply show the accused is being singled out for unduly harsh punishment”. That argument definitely has merit.

To sum up, the five-year prison sentence given to Julius Malema is too much. It doesn’t properly consider that no one was actually hurt or that nothing was damaged. It ignores that no evidence was presented to make the crime worse.

It mistakenly treats the potential for harm as if it were actual harm, which is legally unsound. And it hands down a prison term that’s out of proportion when you look at the established rules from cases like S v Zinn, S v Dodo, and other rulings about negligently firing a gun.

A conviction with a suspended sentence, along with a significant fine, would have been the fair and balanced outcome. It would have held Malema accountable, sent a clear warning to the public, and avoided the harsh and unnecessary consequences of immediate imprisonment.

Just because the court chose a different path doesn't mean it was the right one. Hopefully, the appeal court will review this matter and impose a sentence that is fair, well-thought-out, and in line with the Constitution.

* Vincent Seloane is an attorney in Johannesburg and a former Treasurer and Secretary of the Black Lawyers Association (Gauteng). He writes this in his personal capacity.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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The South African Police Service (SAPS) has formally unveiled the structure and financial backing for its new national Organised Crime Task Team, which KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi has been appointed to oversee.

Mkhwanazi confirmed that the task team has been allocated a specific budget of approximately R1 billion, sourced from the Criminal Assets Recovery Account (CARA) fund, to finance its operations for the current financial year.

Discussing the project’s objectives, Mkhwanazi emphasised that the fight against organised crime is fundamentally a fight against deep-seated corruption within state agencies, including the SAPS itself.

“The work has already started,” Mkhwanazi stated, detailing the team's strategy. “We have analysis of dockets that we need to begin with very soon so that we can identify which [cases] we are going to tackle.”

He confirmed the operation is not confined to one province, noting, “KZN is one of the beneficiaries of that project.”

He further explained the task team’s targets, stating that the project will focus on the highest levels of organised crime, international syndicates, and traditional organised crime, drug trafficking, and gangsterism.

The scope extends beyond the SAPS, with Mkhwanazi confirming the investigation will also target the enemy “within law enforcement agencies, both from the SAPS and other law enforcement agencies,” and “agencies within the criminal justice system.”

Furthermore, a significant focus will be on corruption tied to government contracts and entities.

The new national structure is designed to overcome historical challenges where police units, working in isolation, became vulnerable to infiltration by criminal syndicates.

Mkhwanazi explained that the key is coordination and breaking down territorial barriers.

He explained that the goal of the structure created for the Political Killings Task Team (PKTT) was to bring all those involved units together under one central command.

“This is exactly what we are trying to do with this organised crime approach; we take from different disciplines and bring them under one command so that we are able to have a focused investigation.”

The team will integrate officers from the uniform branch, detective specialisations, and combatting units, moving them away from their traditional units and deploying them where the national task requires.

This fluidity of deployment is crucial, according to Mkhwanazi.

“If you are from Durban and we want you in Pretoria, we will send you to Pretoria, go and work there for that period while your family is in KZN, so we move them around,” he said.

Furthermore, a critical element of the R1bn project is the implementation of a rigorous counter-intelligence framework to vet and audit the task team members themselves.

Mkhwanazi noted that law enforcement is “not immune to corruption” and that internal integrity is paramount to the team’s success.

“We have to develop countermeasures to mitigate the risks,” he said.

Expressing confidence in the team being assembled, he said: “Ours is to identify the like-minded ones, the hard working ones, and bring them together so that we can deliver a service.”

Mkhwanazi outlined the one-year mandate for success: “Our aim is to investigate, disrupt their operations, suffocate their efforts as much as possible, and then recover whatever assets we can.”

Ultimately, the long-term goal of the CARA-funded project is to create a self-sufficient system where assets recovered from criminals are used to fund further operations.

“The long term plan is to be self-sufficient by the very same criminals… We get their things, we sell it, and we finance ourselves and we go back. It doesn’t help if taxpayers are paying for this and these criminals are making millions,” Mkhwanazi stated.

The appointment comes shortly after the five-year extension of Mkhwanazi's contract as KZN provincial commissioner.

Mkhwanazi confirmed that he will assume a strategic role, coordinating the unified national response, in addition to maintaining command in KZN. “I will continue to work in the province, but I will be moving around and not necessarily based in KZN all the time.”

karen.singh@inl.co.za

THERE was no serious and imminent nuclear threat from Iran, and after all the relevant authoritative tests were done repeatedly, no material evidence was found that it was technically capable of waging a nuclear war.

The current ever-growing and multifaceted crisis in the Middle East, as a direct result of the unlawful and illegitimate war the United States and Israel have been waging against Iran, has placed the whole world on an unprecedented knife-edge.

That knife-edge is based on the unprecedented threat US President Donald Trump has made about destroying Iran and its ancient and great civilisation.

Former Secretary of State John Kerry, earlier this week, argued that “the Iran war did not have to take place”. Several other former US military leaders have voiced their shock and disapproval of Trump’s recent actions, especially his bizarre attempts to blockade the Iranian Strait of Hormuz.

Trump and Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu had the Iranian leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, killed in January, together with several senior military leaders thereafter. What this has done is to grossly deepen and worsen a global economic crisis which has been unfolding for several years.

But the worst current fears, around the world, are not even the impacts of the current socioeconomic crisis on the already terribly high cost of living. No, we are all at grave risk of the outbreak of nuclear war as a direct result of the actions of Trump.

This dire risk of a nuclear conflagration is increased by the indisputable fact that Trump seriously appears to lack a vitally important sense of proportion and diplomacy in global affairs. His temperament is extremely volatile and haphazard, especially as the leader of the most powerful military the world has ever seen.

Iran has very close relations with China. Is Trump not concerned that his unprovoked and unlawful war with Iran could draw in China and Russia, and does that realistic prospect and the wider crisis in the Middle East not carry an inherent threat of a nuclear conflagration? Apparently not to Trump.

Is this not arguably the most reckless and dangerous threat of nuclear war, by direct and indirect implications, ever made by the most powerful man in the world?

It is by any logical analysis, especially since it was the persistent but mistaken belief that Iran is secretly harvesting uranium for purposes of nuclear war capability, even after the Nuclear Energy Commission found no evidence of it.

Furthermore, how does one even begin to fathom his shocking tariff increases, especially when it is abundantly clear that combined with current oil, petrol, fertiliser, and all other food price increases, it will inevitably worsen the already biggest cost-of-living crisis globally in living memory?

In addition, to threaten the destruction of Iran and with it the end of an ancient and powerful civilisation in it was totally incredible. No previous American president, even at the most tense and crucial conjunctures in relations with other states, has ever made such a dire threat.

News agencies around the world, academics, commentators, authors, analysts and historians earlier this week expressed shock at those threats. But a key and critical question we must ask is how Trump is going to make America great again, whatever that is supposed to mean, when he and America have become the pariahs of the world.

He has also made threats to other countries, such as Canada, and has turned Gaza, which has already been reduced to rubble, into a tourist mecca. How can the president of the most powerful country and military in the world, in fact, make such brutally insensitive and callous remarks?

In early January, Trump authorised a military invasion of Caracas, Venezuela, and the abduction, capture and imprisonment of its president, Nicolas Maduro, and his wife. Can you believe that?

Does Trump perhaps also lack an elementary sense of compassion and empathy? In fact, I recall reading somewhere last year that he appeared to lack a sense of compassion and empathy and, in fact, appeared sociopathic and very narcissistic. I might be mistaken, but I think this was the opinion of some psychologists.

Don’t forget that Trump authorised the war against Iran at a moment when it was widely reported that diplomats were making discernible progress in reaching a settlement, to avoid what was very clearly going to be a devastating war, which could easily escalate into a regional and, in fact, global one.

This was very clearly evident in reports immediately after the military attacks against Iran, by the US and Israel began.

However, there is something else which is inextricably linked to the stark dangers posed by both the US and Israel, and that is their combined total disregard for the global rules-based order. But this has been happening for a very long time.

The United Nations resolutions are often flagrantly violated by both countries. But what is most important and worrying is that these regular violations are done with flagrant impunity. Nothing happens. There are no consequences for these violations, which is more nakedly evident with military aggression and wars, which both these states have waged for decades in the Middle East.

This unmistakably tells the world that the UN is completely toothless when it comes to these heinous violations, other than issuing media statements which condemn them. These imperialist violations pose the biggest and gravest threat to global justice, peace and progress.

But it is not only UN rules and resolutions which are often violated with impunity. Trump authorised the declaration and waging of war against Iran, which is a blatant violation of US laws, which prescribe that only a congressional decision and ratification are required to take such serious decisions.

A key problem is that the Maga movement and Trump in particular refuse to acknowledge the undeniable fact that US imperialist strength and hegemony have been for a long time on the stark decline, which is precisely why he appears so desperate to change and reverse global power relations.

However, there is a crucially important political fact which is arguably the most important to consider in addressing all the problems this article has raised. And that is to question the origins of Trump’s power.

Whether we like it or not, it lies squarely with the white voters in the US who voted Trump into office, again, in 2024. We will recall that he was the US president from 2016 to 2020.

This is a more clear-cut political expression of the irrefutable fact that race and class, which are linked as they are in South Africa, are still very much evident in the US. But basically, the majority of white voters believed that Trump would take better care of their material interests than would a leader of the Democratic Party. A majority of white voters also voted for him in 2016.

But has that belief been borne out by the huge tariff increases Trump authorised since he took office, especially for imports which those voters buy or are reliant on?

That is why the Maga movement requires a critical analysis with accurate statistics available, because it could be a bitter and distinctly counterproductive irony.

Besides, under his presidency, America has become the pariah of the world, as a combined result of the outrageously increased tariffs and the war in the Middle East.

Trump refuses to acknowledge the indisputable fact that the awesome American empire has long been on a precipitous economic decline.

Increasingly, people around the world are becoming concerned with his distinct lack of circumspection. He has even alienated traditional allies, such as the European Union (EU), China, Russia and just about the entire Middle East and Third World.

But if you thought that Trump is very bizarre in many of his actions, I am sure nobody expected him to post on his social media platform an AI-generated image of himself as an incarnation of Jesus Christ a few days ago, after he clashed with Pope Leo XIV over his actions in the Middle East. If that was not blasphemy, I don’t know what is.

To crown it all, it was reported this week that his former chief of staff, John Kelly, stated that he was mentally ill after he defended that image of him as Jesus Christ but later withdrew it.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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THE announcement by President Cyril Ramaphosa that he has appointed former apartheid-era government kingpin Roelf Meyer as South Africa’s ambassador to the US is a hard pill to swallow.

Our president is a gentle soul whose love for our country is beyond reproach. A lawyer by profession and former trade unionist whose stature rose like a phoenix at the height of apartheid when he led the formation of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), his leadership credentials have long been a cut above the rest.

He is both erudite and affable. Oftentimes, he stands accused of dilly-dallying, an accusation he recently laughed off publicly.

President Ramaphosa’s Struggle credentials are also impeccable. They date back to his involvement in Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement through his service in the iconic SA Students Organisation (Saso) whilst a student at Turfloop University, now known as the University of Limpopo.

Ramaphosa is also known to be God-fearing. He was a prominent leader of the Students’ Christian Movement (SCM) at the university.

A skilful political operator, he has managed through his illustrious career to navigate clashes of ideology, particularly in the so-called “broad-based church” that is the ANC — home to nationalists, communists, traditionalists, royalties and commoners, the hoi polloi.

His art of negotiation is credited with an enormous contribution to the Codesa talks at the turn of the 1990’s that led to the breakthrough of April 1994 when Mandela became South Africa’s first democratically elected president.

Now, let me nail my colours to the mast: I am a great admirer of President Ramaphosa for reasons expressed above and a lot more that are too many to mention. In the same vein, I also delight in critiquing the President, particularly his performance in public office as our first citizen.

Granted, leadership is no child’s play. It requires men and women of steel. Great leaders make decisions that leave some people leaping for joy, and others wailing and weeping. In the case of a sitting head of state, such as Ramaphosa, the pursuit of public good and national interest are some in the long list of priorities that are sacrosanct.

The announcement this week that President Ramaphosa has appointed his friend, “Roelfie” Meyer, as our new ambassador to the US left me with my jaw dropped.

For the uninitiated, thirty years into our democracy, SA continues to be described as the most unequal society in the world.

Transformative legislation such as Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), which is aimed at redressing the past socio-economic imbalances, continues to be met with increasing resistance and outright scorn on the home front and afar, notably in the US.

Our so-called born-frees, children who were born following the advent of democracy, have become the unhappiest generation that constantly takes their parents to task about the outcomes of Codesa.

They might have been born into Model C schools or born in the formerly whites-only residential areas, but they are at the coalface of subtle inequities and discrimination that hardens their worldview.

The eruption of #FessMustFall eleven years ago, when the born-frees demanded free and "decolonised" education, remains one of the most prominent examples of what social sciences describe as the “disordered faults of progress” in the New South Africa.

The government succeeded in putting a plaster over those cracks and hyped up the NSFAS as a freely available service for student loans, to be paid after completion of studies. But then again, most of our children are sitting on their tertiary certificates, many for years, unable to find jobs in an economy that former President Thabo Mbeki once described as divided along racial lines.

I move that Ramaphosa continue to preside over a country of two economies, as Mbeki contended, one white and affluent and the other black and bleak.

President Ramaphosa can nonetheless not be single-handedly faulted for our glaring examples of lack of transformation or its snail’s pace, particularly in the economy. Many handicaps are structural, a consequence of the compromise that was Codesa.

However, as a collective of the so-called formerly disadvantaged, we look up to President Ramaphosa to make decisions that are geared towards ameliorating our lot. He must have been seen to stand for change, for transformation, in a country where Blacks were discriminated against purely on the basis of their skin colour for over three hundred years until recently.

I am not opposed to our government’s multi-cultural and multi-racial inclusive programs. That is the foundation the founders of our democracy had laid for all of us to nurture. On paper, it looks oh so wonderful. Yet in practice, it leaves so much to be desired.

Like many South Africans who survived institutionalised racism, I’d like to see tangible efforts aimed at bringing about a better life for all.

Implementation of equal opportunity programmes must also bear in mind that the starting point for a black child cannot be set at the same spot as that of the white child. This is why we have BEE.

And in addition, gender parity legislation that has seen the ANC lead by example when insisting that organisational leadership ought to reflect a 50-50 ratio, meaning an equal number of males and females in leadership positions.

When our nation grapples with such complex and divisive issues of transformation whose implementation can easily be countered by a litany of sections of our Constitution — written largely by Ramaphosa and Roelf Meyer — we need stoic leadership to lead us to Canaan.

It is therefore in this light that I feel the appointment of Meyer, at the pensioner age of 78, as our new envoy to the US does not reflect well on President Ramaphosa’s judgement.

We need to affirm our people, indeed, without discrimination, yet mindful of our transformation agenda, which Ramaphosa has correctly argued that it remains non-negotiable.

Furthermore, this appointment reveals uncomfortable factors in our bilateral relations with the US. Just over a year ago, the US chased away South African ambassador in Washington, Ebrahim Rasool, labelling him a persona non grata following his criticism of President Donald Trump and the Maga movement in a webinar.

President Ramaphosa later indicated that he was intending to deploy SA’s former Deputy Minister of Finance, Mcebisi Jonas, as Rasool’s replacement. That move fell flat after it emerged that the US held a dim view of Jonas in relation to his position as a top executive at MTN, a telecom company in the bad books of the US authorities.

It has been over a year since SA has had no ambassador in Washington, yet during that time, the US had Ambassador Reuben Brigety in Pretoria, who was notorious for breaking every rule in diplomacy until his welcome departure in January 2025.

And now, President Ramaphosa recently accepted papers of credence of the new US ambassador, Brent Bozell III, who has already been hauled before the disciplinary desk of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) in a very public act of “demarching”.

It seems like the US is all too happy to lay down the rules of engagement for Pretoria, and in return, the Ramaphosa administration is too careful to appease Washington, seemingly at all costs.

The appointment of Meyer can also be read in the context of him being an Afrikaner, and thereby hopefully will counter the Elon Musk-led false narrative that Afrikaners in South Africa are subjected to genocide.

Looked at face value, Meyer’s deployment can be regarded as a master stroke, and typical of the Ramaphosa magic wand.

However, at 78, methinks our president should have gone for someone much younger — Afrikaner or not — and without any iota of apartheid baggage that is vexatious to the spirit of the majority of South Africans.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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SOUTH Africa does not primarily have a justice problem. It has a governance problem expressed through consequence.

Governance is not about laws on paper. It is the predictable enforcement of rules across institutions, actors, and time. It is the system’s ability to make outcomes foreseeable, not political. On that measure, South Africa is not failing because it lacks law.

It is failing because consequences have become inconsistent, negotiable, and often delayed to the point of irrelevance.

So, when the conversation turns to Julius Malema and the possibility of imprisonment, the country does not respond as a stable governance system would. It responds as a contested political theatre. The reaction is not calm adjudication. It is a disagreement. That alone tells you what kind of system this is.

Because in a governance environment shaped by uneven enforcement, historical distrust, and the unresolved residue of state capture, no high-profile prosecution is ever interpreted as purely administrative.

It is read as signalling. As alignment. As pressure. As intent. That is not just a legal issue. It is a governance failure.

The left frames it as persecution. The right frames it as long overdue accountability. Both are responding to symptoms, not structure.

A governance lens forces a harder distinction. Whether Julius Malema is ever convicted is not a political question. It is a procedural one. It depends solely on evidence, due process, and judicial independence.

If those conditions are not met, there is no case. If they are met, governance requires enforcement regardless of identity, popularity, or anticipated political fallout.

The central test of governance is not whether powerful people can be prosecuted. It is whether prosecution remains stable under pressure. Right now, South Africa’s system struggles with that stability. Institutions exist. Courts function.

The law is extensive. But governance is weakened by perception gaps between enforcement capacity and enforcement consistency. The result is a political economy of expectation. Actors do not ask what the law says. They ask how selectively it will be applied.

That is where governance begins to decline. Not in the absence of rules, but in the predictability of exceptions. We have already seen the consequences of this pattern. Years of commissions, findings, and investigative reports into corruption and abuse of power have not translated into a consistent enforcement pipeline at the highest levels.

The result is not just frustration. The political system adjusts internally, as participants learn limits from precedent set by non-enforcement rather than statute. This phenomenon is known as a governance point. When formal rules remain stable, but informal expectations quietly override them.

Within that context, Julius Malema becomes less an individual case and more a stress test of institutional credibility. Not because he is uniquely important, but because the system’s reaction to any high-profile figure reveals whether governance is principle-based or status-sensitive.

If enforcement is avoided because the subject is politically explosive, governance has already shifted from rule-based administration to risk-managed discretion. That is a fundamental transformation. Once discretion is guided primarily by anticipated political reaction, the rule of law becomes conditional.

A functioning governance system cannot operate on conditional enforcement. This does not mean governance ignores political consequences. It means consequences are not allowed to veto procedural outcomes. Courts determine legality. Institutions execute enforcement. Political interpretation follows, but it does not govern the process itself.

The difficulty in South Africa is that the boundary between legal process and political consequence has become unclear. Every major prosecution is simultaneously read as justice and strategy. That dual reading is destructive because it places pressure not only on outcomes, but on whether outcomes are allowed to proceed at all.

Malema, by virtue of his political profile and communication style, would inevitably convert any prosecution into a narrative event. That is predictable. But governance cannot be structured around preventing narrative distortion. If it is, enforcement collapses under the weight of anticipated reaction.

The alternative is worse than discomfort. It is institutional paralysis.

A system that hesitates to act because of downstream political interpretation slowly trains itself not to act at all in high-sensitivity cases. Over time, this creates a two-tier governance environment. One in which low-profile enforcement continues, but high-profile enforcement becomes exceptional or avoided.

That is not stability. That is a layer. And class-conscious governance is structurally unstable.

The corrective is not aggressive prosecution. It is consistent enforcement. Governance improves not when institutions become harsher, but when they become predictable. The goal is not spectacle. It is uniform under the rule.

If Malema faces prosecution, it should be because the evidentiary threshold has been met. If it has not, there is no case. But once that threshold is crossed, governance requires that the system proceed without recalibrating for political comfort.

This is the discipline that has been eroded. Not the existence of law, but the willingness to apply it without interpreting its consequences as constraints on enforcement.

South Africa does not need symbolic prosecutions. It does not need selective crackdowns. It does not need high-profile cases designed to signal reform.

It needs boring enforcement. Repeated enforcement. Indifferent enforcement.

Because governance is not restored by dramatic moments. It is restored when no case is treated as extraordinary simply because of who is involved. So, the question is not whether prosecuting Julius Malema would be controversial.

The question is whether the system is still capable of behaving like a system. If so, enforcement proceeds when the evidence demands it. If it is not, then the problem is no longer individual actors.

It is governance itself.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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ON April 8, 2026, President Cyril Ramaphosa stood at the Sefako Makgatho Presidential Guesthouse in Pretoria and formally welcomed new US Ambassador Leo Brent Bozell III.

The ceremony was warm. Bozell said he had fallen in love with South Africa after just two months and promised to take the two nations to places they have never been before.

Ramaphosa, ever composed, urged diplomats to rely on quiet, constructive engagement and to avoid publicly criticising their host countries.

That warm ceremony now appears to contrast with subsequent developments. Ramaphosa, a seasoned politician, seems to operate according to traditional diplomatic rules. He received a new ambassador whose government has since taken actions that, in my view, have strained relations over the past three months.

Ramaphosa appears to have continued hoping for a better relationship. However, recent US actions suggest otherwise. The result: Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana has not been accredited to attend the upcoming meeting of the Group of 20 finance chiefs in Washington, which appears to deepen tensions with the US.

South Africa, a founding member of the G20, is excluded from the forum for the entire year of 2026. The positions of the two countries are now critically different. In my opinion, this relationship will not recover under the current approach.

In May 2025, Ramaphosa flew to the White House at Donald Trump’s invitation. Trump ambushed him with a multimedia presentation pushing the discredited white genocide narrative.

Ramaphosa pushed back calmly, a damage control exercise, nothing more. Since then, the Trump administration imposed a 30% tariff on South African goods. It boycotted the G20 Leaders Summit that South Africa hosted in Johannesburg in November 2025.

It pressured France to withdraw Ramaphosa’s invitation to the G7 summit in June 2026. And now Godongwana and the SA Reserve Bank governor Lesetja Kganyago cannot obtain US visas to attend the G20 finance ministers' meeting in Washington. Godongwana called it a holiday. This situation appears to reflect calculated tensions.

Why? In my analysis, Washington seems to want South Africa to drop its genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice, filed in December 2023. Ambassador Bozell arrived in Pretoria with what appears to be that mission high on his agenda.

He publicly told South Africans: “I don’t care what your courts say.” Then Ramaphosa welcomed Bozell with full honours and urged quiet engagement. That approach follows traditional diplomatic norms. US actions, however, suggest a strategy of leverage instead.

Tariffs, boycotts, and visa denials appear to be all calibrated to make the ICJ case too costly for Pretoria. This pattern suggests: withdraw the case, and the doors may open. Refuse, and South Africa stays locked out.

Also, the US has doubled down on its investigation into South Africa, expanding scrutiny of Pretoria’s trade and diplomatic conduct. That means Agoa benefits, agricultural exports, and every trade deal are now under a microscope.

This lands on ordinary South Africans — farmers, factory workers, small traders — not just diplomats. The pressure is real and escalating. South Africa’s economy, already struggling with high unemployment and slow growth, cannot afford this continued confrontation. Yet Pretoria shows no sign of backing down.

South Africa refuses to move. International Relations Minister Ronald Lamola calls the ICJ case a moral duty rooted in South Africa’s own history under apartheid. The court ruled in January 2024 that a plausible case exists.

Dozens of countries — Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Spain, Turkey, Belgium, Brazil and others — have formally intervened in support of South Africa. The legal battle is now fully internationalised. Pretoria will not budge. Washington will not let up. The gap between the two nations has never been wider.

Ramaphosa keeps extending his hand, seemingly hoping the political climate in Washington will change. In my view, this strategy appears challenged by recent events, such as South Africa’s finance minister not being allowed into the room.

Quiet, constructive engagement may not work when the other side appears to refuse to engage constructively. The door stays locked until Washington gets what it appears to came for.

South Africans should stop pretending otherwise. In my opinion, the old gentlemanly rules are dead. And Ramaphosa appears to be still playing by them.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of the Sunday Independent.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Amapiano artist and DJ Mordecai, born Kabelo Mokoena, is set to release his 16-track album on Friday, April 17, titled “Mamello”. The project reflects his growth and the influences that shaped his sound.

“Growing up, I was surrounded by music all the time, different sounds and influences coming from home and the people around me,” said Mordecai.

“That really shaped how I hear music today and how I approached this album. ‘Mamello’ is me bringing all of that together.”

Raised in Katlehong, east of Johannesburg, Mordecai has built a steady run since his 2024 debut album “Product of My Craft”.

He followed it with “Whispers of Love" in the same year, and later released “Blondeca" and its deluxe edition in 2025. 

Across these releases, he secured three platinum certified records, “Ngeke n’Believe’e”, “Phesheya” and “Di Kgomo", building a catalogue that continues to grow.

With “Mamello”, he steps into new territory while maintaining the sound his audience connects with.

The 16-track project expands his range and introduces a broader approach to production and collaboration.

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The album features a list of collaborators, including Yumbs on “Phakamani”, as well as JayJayy, Thatohatsi, Blue Pappi, Rory Diamondz and Sandy6eats.

Each contribution adds to the project's structure and reflects his approach to selecting voices that support the music.

Across four projects and multiple platinum records, Mordecai has built a reputation for music that balances emotional themes with dancefloor appeal.

His work continues to gain traction in Mzansi and beyond.

Other artists releasing on the same day include Shekhinah, who drops a new single featuring Brandon Dhludhlu, as well as Zua with “Sal Vibes" and Bianca and Arri Opperman with their gospel duet "Lord, I Can't Believe”. 

The vault is opening, and what lies inside is two decades of soul, fire and uninhibited creative evolution.

Zoë Modiga, the multi-award-winning songstress is set to unveil her highly anticipated 4th studio album, "The Vault", with a landmark launch at the iconic John Kani Theatre on Thursday, April 23.

The evening promises to be more than a concert; it is an invitation into a wonder world crafted by an artist who has become the definitive voice of South Africa’s modern musical identity.

A journey through time and love

Unlike anything in her previous discography, "The Vault" is a self-written and self-produced experimental masterpiece.

A sonic time machine, it contains unreleased treasures amassed over several years leading up to 2025.

These tracks, born alongside the songs that made her a household name, offer a vulnerable look at the artist’s growth.

"I have been able to make impactful music that resonates with my music lovers since 2017, and I am always trying to find new ways for us to make memories, make magic, and move through the ebbs and flows of life," said Modiga. 

"Each one of my albums has been forged in love, fire, and a lot of life. I am excited for this new chapter in my creative life and am always honoured to serve my people through the gift and joy of music."

The 4th album explores the multidimensionality of love, familial, romantic, divine and internal, through an alternative-soul lens that defies easy categorisation.

“Our 4th album is a genre-bending, self-composed, arranged and produced experimental album that explores the many themes and faces of love over 2 decades.

"This is work that has been made alongside our audience's favourite songs, tucked away in the vault, like a treasure waiting to be dug up. It is a vulnerable and explorative record about self-love, romantic love, familial love, life-love, God-love. Agape love.

"Every song I've ever written is a heartbeat I’ve captured in a jar," says Modiga.

"Opening this vault is like reading my own diary back to the world, showing how the seeds of who I am today were planted nearly twenty years ago. It’s an honour to finally let these stories breathe."

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For the singer, this era is about more than just melody; it is about the radical act of self-expression. As a "music chameleon" with roots in classical, jazz and theatre, she views her art as a catalyst for societal shift.

“The vitality of one’s creative autonomy and expression is the betterment of society. If art is the mouthpiece of our human experiences, then being able to express oneself with freedom and without fear will have a powerful domino effect on society.

"Expression is where our stories are, our sense of self. My new era is about human freedom, joy, vulnerability, and exploration. It is about the importance of celebrating how multifaceted, layered, complex, and beautiful we are."

The launch at The Market Theatre marks a pivotal moment in a career that has already seen the success of "Yellow: The Novel" (2017), "Inganekwane" (2020) and "Nomthandazo" (2024).

"To those who have walked this path with me since 2017, and those just joining the journey: I can't wait to see you in the magic. We are going to move through the highs and lows together, and we’re going to do it with a lot of soul," Modiga says.

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Lira - Still Here!

Legendary South African songstress Lira is bringing her one-woman show “Still Here” to Joburg this weekend.

This is more than a concert - it is a celebration of healing, courage and the transformative power of music.

The show also comes after Lira has spent the past few years recovering from a stroke. During this time, she lost her speech and the ability to read and write.

It's been almost four years of hard work on the road to recovery, and she is finally able to have a show and serenade the crowds with their favourite tunes.

“I’m going to tell my story through music and movement, and it’s going to be an entertaining yet powerful and healing experience!” she recently told “Independent Media Lifestyle”.

During this show, Lira will be accompanied by her band, and audiences can expect to enjoy some of the musician’s most iconic songs.

Where: The Lyric Theatre at Gold Reef City.

When: Saturday, April 18, at 7pm.

Vusi Nova - Live at The Square

This live concert featuring the award-winning South African Afro-soul artist is part of the "Saturday Nights Live" series. Attendees can expect a powerful performance featuring Nova's signature rich vocals and emotional hits such as "Ndikuthandile", "As'phelelanga" and many others.

Where: Hard Rock Cafe Johannesburg in Sandton.

When: Saturday, April 18, from 6pm.

The Manana - Mending Broken Hearts Tour 

This is the artist's first nationwide theatre tour, and it will trace the emotional journey of his discography, from his debut EP to his 2025 release, “OBHM: Full Stop”. 

It will include music that shaped his voice, including songs he has not performed in years and will perform for the final time. The performance is designed as a space for healing and mending for anyone who has experienced heartbreak.

Where: John Kani Theatre at The Market Theatre.

When: Friday, April 17, and Saturday, April 19, at 7.30pm.

In pageantry, the crown is often seen as the final destination but for fashion designer, wife and mother, Carika Bebb, it became an unexpected beginning.

After initially placing as first princess, Bebb has now been crowned Mrs South Africa following the unexpected exit of Verushka Singh.

With a renewed sense of purpose, she steps into the role ready to inspire, lead and redefine what this moment means for her.

In an interview with "Independent Media Lifestyle” Bebb reflected on the moment she found out she will now be the reigning queen after Singh announced her withdrawal.  

“My first question was, ‘Is Verushka okay?’ We built a meaningful caring friendship during the journey, and I genuinely care about her, her wellbeing and her family. Once I knew she was okay, the reality and significance of the moment set in. 

“It was bittersweet, but excitement quickly followed and I immediately called my family to share in the exciting journey that lay ahead for all of us. Sharing in the excitement of happy tears between us was a moment I will cherish forever,” she said.

The Cape Town-based beauty queen officially assumed the role as Mrs SA 2026 on March 28. Talking about the crowning moment, she revealed that she never imagined that she would be crowned this way.

“No, I did not imagine being crowned in this way. But I have learned through my life that anything is possible when you trust God’s plan.

“Naturally, then I shifted into a mindset of action - thinking about what needed to be done, how best to step into this role, how to fulfil my responsibility as Mrs South Africa and honour this position,” she shared.

Bebb added that her transition from first princess to titleholder was quick and she was immediately required to step in and take on the responsibility of being Mrs South Africa

Mrs SA is a popularly known pageant for married women. Bebb discussed how she plans on carrying the responsibility of representing married women during her reign.

“My heart is to remind women of their true worth. You are never too old or too far along your path in life to pursue their dreams and walk in their purpose.

“Our identity is not defined by the roles we carry, but by who God created us to be. I want to create confidence in women to unlock their true selves, to believe in a higher purpose and in their hearts believe there is no obstacle you can’t overcome, no hidden wall you can’t climb and nothing stopping you from being you,” she said.

The 44-year-old added that during her reign, she wants to champion for accessible empowerment for women across the country and create an uplifting digital platform.

“I want to make the transformation and empowerment I experienced through the Mrs South Africa platform accessible to more women - especially those who may never have the opportunity to enter a pageant.

“I am currently developing a digital platform called Building Your Crown. It’s built on the idea that each of us carries unique gifts and talents - like jewels - that we can use to build our own crown, while also uplifting and supporting the women around us.It’s about empowerment, purpose and true sisterhood,” the mother of two shared.

The fashion designer further added that she wants her crowning moment to convey a message about trusting God’s timing.

“I want it to reflect the beauty of God’s perfect timing and His unique plan for each of our lives. It was an intimate and deeply meaningful moment, surrounded by people close to my heart and shared with the new Class of 2026.

“It wasn’t about grandeur - it was about presence, purpose and the peace that comes from knowing you are exactly where you are meant to be,” she said.

Ashley Dowds is certainly one of the actors I always anticipate interviewing.

It's been a year since our last chat, which was about him taking on the lead role in Paul Slabolepszy’s iconic play, “The Return of Elvis du Pisanie”.

Slabolepszy first performed the classic in July 1992, and it went on to win numerous awards.

It centres on forty-nine-year-old East Rand salesman, Eddie du Pisanie, who is retrenched and decides life is no longer worth living. Alone and desperate in his car, he switches on the radio. The Elvis Presley song he hears transports him back 30 years and, more significantly, recalls a childhood event that changed his life forever.

The show has been staged several times of late. Dowds sheds light on how the character has evolved since he stepped into the role.

“The thing is… HIS map is a kaleidoscope! So many other deceptively small moments affect his psyche (as they do for all of us - but Eddie’s world is distilled, so they’re all so close to the skin.) I mean, of course, there’s an arc to his story that is quite clear, but I’ve realised how significant the cause and effect of the details are. 

“Getting a handle on Eddie's father, Stefanus, for instance, has been really important. He’d been involved in the Second World War and had never confronted the PTSD consequences. The particular moments Eddie remembers about him have so much influence on the final scene.”

He continued: “Every time I run through the story in my head, or on stage, something shifts and reveals itself. In the first week or so, you’re holding so tightly, hoping everything falls into place. Then you begin to allow some breathing room for the characters in their time and place, so their authenticity can be present. 

“Sometimes it's the text that shifts so fast you need to find the ‘hook’ that’ll get you into the next moment. At one point early on, Eddie sits on the street curb talking about near-death experiences and then suddenly conjures a memory of his uncle Albert. 

“It’s bizarre, until you realise that he is actually seeing his life flash past him, and a little village in Modderfontein begins to emerge from this.”

Paul Slabolepszy's unique and visceral South African storytelling is widely recognised. Having been directed by the playwright himself, Dowds was asked to share the most surprising discovery made during rehearsals regarding the rhythm of Slabolepszy's dialogue or the “ghost” of Elvis that permeates the script.

“The ‘ghost’, whatever that might mean for you, is the reason for Eddie's presence at this particular street lamp on this very night in the same place he'd stood 30 years ago… The story opens with what could be ghost stories - the sightings of Elvis that people have spoken about around the world. 

“I was performing the show in the small town of McGregor. The owner of the venue, Steve, is a musician, and to him, the 'ghost of Elvis’, he said, was uncanny.  Marc Cohn's song, ’Walking in Memphis’, talks of  ‘the ghost of Elvis on Union Avenue’ - Union Avenue leads to Elvis’s home, Graceland. 

“Paul felt the ghostly chill when I called him up and told him about the coincidence: Our stage set is a street in Witbank called Union Crescent! It leads to a kind of ‘Graceland’ in some sense.”

“Referring to the spirit of the story and all of its characters, they were shaped by Paul as writer and performer, and they have a legacy. Their language is delivered in a way that Paul has seen them inside their world. So it's a tough act to follow.

“But what is always fascinating is how each performer finds ‘the phrasing’. My image of Pietie Boschoff, the old guy who spray-paints cars in his backyard, is going to be very different from Paul’s; the same with Joseph, the old Cape fisherman living in the coal-mining town, who is building a boat for the big storm he prays for ‘to carry them away to their beloved ocean’.

"You reach the pathos of these guys via slightly different embodiments. Different ways of seeing the world.”

Theatregoers can expect a production that offers a rollercoaster of emotions, moving from sad and funny moments to truly inspiring ones.

Where: Theatre on the Square.

When: Runs until April 30, 7.30pm. Weekend times differ.

Tamia has confirmed her return to South Africa this August, with fans already reacting across social media as anticipation builds for her Women’s Month tour.

Speaking about the upcoming shows, she said: “South Africa has always shown me so much love, and I’m incredibly excited to return this August."

"Performing during Women’s Month makes it even more special. I can’t wait to share these moments with my fans and celebrate the power of music together.”

The singer is known for a catalogue of hits that have shaped R&B over the years, including “So Into You”, “Stranger in My House”, “Spend My Life With You”, “You Put a Move on My Heart”, “Still” and “Officially Missing You”.

The tour will take place across three cities. She will perform on August 6 at the Grand Arena at GrandWest in Cape Town, followed by a Durban show at the ICC on August 7, and a final stop at the SunBet Arena in Pretoria on August 10.

Tamia last performed in South Africa in July 2023, and her return marks another major moment for local fans. In recent months, she has also shared studio clips on social media, working again with longtime producer Shep Crawford.

This has led to growing speculation about a new album, which would be her first full project since “Passion Like Fire" was released in 2018.

Fans recently marked the anniversary of her album “More”, which was released in 2004 and featured “Officially Missing You”, a song that remains one of her most recognised tracks.

Her return forms part of a wave of international acts heading to Mzansi. Bryan Adams is set to tour this April, followed by Boyz II Men in May and UB40 featuring Ali Campbell in June.

As Helen Zille’s campaign to become the next mayor of Johannesburg continues, the Democratic Alliance (DA) leader is fast becoming a social media sensation.

Zille was recently spotted in Dobsonville, Soweto, filming her latest canvassing video - but it was a candid, behind-the-scenes moment that captured public attention.

A local passerby in a taxi filmed Zille rafting on a flooded road on April 14, 2026. The clip, later shared by @user44587710874190, quickly trended online.

“Helen Zille 😂😂,” said the social media user.

Zille responded to the viral moment, commenting: “behind the scenes 😄 Thanks for capturing this.”

Social media reacts to Zille’s campaign style

Zille’s unconventional approach to canvassing has sparked mixed reactions from South Africans online.

Commenting on the video, netizens shared a range of views:

@t_swele said: “Just publicity, no economic transformation, land redistribution and inclusive growth.”

@malume_knox said: “She’s sending a message if you don’t get it forget it.”

@bongehshange said: “I like her sense of humor.”

Whilst @z_yandasdiary added: “Mxm. This is serious, her PR team is working overtime!”

In another circulating clip, taxi passengers can be heard calling the leader a “sgebengu”, accusing her of capitalising on residents’ struggles.

@user44587710874190

Helen Zille 😂😂

♬ original sound - infinitely infinite

“Canvassing by boat”: Zille responds

Zille also shared her own version of the Dobsonville visit, posting a video of her kayaking through the flooded street.

“Canvassing by boat… 🚣 #BelieveInJoburg #Zille4Mayor,” she captioned the post.

During the visit, she spoke to a local female resident who revealed that the flooded road had been in that condition for six years due to a blocked drain.

Following the attention generated by the video, the city reportedly sent a team to clear the drain.

@helenzille Canvassing by boat… 🚣 #BelieveInJoburg #Zille4Mayor ♬ original sound - Helen Zille

Previous viral moment: swimming in a pothole

This is not the first time Zille’s campaign tactics have gone viral.

Recently, she shared a video of herself swimming in a flooded pothole on Balder Road in Douglasdale, highlighting Johannesburg’s infrastructure challenges.

“Here we are, with a free and wonderful Saturday afternoon swim,” Zille says in the clip, half-satirical, half-searing.

Moments later, she dips her head underwater, joking about searching for fish - a visual metaphor for the daily realities faced by residents.

A campaign that divides opinion

From kayaking in Dobsonville to swimming in potholes, Zille’s campaign has blended humour with political messaging - a strategy that continues to divide public opinion.

While some see her actions as creative and attention-grabbing, others argue they trivialise serious service delivery issues.

ENTERING and scaling in the local Internet Service Provider (ISP) market presents numerous challenges, including having to wrestle with growing a customer base while managing the technical and financial burden of operating a reliable network.

Add to that the presence of hundreds of ISPs in the country, and providers face fierce competition from day one. Faced with such pressures, turning to wholesale ISP services is no longer just an option but a definitive solution for overcoming the high barriers to entry and achieving sustainable scale.

Entering the local ISP market is one thing, but thriving in it is an entirely different undertaking. Fundamentally, ISPs have struggled to maintain their core networks while supporting end customers at the same time, with such efforts being heavily resource-intensive and requiring significant technical expertise.

Increasingly complex connectivity demands also require that providers have specialised knowledge in multiple areas beyond just connectivity, such as in the case of voice solutions, carrier services, or even network security.

Beyond the massive capital costs associated with building and running their core networks, ISPs face high interconnect costs with the various network operators that eat directly into their profit margins.

Lesser complexity, greater reach

One of the most transformative benefits of wholesale ISP services is the ability to maintain operational independence while downscaling physical infrastructure requirements because ISPs can now interconnect with multiple network operators through a single port.

This streamlined approach grants access to multiple connectivity types, including both fibre and wireless services via Layer 2. With this foundation, ISPs can seamlessly add their own Layer 3 internet services and routing policies on top of the wholesale layer.

By plugging into this comprehensive ecosystem, an ISP can instantly gain unmatched coverage on fibre and wireless networks for home and business connectivity.

Simplifying customer support

It is a well-known industry truth: it is one thing to set up your network, but it is a different thing altogether to set up and support your end customers. Dealing directly with multiple network operators to troubleshoot issues and support end users can quickly become a complex undertaking.

Working with a premium wholesale service simplifies this operational black hole by providing a single point of contact for the ISP.

While independent ISPs still need to invest in the platforms required to automate their internal processes, deal with various suppliers, and manage end customers, using a wholesale connectivity service allows them to downscale their investments here too.

The wholesale provider supplies the necessary tools to manage setup and aggregation, offering the operational visibility needed to ensure quality and control.

Access to new market opportunities

Beyond the technical and infrastructure challenges, ISPs are facing intense commercial pressures stemming from market consolidation, price deflation, and continually rising vendor costs. The residential connectivity space, in particular, has become increasingly saturated, making growth painfully slow and expensive to acquire.

This leaves the business connectivity market. However, home and business connectivity are distinctly different and have their own unique challenges. Utilising wholesale ISP services opens up lucrative new opportunities for these ISPs to expand aggressively into the corporate and business market.

By tapping into a wholesale model, service providers can leverage significant cost savings and diverse product options that help them protect their existing customer base against erosion and deflation amid these market pressures.

Crucially, the right wholesale partner provides a cost-effective path to growth because there are no minimum commitments on the service, but rather a flexible minimum spend threshold. This financial structure is highly advantageous for decision-makers, as it allows ISPs to start small and scale their operations sustainably.

Furthermore, it provides access to IP transit and premium peering solutions at highly cost-effective rates.

Finding a partner that truly understands the scale of challenges and the pain that ISPs go through and has the technical capability to solve these needs is rare. This is where Vox steps in as the ideal partner. Vox has the underlying infrastructure, the long-standing relationships, and the deep expertise already in place to help ISPs overcome most of these systemic challenges.

As a wholesaler, Vox overcomes the traditional hurdles of wholesale models to provide ISPs with an unprecedented scale of reach that was previously unavailable to niche or growing providers.

By separating the access layer from operational complexity, Vox treats ISP partners as true network operators rather than mere downstream resellers, enabling them to maintain ownership of the customer experience.

* Andre Eksteen is senior product manager at FTTB, Vox.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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THE current raging war in Iran and the wider Middle East once again raises pertinent questions about the coherence and feasibility of the BRICS+ (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa and six other countries — namely Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Indonesia — which joined them over the past year).

These questions revolve around how feasible and coherent the group is and whether it can be, given the divergent and conflictual interests within and between its countries.

This question once again confronted the group when India, which presently chairs it, reportedly signed multibillion-dollar defence deals with Israel just hours before the United States and Israel launched heavy military attacks on Iran, killing its leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other senior figures of the government.

Though the very conservative and indeed repressive and reactionary government of India, under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, was always the weak link in the group, it is this action that raises this most important matter more sharply than anything he said or did before.

Indeed, it must represent a crucial turning point for the group. How the rest of the group and especially its founding leaders regard this matter will be of critical importance, upon their reflection on what happened.

There must be no doubt whatsoever that the unjustifiable, unlawful and terribly destructive war on Iran will invest the response of the rest of BRICS+ with an unprecedented sharpness. But the fact that it took place before this most brutal aggression against Iran will itself raise questions about the feasibility of the BRICS+ coalition as it is currently constituted.

The fact that Modi did not see a very serious violation of the integrity of BRICS+ by those military deals with Israel is itself very revealing of the incoherence and indeed fragility of the group. It also said much of him and his leadership, especially given the blatantly genocidal war of Israel in Gaza since October 2024.

While there are many other things that leaders of the group said and did in the past, which raised alarm bells about its makeup and purpose, this is the most damning and revealing development within BRICS+ to date.

Aiming to substantially increase its global influence, especially in relation to the West, led by the US, and its economic and financial domination since the late 1940s, the strategic significance of BRICS+ must be very clear. In fact, in opposition to global imperialism, led by the US, the birth and growth of BRICS+ is the most important development since the end of World War II.

But how is a coalition with many internal problems, weaknesses, and, in fact, fractures going to sustain itself and gain an appreciable momentum in its mission to build a formidable coalition against the Western world and forge a new world order?

While there might be weaknesses with the socialist Left who see BRICS+ in several respects as a sub-imperialist coalition, as in the book BRICS: An Anti-capitalist Critique, edited by Patrick Bond and Ana Gracia, there are certainly important elements in the book which draw sharp attention to instances which appear to lend credence to the notion.

For example, some actions by BRICS+ countries, such as South Africa, China and Russia, do indeed raise legitimate questions of sub-imperialism which we need to constructively and openly discuss and debate.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2024 and its dynamics are just one example of the kind of issues that we must openly discuss and debate. There are many other examples, such as relations between China and Taiwan or between China and African countries, as there might be between South Africa and other African states.

In fact, given our strong anti-apartheid history of activism, especially by trade unions, community organisations and social movements, it is incumbent to address any questionable or problematic issues in BRICS+ openly and honestly.

But the socialist Left also has to realise that given the enormous weight of the historical differences within it, it is inevitable that there will be many weaknesses, failures, inconsistencies and even contradictions within BRICS+, as alluded to earlier.

My point is that these matters must be raised in an open, constructive and fraternal spirit and not be exploited for ulterior motives. BRICS+ is here to stay, whether some on the Left like it or not. These are contentious matters that the socialist Left must itself openly debate among themselves and indeed with BRICS+ itself.

The main thing is that the more countries join BRICS+, the greater the impetus will be to pose, confront and answer those difficult questions.

It is also vitally important to acknowledge the fact that, for whatever weaknesses and failures there might be in BRICS+, it represents a very important development on the global stage and especially in forging an alternative anti-imperialist global order, which is based on equality, mutual respect and the sovereignty of each state.

It is these matters, even if we wish to point fingers at the countries mentioned above, as examples, that matter very much. It is within BRICS+ that these issues must be openly discussed, debated and decided upon, and not conveniently avoided.

But a major matter around which much common purpose and solidarity could be built and harnessed in BRICS+ and outside it is its New Development Bank (NDB), founded in 2015. Though there were great and indeed worrying teething problems, the NDB has become a very important institution for the funding of various projects, especially infrastructural.

The NDB was a critically important development because it gave rise to using it to progressively lessen its dependency on the nakedly imperialist International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the US dollar, both of which have made great strides over the past few years.

The huge achievements of the de-dollarisation movement over the past few years are a direct consequence of the leading role in this regard by China and Russia, the biggest powers in BRICS+.

Today, with all its weaknesses, failures and indeed inconsistencies and contradictions, BRICS+ has achieved a lot under very difficult global circumstances, especially from the menacing aggression of the US, particularly since President Donald Trump was re-elected in 2024. It provides a potentially powerful fulcrum around which solidarity between civil society and itself can be built in the years ahead.

However, one of the big challenges facing civil society is that it is itself divided on how BRICS+ is seen and its own wider struggles against the imperialism of the West and its policies. On the other hand, there is the socialist left in civil society who are aware of the composition of BRICS+ and leaders such as Modi, which somewhat discredits it.

Yet Modi also earlier played an important part in the formation of BRICS and stressed then that it must be based on meeting human needs and aspirations. But on the other hand, he has done more than any previous leader of India to impose unprecedented repression on civil society activism there.

However, the global importance of BRICS+ is vividly evident from its size, geographic spread and control of and access to global resources. It represents around 45% of the global population, accounts for roughly 36% of global GDP and 20% of global trade.

Furthermore, its expansion in 2024 brought in the major oil producers, such as Saudi Arabia, Iran and the UAE.

What furthermore enhances the strategic importance of BRICS+ is the indisputable fact, especially after the terrifying attacks on Iran by the US and Israel since February, that the legal framework governing disputes between countries has been increasingly under attack for a long time.

In this regard, the US and Israel have openly defied the authority of the United Nations. In fact, they don’t have any respect for it, and that has been a widely evident fact for many years.

What this means is that BRICS+ provides a platform not only for its own vision and mission, but also engages with wider issues which a new global order must represent. This noble objective fits in neatly with its overriding aim, which is to build a new world order, with a complete and irrevocable break from that past and all it represented.

On a sobering note, unless BRICS+ forges strong and enduring links with the organisations of civil society, especially the trade unions and community, their future will be imperilled. In fact, it must itself take the lead in building BRICS+ from below. This can only mean that it must turn more decisively towards the civil society currents which want to build BRICS+ from below.

The final few words are to call attention to the fact that the broad media urgently needs to place BRICS+ and the issues raised in this article much more often and more prominently in the media.

And did BRICS+ say and do enough to make its voice heard loud and clear about the brutal and ongoing war waged by the US and Israel against Iran? I don’t think so. Is it a result of a crucial crossroads? Yes.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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A new music festival is making its way to Johannesburg, bringing together some of the country’s biggest names for a one-night event.

The “Scatterlings” music festival is set to take place on August 1, at Huddle Park in Johannesburg.

The festival is shaped by Jesse Clegg and Msaki. 

Leading the line-up are artists like Zakes Bantwini, Sjava and Sun-El Musician, alongside Msaki and Clegg, who are also behind the curation of the festival.

The event brings together a mix of sounds and generations, with names like Simmy, MUZI, Beatenberg, Tresor and Zolani Mahola also on the bill.

Rather than positioning itself as just another festival, “Scatterlings” leans into the idea of collaboration. 

The line-up reflects that, with artists from different genres and eras sharing the same stage to celebrate South African heritage.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Scatterlings (@scatterlings_za)

According to Clegg, the intention is to create a space where the audience feels part of what is happening, not just watching from the sidelines. 

“On 1 August, Scatterlings Music Festival comes to life as thousands will gather for a one-night-only celebration of music and meaning - where audiences don’t just watch, but become part of the story,” he said.

“It’s about bringing South Africans together again through music that has always connected us.”

That idea carries through the way the festival is being put together, from the mix of artists to the focus on music that already holds meaning for many South Africans.

According to Clegg, the music festival will also celebrate the release of an album made up of reimagined songs from his late father, Johnny Clegg.

"The album will be released later this year", he shared. 

The late music icon was known for songs such as “Cruel Crazy Beautiful World” and “Asimbonanga” to list a few.

It also comes at a time when large-scale live events continue to find their footing again, with audiences showing up for experiences that feel more intentional than just a stacked line-up.

“Scatterlings” seems to be tapping into that shift, bringing together familiar names while also introducing newer voices.

“Firstly I wanted to honour this idea that we are all the scatterlings of Africa and this place where a song can give us belonging or it can pull us apart.

"I think a lot of Johnny's music was instrumental in making us see that we're more alike than anything. 

“And so even though the artists are different, having this undercurrent where they all get to express their favourite Johnny song, but they get to share the best of their songs and what they've meant to this generation and what they mean to their different audiences,” said Msaki during an interview with Radio 702.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Talk Radio Station, 702 (@talkradio702)

The full line-up includes Sminofu, J’Something and Jabulile Majola, rounding out a programme that moves across Afro-pop, soul, electronic and alternative sounds.

SEKHUKHUNE UNITED (0) 1

Ndlovu 90+5’

MAGESI                           (0) 0

Sekhukhune United kept their aspirations of finishing in the Betway Premiership Top 3 alive after beating Magesi 1-0 in the Limpopo derby at the New Peter Mokaba Stadium on Saturday night.

With six games to play, Sekhukhune remained fifth on the log with 38 points, but they are breathing down the neck of fourth-placed AmaZulu, who lead them by one point following their 1-1 draw with Siwelele at the Dr Molemela Stadium earlier in the day.

Magesi, meanwhile, remained rock-bottom of the log with 17 points, one behind Marumo Gallants and Orbit College, with the two teams set to meet in Bloemfontein on Sunday night.

Sekhukhune started the season like a house on fire, finishing top of the standings in the first five games. However, the script has changed so much that they will head into their last six matches of the season chasing a Top 3 finish. That’s why this win will be welcomed.

#BetwayPrem – RESULT:

A late winner from Bright Ndlovu secures the victory for @SekhukhuneFc in the Limpopo derby. pic.twitter.com/3KFtZcLshl

— Official PSL (@OfficialPSL) April 11, 2026

Sekhukhune dominated play from start to finish, but they let themselves down where it matters most: in front of goal.

Brighton Ndlovu came close to opening the scoring early on for Babina Noko after getting inside the box, but he put his effort wide of Elvis Chipezeze’s goal.

Lerato Mandi caused all sorts of threats for Sekhukhune and nearly forced Diteboho Mofokeng into an own goal, but Elvis Chipezeze reacted quickly, tipping the danger over the crossbar.

Vuyo Letlapa and Keletso Makgalwa also had shots at goal, but they couldn’t find the breakthrough, resulting in the two teams heading into the break goalless.

Having tested Renaldo Leaner late in the first half, Magesi grew into the game in the second half, but they still couldn’t find the lead to build on their 3-0 win against Gallants in their last match.

Sekhukhune continued their dominance and were duly rewarded in the final seconds as Magesi failed to clear a corner, allowing Ndlovu to head home the winner with the last kick of the game.

THE long-suppressed Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) report into the 2020 Phala Phala farm robbery has ripped open a political wound, laying bare a disturbing alleged abuse of state security apparatus and placing President Cyril Ramaphosa back in the eye of a constitutional storm.

According to the report, disciplinary action is recommended for two police officials from the Presidential Protection Service (PPS): Major General Wally Rhoode and Constable HH Rekhoto, for their alleged involvement in a cover-up.

The focus has now shifted from the initial theft to the subsequent actions of the state.

The African Transformation Movement (ATM) has declared Ramaphosa “irreparably compromised” following the release of the report, viewing the saga as a full-blown “constitutional crisis”.

The party is outraged by the report's findings, which ATM spokesperson Zama Ntshona describes as more than a simple administrative failure but a “calculated and systemic abuse of state power” intended to shield the president.

The ATM highlighted the allegation that members of the SAPS acted as a “private enforcement unit” for the president, allegedly concealing crimes, bypassing due process, and unlawfully mobilising state resources without even opening a criminal case.

A major source of concern for the party is the confirmation that Ramaphosa personally told Major General Rhoode to “handle the issue”, a connection the ATM views as “direct and undeniable”.

This, coupled with allegations of lawlessness, unlawful cross-border operations, and the falsification of records, is viewed as the “emergence of a rogue parallel security network operating above the law”.

The ATM's immediate and unequivocal position is that a president compromised to this extent “does not deserve to be at the helm of leadership in this country”.

Moving forward, the ATM has called for a rigorous set of actions, seeing these measures as essential to prevent the “collapse of accountability and rise of executive impunity”.

The party has already written to the Speaker of Parliament, demanding the immediate initiation of impeachment proceedings against Ramaphosa in terms of Section 89 of the Constitution.

Further demands include the establishment of a Parliamentary Committee through the Portfolio Committee on Police, an urgent intervention by the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, and the criminal prosecution of all implicated individuals “without fear or favour”.

The ATM is also demanding the immediate suspension, vetting, and investigation of all SAPS officials involved.

It vowed to pursue the matter “relentlessly through every constitutional, legal, and political avenue available until justice is served”, warning that failure to take decisive action now means “the rule of law will be replaced by the rule of power”.

ActionSA spokesperson Matthew George said the party was of the view that the report it fought so hard to obtain revealed a deeply concerning scenario, both in respect of the clear findings of wrongdoing and the obvious failure to meaningfully implement the recommendations contained therein.

ActionSA has written to both the Portfolio Committees on Police and the Presidency to request urgent inquiries into the conduct of the Presidency and SAPS management, particularly their failure to hold those implicated in the report to account.

“While ActionSA will not speculate on the ways by which the President appears to have evaded accountability, it is patently clear that no meaningful consequences have followed these findings.

“The silence of GNU parties in the face of such a clear case of wrongdoing is telling. It would appear that GNU parties have all been co-opted into defending the ANC and have done so in exchange for the trappings of blue lights and luxury perks.” 

The EFF could not be reached for comment.

Legal expert Mpumelelo Zikalala emphasised that the recently released document is strictly an IPID report focused on police conduct, not an investigation into the President's alleged misconduct. He stressed that any determination regarding the president was still pending, dependent on the outcome of the Constitutional Court.

Zikalala questioned the independence and transparency of the process, citing the lengthy delay in the report's release. “Nothing should be hidden from the eyes of the public. We should know exactly what is happening, especially because we are dealing with public entities, public offices, and public funds,” he said.

He clarified that the IPID report targeted the police officials who conducted the investigation, stating it found the SAPS's investigative methods were improper and certain actions should not have been taken.

Zikalala said that this does not clear the president, noting that Ramaphosa still faces potential findings against him by the Constitutional Court and the possibility of other investigations.

However, he pointed out a challenge: the current administration and Parliament's composition have changed since the matter was initially dealt with, meaning those who voted against a further investigation are no longer in office.

Ultimately, Zikalala highlighted that the IPID's mandate is to investigate police conduct, not the president.

He said the report indicates a significant deficiency in the investigative skills of SAPS members in this matter, suggesting a lack of clarity on proper procedure, whether due to a genuine mistake or intentional action.

“Based on the gravity, importance of the matter and the individual that it involved, they ought to have done a much better job.” 

Zikalala added that this raises broader concerns about the quality of police investigations.

“In a broader perspective from the side of our investigating officers, how well do they know how to investigate, if it were you and I, is the element of justice going to be served, or are we letting people off scot-free due to the lack of investigating skills?”

On Friday, Ramaphosa dismissed the explosive IPID report, stating on the sidelines of his Kusile Power Station visit: “The IPID report is what you would have read; I had nothing to do with it.”

He insisted that all related matters were being handled by the appropriate institutions and that “processes must play themselves out”.

On Saturday, Presidency spokesperson Vincent Magwenya said, according to the Public Protector's Report, there was “no link or nexus” that could be established between Dr Bejani Chauke's “trip to Namibia and the investigation that was conducted by PPS” following the burglary at the Phala Phala farm.

Furthermore, Magwenya said the Public Protector “could not find any evidence upon which to conclude that after reporting this crime to General Rhoode, the president abused his power in utilising state resources by causing the PPS members to be deployed at the Phala Phala farm and to investigate the crime of housebreaking...”

karen.singh@inl.co.za

The long-suppressed Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) report into the 2020 Phala Phala farm robbery has ripped open a political wound, laying bare a disturbing alleged abuse of state security apparatus and placing President Cyril Ramaphosa back in the eye of a constitutional storm.

According to the report, disciplinary action is recommended for two police officials from the Presidential Protection Service (PPS): Major General Wally Rhoode and Constable HH Rekhoto, for their alleged involvement in a cover-up.

The focus has now shifted from the initial theft to the subsequent actions of the state.

The African Transformation Movement (ATM) has declared Ramaphosa “irreparably compromised” following the release of the report, viewing the saga as a full-blown “constitutional crisis”.

The party is outraged by the report's findings, which ATM spokesperson Zama Ntshona describes as more than a simple administrative failure but a “calculated and systemic abuse of state power” intended to shield the president.

The ATM highlighted the allegation that members of the SAPS acted as a “private enforcement unit” for the president, allegedly concealing crimes, bypassing due process, and unlawfully mobilising state resources without even opening a criminal case.

A major source of concern for the party is the confirmation that Ramaphosa personally told Major General Rhoode to “handle the issue”, a connection the ATM views as “direct and undeniable”.

This, coupled with allegations of lawlessness, unlawful cross-border operations, and the falsification of records, is viewed as the “emergence of a rogue parallel security network operating above the law”.

The ATM's immediate and unequivocal position is that a president compromised to this extent “does not deserve to be at the helm of leadership in this country”.

Moving forward, the ATM has called for a rigorous set of actions, seeing these measures as essential to prevent the “collapse of accountability and rise of executive impunity”.

The party has already written to the Speaker of Parliament, demanding the immediate initiation of impeachment proceedings against Ramaphosa in terms of Section 89 of the Constitution.

Further demands include the establishment of a Parliamentary Committee through the Portfolio Committee on Police, an urgent intervention by the Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence, and the criminal prosecution of all implicated individuals “without fear or favour”.

The ATM is also demanding the immediate suspension, vetting, and investigation of all SAPS officials involved.

It vowed to pursue the matter “relentlessly through every constitutional, legal, and political avenue available until justice is served”, warning that failure to take decisive action now means “the rule of law will be replaced by the rule of power”.

ActionSA spokesperson Matthew George said the party is of the view that the report it fought so hard to obtain reveals a deeply concerning scenario, both in respect of the clear findings of wrongdoing and the obvious failure to meaningfully implement the recommendations contained therein.

ActionSA has written to both the Portfolio Committees on Police and the Presidency to request urgent inquiries into the conduct of the Presidency and SAPS management, particularly their failure to hold those implicated in the report to account.

“While ActionSA will not speculate on the ways by which the President appears to have evaded accountability, it is patently clear that no meaningful consequences have followed these findings.

“The silence of GNU parties in the face of such a clear case of wrongdoing is telling. It would appear that GNU parties have all been co-opted into defending the ANC and have done so in exchange for the trappings of blue lights and luxury perks.” 

The EFF could not be reached for comment.

Legal expert Mpumelelo Zikalala emphasised that the recently released document is strictly an IPID report focused on police conduct, not an investigation into the president's alleged misconduct. He stressed that any determination regarding the president is still pending, dependent on the outcome of the Constitutional Court.

Zikalala questioned the independence and transparency of the process, citing the lengthy delay in the report's release. “Nothing should be hidden from the eyes of the public. We should know exactly what is happening, especially because we are dealing with public entities, public offices, and public funds,” he stated.

He clarified that the IPID report targets the police officials who conducted the investigation, stating it found the SAPS's investigative methods were improper and certain actions should not have been taken.

Zikalala said that this does not clear the president, noting that Ramaphosa still faces potential findings against him by the Constitutional Court and the possibility of other investigations.

However, he pointed out a challenge: the current administration and Parliament's composition have changed since the matter was initially dealt with, meaning those who voted against a further investigation are no longer in office.

Ultimately, Zikalala highlighted that the IPID's mandate is to investigate police conduct, not the president.

He said the report indicates a significant deficiency in the investigative skills of SAPS members in this matter, suggesting a lack of clarity on proper procedure, whether due to a genuine mistake or intentional action.

“Based on the gravity, importance of the matter and the individual that it involved, they ought to have done a much better job.” 

Zikalala added that this raises broader concerns about the quality of police investigations.

“In a broader perspective from the side of our investigating officers, how well do they know how to investigate, if it were you and I, is the element of justice going to be served, or are we letting people off scot-free due to the lack of investigating skills?”

On Friday, Ramaphosa dismissed the explosive IPID report, stating on the sidelines of his Kusile Power Station visit: “The IPID report is what you would have read; I had nothing to do with it.”

He insisted that all related matters are being handled by the appropriate institutions and that “processes must play themselves out”.

On Saturday, Presidency spokesperson Vincent Magwenya said, according to the Public Protector's Report, there was “no link or nexus” that could be established between Dr Bejani Chauke's “trip to Namibia and the investigation that was conducted by PPS” following the burglary at the Phala Phala farm.

Furthermore, Magwenya said the Public Protector “could not find any evidence upon which to conclude that after reporting this crime to General Rhoode, the president abused his power in utilising state resources by causing the PPS members to be deployed at the Phala Phala farm and to investigate the crime of housebreaking...”

karen.singh@inl.co.za

Mamelodi Sundowns coach Miguel Cardoso is thrilled to be back in Tunisia to face Espérance de Tunis, where he forged fond memories and strong relationships, but his focus is on helping his side take an advantage into the CAF Champions League semi-final second leg.

Sundowns face Esperance in the first leg at Hammadi Agrebi Stadium in Tunis on Sunday night (9pm kick-off).

This is a club and venue Cardoso knows well. During his stint with Esperance, he won the league title and reached the Champions League final, including eliminating Sundowns 2-0 on aggregate in the semi-finals.

𝗙𝗿𝗼𝗺 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗿𝗰𝗵𝗶𝘃𝗲𝘀 📺

A look back at continental moments against ES Tunis. Different moments, same ambition as we continue to write our story on the African stage.👆#Sundowns #TotalEnergiesCAFCL #AreyengMasandawana pic.twitter.com/nXzhdjuper

— Mamelodi Sundowns FC (@Masandawana) April 10, 2026

His exploits that season earned him a move to Sundowns after leaving the Tunisian giants. He has since made his mark with the Brazilians, winning the league and reaching the Champions League final last season, including overcoming Esperance 1-0 on aggregate in the quarter-finals.

This marks the third successive season the two sides meet in the competition. Cardoso has relished being back in the Tunisian capital, reconnecting with friends and former colleagues, but insists his priority remains the task at hand.

“It’s an important and significant moment to be back here, even though it’s not the ideal way to meet friends,” said Cardoso. “When you meet friends, you want to enjoy it. But now I am here as the coach of Sundowns, and my focus is on preparing for this match.

“I am happy to be back in Tunisia and to see people I have fond memories with. But the most important thing is my job, and that’s how I have to carry myself going forward. So I am highly focused on that.”

Cardoso is understandably focused on the match, with this a crucial campaign for him in the Champions League. He will be eager to go one step further after back-to-back final defeats in recent seasons.

The Portuguese coach has urged his players to stick to the game plan and preparations to secure a positive result away from home.

𝙃𝙞𝙜𝙝 𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙠𝙚𝙨 𝙞𝙣 𝙏𝙪𝙣𝙞𝙨 🔥

On this episode of The Pitchside Podcast, the hosts preview our CAF semi-final 1st leg, breaking down the intensity of the encounter and the importance of being clinical in front of goal 👊

Watch the full episode on YouTube:… pic.twitter.com/Lmv3WW4QyN

— Mamelodi Sundowns FC (@Masandawana) April 11, 2026

“It’s an important match, but it’s the first of two and nothing will be decided here,” he said. “We need to understand how best to approach a game with a special context and style.

“It’s not really important to focus on results; they should be a consequence of what we do during the match. We must concentrate on that, enjoy the moment and the atmosphere – this is what the Champions League is about here.

“We must not be influenced by it, but embrace it. We must focus on the tactical approach, be consistent throughout and be ready for the return leg.”

Given the history between the sides, Cardoso expects another tightly contested encounter over both legs in Tunis and Pretoria next Saturday.

“I analyse these matches from both sides,” he said. “All four previous games were tactically different, but the competitiveness was similar, with very little room for mistakes.

“It’s important that teams remain focused throughout, knowing the result will play a big role in preparing for the second leg. Mentally, I don’t think coaches worry about the team’s commitment.”

The Pinetown Regional Court has been urged by the defence to show leniency in sentencing former detective Bonginkosi Dlamini, who was convicted of accepting a R120,000 bribe to fudge evidence in a 2018 murder case.

Earlier this week, Advocate JP Broster, representing Dlamini and former Lieutenant Colonel Khephu Ndlovu, argued that Dlamini played a lesser role in the crime, limiting his involvement to “two phone calls and a meeting in October”, drawing a comparison to the conduct of Sibongile Ndlovu, the wife of a convicted killer, Felokwakhe ‘Induna’ Ndlovu. 

Broster asked the court to consider the significant time Dlamini has already spent incarcerated —six years and two months. This period, he contended, should serve as a substantial and compelling circumstance for the court to deviate from the prescribed minimum sentence.

Furthermore, Broster highlighted Dlamini’s testimony regarding the ‘inhumane’ and deteriorating prison conditions over the last two years.

The defence also brought attention to Khephu’s mental health, stating he has been suicidal since his incarceration following his conviction in 2025.

Vusi Tembe, representing Sibongile Ndlovu, also sought leniency, citing her six years in custody and the fact that her children, aged 11 to 27, are now living unsupervised. He noted that her crime was not directly linked to firearms, but left the decision on declaring her unfit to possess a firearm to the court.

Dlamini was investigating the murder of Thulani Nxumalo, an ANC branch leader in KwaNdengezi, who was killed for opposing Felokwakhe’s illegal sale of Ingonyama Trust land meant for community development. Felokwakhe has since been sentenced to life imprisonment by the Durban High Court.

Sibongile withdrew the money for bribery and met the police officer in 2020 at the Durban Central police station to exchange money to secure her husband’s acquittal.

Their son, Lindokuhle Mbonambi, hid the murder weapon. Dlamini, Khephu, the Ndlovu couple, and Mbonambi were convicted in 2025 of defeating the administration of justice and corruption.

Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions Advocate Lawrence Gcaba strongly opposed the defence’s request for a lesser sentence, citing the persistent efforts by Dlamini and Sibongile to delay the court proceedings.

“The record will show that there was an attempt by Dlamini to stop the sentence proceedings. That is the extent to which he has tried to delay this matter. He has filed interdicts in the High Court to stop these proceedings. Filed for the recusal of the court, applied for bail on facts, and changing lawyers numerous times caused the matter not to proceed,” Gcaba said. 

He said that although Dlamini has a right to bring an application to any court, the downside is that it causes delays. Moreover, he said Dlamini’s co-accused could have opposed all his applications as they had that right. 

Gcaba argued that the six years spent in custody by Dlamini and Sibongile cannot be viewed as a compelling reason to deviate from the minimum sentence, given that they caused the delays.

He also argued that the defence could not ask the court for mercy when sentencing Dlamini, especially since Dlamini had not explained his decision to turn his SAPS badge upside down.

Furthermore, Gcaba found it distressing that Dlamini, who had interfered with a State witness, Celani Dlamini, was now seeking the court's compassion, given Dlamini's awareness of the risks Celani faced as a witness in the murder case.

He said Khephu could have done better as a senior police officer by stopping the offence when he was first approached.

Regarding Khephu’s medical condition, Gcaba noted that the prison system is equipped to handle it, adding that a reaction to incarceration for a person of his age is not surprising.

Gcaba urged the court to impose the minimum sentences when it delivers its ruling in late April.

nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za

Four regional coordinators of the ANC Youth League (ANCYL) in the Western Cape say they have been effectively removed after raising concerns over what they describe as an "unconstitutional" provincial congress, which proceeded on Saturday despite their objections and warnings of a legitimacy crisis.

In a strongly worded joint statement, the coordinators from the Dullah Omar, Southern Cape, West Coast, and Boland regions said they could not support a process they believe undermines internal democracy and constitutional requirements.

"We will not be party to the installation of individuals through patronage at the expense of ANCYL members' democratic rights," they said, adding that they had "exhausted every internal channel available" before taking their concerns public.

They stated that repeated attempts to engage with leadership, including writing to ANCYL Secretary-General Tsakani Shiviti, were ignored.

"At every turn, we have been ignored, sidelined, and treated with contempt."

At the centre of the dispute was the ANCYL Western Cape Provincial Congress, which the coordinators alleged was being pushed through in violation of the constitution, including concerns over quorum thresholds and branch verification.

"The constitution requires a two-thirds quorum… but the threshold has been further slashed to a shocking 42%," they said. "This is not a congress. It is a coronation."

They also alleged the existence of "ghost branches" in regions such as Boland and the West Coast, and said no Branch General Meetings (BGMs) had been held, effectively excluding members from mandating delegates.

"A congress without BGMs is a congress without the people," they said.

The coordinators further questioned the urgency of the process, alleging it was being driven to install preferred leadership.

“This congress is not convened to serve the members of the ANCYL. It is being engineered to install preferred individuals into provincial leadership positions through a manufactured process.”

They warned that any outcomes would lack legitimacy.

"A congress that proceeds at a 42% threshold, without BGMs, with inflated branch numbers, and without the involvement of regional structures is not a congress, it is an organisational coup."

Despite the objections, the provincial congress went ahead as scheduled on Saturday, with Shiviti maintaining that the process would proceed regardless of the dissent and internal backlash.

In response, Shiviti confirmed that the four coordinators had been removed from their positions for misconduct linked to their opposition to the congress.

"They have been withdrawn for ill discipline and mobilising for the collapse of a provincial congress when they have failed their mandate to seat regional congresses in due time," Shiviti said.

She added that their removal meant they no longer held organisational authority.

"They have been withdrawn from their duties, meaning they cease being coordinators of regions and the responsibility that comes with it."

Shiviti also reiterated that the elective conference would continue unaffected.

"The provincial congress will proceed as planned."

Earlier, in a formal letter dated April 10, 2026, Shiviti informed Boland Acting Regional Coordinator, Sihle Kona, of her immediate withdrawal, citing internal rules allowing removal without a disciplinary process if members are deemed to be disrupting the rebuilding process.

The affected coordinators have maintained a united stance, saying the decision came as a shock and amounted to punishment for raising legitimate concerns.

Speaking on behalf of the group, Kona said: "I feel disappointed because we were expecting the Secretary-General’s Office to respond and address our disputes."

She added that while they anticipated consequences, the extent of the action was surprising.

"We were not aware that we would face consequences as we understand the ANCYL as a democratic organisation, where one has a constitutional right to raise their views… but not to this extreme of purging everyone who seems to be questioning the legitimacy of the congress."

Despite their removal, the group insists its view remains unchanged.

"Our views have not changed as we believe that genuine members of the ANCYL deserve to be part and parcel of the elective congress to elect their leaders and drive policies of the organisation as stated in the constitution," Kona said.

They have also indicated they will escalate the matter further. "Our next step is to explore all avenues in addressing the matter."

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

Outgoing DA Federal Council chairperson and Johannesburg mayoral candidate Helen Zille has promised that the election of new party leaders will be done openly and fairly.

Addressing the opening of the two-day federal congress at the Gallagher Convention Centre in Midrand on Saturday, Zille said none of the more than 2,000 delegates would be bought.

“No one is going to be bought, no money is going to exchange hands for a vote, not even a box of chocolates. So we contest openly and fairly. We elect leaders peacefully without bribery, without coercion, without threats,” she said.

Zille added that the party debated policy in good faith.

“If you don’t win an argument or an election in the DA, you are not punished. You are respected for putting yourself out there as long as you do so with integrity,” she said.

Zille continued: “When you fail in the DA, you come back stronger by working harder, not by looking for excuses, playing the race card, or retreating into victimhood and factionalism.”

She said the DA valued open debate and not factional scripts.

“This is our culture because we are bound together by something greater than ourselves: a relentless commitment to making South Africa succeed.” 

Cape Town Mayor Geordin Hill-Lewis and the party’s Sedibeng caucus leader Sibusiso Dyonase are the candidates to replace outgoing federal leader John Steenhuisen.

According to Zille, the DA was on course to become the largest party in the country’s metropolitan municipalities by the end of the year.

“And from there we move to our next milestone: becoming South Africa’s biggest party. Woza 2029, woza,” she said.

Steenhuisen said when he took over in 2019, he inherited a party on its knees, polling at 16%, divided, and riven by a crisis of confidence.

“The media confidently proclaimed the death of the DA. But, together, the people in this room refused to accept decline as our destiny,” he said.

Steenhuisen said he believed that there was nothing wrong with the DA.

“I hand over the baton of leadership with immense pride and complete confidence. The DA is stronger, larger, more relevant and more influential than at any point in its history,” he said.

Steenhuisen declared: “We are no longer a regional party or a perpetual opposition. We are a national force for reform – a party in government that is already making South Africa work better.”

He said the DA’s mission was to become the largest party in South Africa and build a country where every citizen has a fair shot regardless of their background remains as urgent as ever.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

The Minister of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment, Willie Aucamp, confirmed the arrest of nine suspects this week following two separate incidents of attempted illegal harvesting of marine resources within the protected waters of the Robben Island Marine Protected Area (MPA).

The arrests stem from intensified operations by the Department of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment (DFFE) against organised poaching syndicates targeting South Africa’s vital marine biodiversity.

“I want to send a stern warning to poaching syndicates that the senseless and untethered poaching and plundering of our natural resources will come to an end, whether they like it or not,” said Aucamp, commending the DFFE officials for their vigilance on Saturday.

The first incident occurred on Tuesday night, when two rubber ducks carrying suspected poachers entered the MPA, said the department.

When DFFE officials approached, the suspects attempted a desperate escape.

Their actions escalated into a dangerous confrontation when the suspects deliberately rammed their vessel into a departmental vessel, causing damage to both boats.

Despite the aggressive manoeuvre, two suspects were apprehended and subsequently handed over to the Table Bay SAPS.

The department reported that the damaged rubber duck was recovered with the assistance of SANParks and the National Sea Rescue Institute (NSRI).

A second operation unfolded two days later, on Thursday, when officials were again alerted to the presence of two rubber ducks approaching the sensitive zone.

This time, according to the department, a swift and coordinated joint response between the DFFE and SANParks was initiated.

This collaborative effort resulted in the successful interception and arrest of seven additional suspects during the early hours of Friday.

Authorities confirmed that no serious injuries were sustained by any departmental or SANParks officials during either operation.

The minister stressed the necessity of a united front in conservation efforts.

“The department continues to collaborate with relevant authorities to strengthen enforcement operations and ensure the protection and sustainability of South Africa’s marine biodiversity,” he said.

Aucamp further revealed the establishment of a specialised task team to focus on the area.

“In fact, we have recently established a joint enforcement-based task team with other relevant stakeholders, including Western Cape Province, City of Cape Town, South African Police Service, and SANParks, to further intensify the fight against the illegal use of natural resources.” 

He appealed to the public, urging all stakeholders, including citizens and community leaders, to remain vigilant and support the ongoing efforts to combat the illegal exploitation of South Africa’s marine wealth.

The nine suspects are currently being processed by the SAPS and face charges related to the illegal harvesting of marine resources and possibly malicious damage to state property in the first incident.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

THE world of African football has always thrived on passion, pride, and national identity. But when these passions spill over into controversy or division, it is the responsibility of true leaders to step forward with vision and integrity.

The recent handling of the Senegal-Morocco issue by CAF President Dr Patrice Motsepe stands as a masterclass in such leadership — one that deserves recognition not only for its outcomes but for the spirit in which it was conducted.

The Senegal-Morocco issue had the potential to escalate into a divisive chapter in African football, risking the very fabric of unity that the sport should represent. Yet, when many called for punitive measures or public condemnation, Motsepe chose a path defined by dialogue, empathy, and hands-on engagement.

His decision to visit Senegal personally was more than a symbolic gesture; it was a demonstration of servant leadership and commitment to conflict resolution. By engaging directly with Senegalese football authorities, players, fans, and even President Bassirou Diomaye Faye, he signalled a willingness to listen, learn, and mediate — not dictate.

This approach marks Motsepe as a leader of integrity. In an era when sports administration is often plagued by self-interest and opacity, his transparent and inclusive style sets a new standard.

Rather than exacerbating tensions or seeking to “score points”, he took the harder route of building consensus. His leadership was further exemplified in his public statement: “We should not allow football to divide people but should unite the people.” This is not merely a slogan; it is a guiding philosophy that, if followed, can transform the sport across the continent.

A particularly noteworthy aspect of Motsepe’s leadership is his principled stance on judicial authority. When questioned about the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) decision related to the issue, President Motsepe was unequivocal: he respects CAS as an independent judicial body.

He clarified that whether or not he personally supports the decision is irrelevant; what matters is upholding the legitimacy and authority of the process. This respect for institutional integrity is a hallmark of exemplary administration — one that places the rule of law and fair play above personal or political considerations.

Motsepe’s love for football is evident — not just in words, but in action. His presence in Senegal was not the action of a distant bureaucrat, but of a genuine football lover who understands the emotions, dreams, and complexities that the game evokes in millions.

His commitment to uniting the African football family is both timely and necessary, especially in an age where political and social tensions can so easily spill onto the pitch.

It is also important to extend a word of gratitude to the President of Morocco and the Moroccan football fraternity for graciously welcoming Motsepe during this pivotal moment.

Their openness and spirit of cooperation have created an environment where dialogue and reconciliation can flourish, further strengthening the unity that African football so desperately needs. The hospitality and collaborative attitude shown by Morocco’s football leadership stand as an example for all in the sporting world.

As the PM27 Campaign, I wish to commend Motsepe’s initiative and determination. The PM27 Campaign fully welcomes and supports his efforts to unite nations through football and to proactively address and resolve the current debate.

His leadership is a reminder that football’s greatest power lies not in rivalry, but in its ability to bridge divides and bring people together.

Motsepe has shown that the true measure of leadership is not just in managing crises, but in transforming them into opportunities for unity and progress. African football, and indeed the continent as a whole, stands to benefit from his exemplary stewardship. May his vision continue to inspire not just CAF, but all who believe in the unifying power of sport.

* Ishmael Mnisi is PM27 head of communication of media and public relations.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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The uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) has this week approached the Gauteng High Court, Pretoria, seeking an order to reinstate criminal charges against members of the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (Hawks) and its former head, Major General Johan Booysen. 

Through its first deputy president and parliamentary leader, Dr John Hlophe, MKP had on April 7 furnished the court with a 54-page affidavit, which it obtained from the Rondebosch SAPS station in Cape Town.

The party also wants Booysen and another Hawks officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Jan Johannes Eugene van Tonder, to return an amount of money, which was given to them by the state as compensation for their unlawful arrest and malicious prosecution.

Booysen received R1.3 million, while more than R1.2 million went to Van Tonder.   

Cited as respondents in the MKP’s application are the National Director of Public Prosecution (NDPP), the KwaZulu-Natal DPP, Booysen, Van Tonder, the Justice and Correctional Service Minister, and the Police Minister.

Booysen's attorney, Tania Koen, said papers have not yet been served on Booysen.

“Until we have been served the papers and can peruse them, we will not comment on the matter. We will follow the process,” said Koen.

The Booysen-led Cato Manor Unit, which was dubbed a death squad for allegedly killing suspects in serious crimes, was cleared of racketeering charges by the Durban High Court in 2019 due to insufficient evidence. 

During her testimony at the Nkabinde Inquiry in December, the now former NDPP Advocate Shamila Batohi revealed that she did not personally review the case docket implicating Booysen and unit members before withdrawing the charges against them.

Based on Batohi’s testimony, Hlophe’s affidavit, which he compiled with the assistance of MKP’s Pietermaritzburg-based lawyers, Srish Partab Inc, challenged the withdrawal of the racketeering charges, which were authorised under the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA) 121 of 1998.

“The impugned decisions constitute exercises of public power and are reviewable on the ground that they are irrational and not rationally connected to the material before the decision-makers,” read the affidavit. 

Family members of the victims who allegedly died at the hands of the unit were left disheartened when, in June 2019, Batohi announced the withdrawal of the charges. 

Batohi had based her decision on the outcome of a panel, which was comprised of two directors of public prosecutions - Advocate Rodney de Kock and Advocate Ivy Thenga.

This panel had found invalidity in the former acting NDPP, Advocate Nomgcobo Jiba, on August 17, 2012, and the former NDPP, Advocate Shaun Abrahams, on February 16, 2016, to authorise prosecutions of racketeering offences of Booysen’s unit members. 

Batohi stated during the Nkabinde Inquiry that she withdrew the charges without reviewing the dockets, which included 23 charges against the accused police officers.

The MKP’s application to reinstate the charges was based on the fact that Batohi did not independently assess the evidential record, and also did not consult with the prosecution team that was handling the case. 

Hlophe’s affidavit alleged that even the De Kock report did not undertake an independent assessment of the evidential record contained in the investigation dockets. 

“The De Kock report accordingly did not reassess the full investigation record, nor did it involve consultation with the prosecution team responsible for the matter, or a reconsideration of the evidence underlying the alleged racketeering enterprise,” read the MKP’s legal document. 

Following the withdrawal of the charges, Booysen and Van Tonder approached the court, suing the state for unlawful arrest and malicious prosecution.

However, an out-of-court settlement was reached, leading to the state paying the compensation. 

MKP is arguing that the compensation agreement was derived from the alleged unlawful withdrawal of the charges, which it said was based on the assumption that the prosecution was unlawful.

“If those decisions are unlawful, the settlement cannot stand,” the affidavit said.     

The MKP believed that the state paid the compensation without admitting liability.

“The settlement agreement contains a strict confidentiality clause prohibiting disclosure of its terms to third parties,” the statement read.      

MKP spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela said the party approached the court because of its commitment to defending the Constitution, combating organised crime and corruption, and ensuring no one is above the law. 

“The founding affidavit details how the 2019 decisions by Batohi to withdraw charges against Johan Booysen, Jan van Tonder, and the Cato Manor unit members were irrational, unlawful, and unconstitutional,” he said.

Ndhlela said the MKP was confident in the strength of its case as its affidavit argues that the decisions lacked a rational basis, violated Section 179(4) of the Constitution due to undisclosed conflicts and failure to act impartially, and were not based on a proper evaluation of the evidence.

“Courts have a duty to review and set aside irrational administrative actions. 

“We are seeking to set aside the withdrawals, the settlements, order repayment of public funds, and reinstate the original prosecution. The merits are compelling, particularly given the procedural irregularities highlighted,” Ndhlela said.

He said the alleged activities of the Cato Manor unit under Booysen’s leadership had a devastating impact, particularly on black communities in KwaZulu-Natal. 

“The affidavit and supporting evidence reference a pattern of alleged extrajudicial killings (dozens of cases involving African men, including in taxi-related incidents and other operations between roughly 2008–2011). 

“Families lost loved ones, often young men, without due process, and this eroded public trust in law enforcement, perpetuated a culture of impunity, and deepened societal divisions.

“Victims’ families continue to seek justice, and the withdrawal of charges compounded their pain by appearing to shield powerful figures while denying closure. Our action aims to affirm that every life matters and that state institutions must serve the people, not operate above the law.”

He said the court would apply its standard timelines for review applications in deciding the deadline for the respondents to file their responding papers.

“We will provide updates as the matter progresses.”

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

SOUTH Africa faces a daunting paradox: while youth unemployment has reached crisis levels, critical sectors remain severely understaffed, and thousands of capable students are locked out of higher education.

According to Statistics SA’s Q2 2025 data, unemployment among 15-24 year olds stands at a staggering 60%, classified as “severe”. Rural youth face similar challenges at 55%, while the national overall unemployment rate sits at 33%. Even among 25-34-year-olds, the rate remains concerning at 39%.

Compounding the unemployment challenge is a severe shortage of university placements. More than 330 000 matriculants achieve Bachelor’s passes annually, but with only around 235 000 first-year university places available, more than 100 000 capable students are left without placements each year.

“It’s not a lack of ability. It’s a lack of space,” notes Thamsanqa Career Pathways, an organisation working to address these systemic challenges.

Despite the unemployment crisis, South Africa faces critical skills shortages in essential sectors. The country currently has a shortage of between 30 000 and 50 000 registered building inspectors, creating what experts describe as a “critical gap”.

This shortage has resulted in: - Underserved regulation of the built environment – decreased housing, human settlements, and infrastructure quality.

The crisis has prompted government response at the highest levels. President Cyril Ramaphosa's 2026 State of the Nation Address emphasised a “Skills Revolution” with greater focus on mathematics and science, alongside a dual training model combining academic learning with workplace training.

The minister of higher education and training has outlined priorities for the 2026 academic year, focusing on: - Education that serves all South Africans through practical skills and second chances SETAs (Sector Education and Training Authorities) as a bridge to work through learnerships, apprenticeships, and bursaries. Access with success, focusing on completion rates and multiple career routes.

Thamsanqa Career Pathways (TCP) is launching an ambitious “Soaring to New Heights” programme, backed by President Cyril Ramaphosa and Higher Education Minister Buti Manamela, to bridge the education-employment gap.

This dual model combines online modules with workplace training, emphasising “Access for Success” with multiple exit points.

The University of Johannesburg (UJ), South Africa’s top-ranked for engineering & technology, computer science, and physical sciences (Times Higher Education 2025), serves as lead academic integrator.

The programme aligns with “Future-Fit Careers in Smart Infrastructure” via university-SETA-industry collaboration.

Founder Xolani Hadebe, from Hambanathi Township to global leadership (including GE lighting franchises across Africa/Australia/Middle East and strategic advisory), drives TCP’s structured post-matric bridging. TCP targets nine key sectors: AI and Data Science, Cybersecurity, Renewable Energy, Smart Infrastructure, Biotech and Health, Climate and Sustainability, Robotics and Automation, Digital Entrepreneurship, agribusiness, and Food Security.

Key roles include machine learning specialists, ethical hackers, solar engineers, building inspectors, biomedical scientists, agritech specialists, and e-commerce entrepreneurs. The systems-driven blueprint scales success through academic support, clerkships, and professional registration.

Experts agree that addressing the crisis — particularly for 15–24-year-olds and rural youth — requires aligning education with labour demands, expanding training access, and creating clear pathways, thereby turning high-potential unemployed youth into skilled professionals for national development.

SOUTH Africa’s water challenges have reached a level of urgency that demands clarity, honesty, and, above all, a decisive shift in how solutions are approached. Recent reflections in the public discourse have helped sharpen this conversation.

While perspectives may differ in emphasis, there is a growing convergence on one fundamental point: the water crisis is systemic, and the response must be equally systemic.

What emerges from this evolving discourse is a clear and unavoidable conclusion. Partnership is not a complementary option in addressing South Africa’s water challenges, but the only viable solution.

At the heart of the issue is a persistent misunderstanding of the nature of the crisis. South Africa is indeed a water-scarce country, but the current situation is not defined primarily by a lack of bulk water resources.

It is defined by the failure of systems that are meant to manage, treat and deliver that water effectively. Ageing infrastructure, inadequate maintenance, governance weaknesses, financial instability at the municipal level, and high levels of non-revenue water have combined to create a system that too often fails at the point of delivery.

This is a critical insight that must be carried forward. It shifts the focus from inevitability to responsibility. If the challenge lies in systems, then it can be addressed through coordinated reform, disciplined management and shared capability.

To appreciate why partnership is indispensable, there must be an understanding of the structure of South Africa’s water value chain. At the national level, the government acts as the custodian of water resources, responsible for dams, bulk raw water systems, policy and regulation.

At the bulk supply level, institutions such as Rand Water treat and distribute potable water at scale, sustaining economic hubs and supplying municipalities. At the local level, municipalities are responsible for reticulation, maintenance, billing and service delivery to households and businesses. Each layer depends on the other. When one part weakens, the entire system is affected.

At present, the most acute challenges are concentrated at the municipal level, where capacity constraints, financial pressures and infrastructure deterioration are most evident. This is not a failure that can be isolated or contained. It has system-wide implications, which is precisely why isolated responses will not suffice.

From a government perspective, the responsibility to lead remains absolute. The state is strengthening oversight, enforcing accountability, investing in infrastructure and coordinating interventions across all spheres.

Efforts such as the National Water Crisis Committee, led by Cyril Ramaphosa, reflect an understanding that the response must be integrated and sustained. However, leadership cannot be equated with acting alone. The scale of the challenge requires the mobilisation of capabilities that extend beyond the state.

This is where the role of the private sector becomes central, not peripheral. The private sector must move from being a passive observer or a defensive actor to becoming an active co-architect of solutions.

This is because water security is foundational to economic activity. Without it, production is disrupted, costs rise, investment decisions are delayed, and growth is constrained. Businesses that focus solely on insulating themselves through self-provisioning may achieve short-term resilience, but they do so within a broader system that continues to deteriorate. That trajectory is neither sustainable nor economically rational.

The more strategic approach is for the private sector to invest directly in strengthening the water system itself. This is not a matter of corporate social responsibility, but a matter of long-term economic interest.

A functional water system reduces operational risk, stabilises costs, improves predictability and enhances the overall investment climate. It also opens opportunities for innovation, infrastructure development and service delivery.

Partnership with established public institutions, particularly water boards such as Rand Water, provides a credible and structured platform for such engagement. These institutions bring technical expertise, operational discipline and governance frameworks that can anchor private sector participation.

They are uniquely positioned to translate investment and innovation into system-wide impact, while ensuring alignment with public interest objectives.

Equally important is the role of academia. Discussions at the Water Imbizo recently hosted by the University of South Africa highlighted a critical gap in South Africa’s response. The country does not lack research, data or technical knowledge. What it lacks is the consistent translation of that knowledge into implementation.

Universities and research institutions must therefore play a far more active role, ensuring that scientific capability informs real-world decision-making, infrastructure management and service delivery. This alignment between knowledge and practice is essential. Without it, the country risks remaining in a cycle of diagnosis without resolution.

What becomes evident when these elements are considered together is that water security cannot be achieved through fragmented efforts. It requires a whole-of-society response in which each actor plays a clearly defined and complementary role.

Government must lead, regulate and enable. Water boards must anchor the system and provide technical stability. The private sector must invest, innovate and participate actively in system strengthening.

Academia must provide the scientific and technical foundation. Communities must remain engaged and hold the system accountable. There is no alternative configuration that can deliver the scale of change required.

There is also a broader responsibility that must guide this collective effort. Investment in water is not only about addressing immediate pressures, but about shaping the country’s long-term trajectory.

The systems built today will determine whether future generations inherit resilience or fragility, inclusion or inequality, capability or constraint. Water supports public health, economic development, food security and social stability. It is, in every sense, a foundation of national progress.

The reflections that have emerged in recent discourse serve as an important reminder that the crisis is both serious and solvable. But solving it requires a shift in mindset, moving from isolated action to coordinated partnership, from policy ambition to execution discipline and from short-term responses to long-term system building.

South Africa does not face a shortage of ideas, but it faces a shortage of alignment. Partnership is the mechanism through which that alignment can be achieved. Without it, the system will continue to fragment. With it, the country has the capacity to stabilise, rebuild and secure its water future.

The task now is not to restate the importance of partnership and to implement it with urgency, scale and unwavering commitment.

* David Mahlobo is the Deputy Minister of Water and Sanitation.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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AFRICA is entering a defining period for virtual asset regulation. As adoption accelerates, driven by fintech innovation, remittance demand and a digitally savvy youth population, governments across the continent are recalibrating their regulatory posture.

Once characterised by blanket warnings or outright prohibitions, the landscape is now shifting toward structured oversight, risk mitigation and greater market stability.

For years, many African jurisdictions adopted a largely hands-off approach, issuing public cautions but stopping short of formal rulemaking. That era is now ending.

Countries such as Kenya, Botswana, Namibia, Mauritius and Nigeria have begun embedding comprehensive licensing models into law. Their message is clear — virtual assets are becoming part of the broader financial ecosystem, but only within a regulated environment.

In these markets, virtual asset service providers (VASPs) must secure licences, maintain minimum capital, meet “fit and proper” requirements and comply with robust anti-money laundering and combatting the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) controls.

Regulators are also recognising the cross-sector nature of digital assets, creating supervisory structures where central banks, capital markets authorities and financial intelligence units all play a role.

Even countries without dedicated virtual asset statutes, such as Guinea, Zambia, Uganda, Eswatini and Zimbabwe, are moving toward accountability by classifying VASPs as reporting entities under AML/CFT laws. This reflects a growing consensus across the continent, where the inherent risks of anonymity, instant transferability and cross-border reach require oversight, even in the absence of full financial market regulation.

The trend toward early‑stage supervisory engagement is evident in cases like Zambia, where, as of March 2026, a directive now requires all VASPs to register with the Bank of Zambia, an important step that lays the groundwork for more formal licensing in the future.

Across all the jurisdictions surveyed, none recognise virtual assets as legal tender. Central banks remain cautious, keen to protect monetary sovereignty and avoid currency substitution risks. Even the most progressive regulators treat crypto assets as speculative instruments, useful and commercially relevant, but not a replacement for national currencies.

At the same time, many acknowledge the potential benefits of digital innovation, particularly for cross-border payments, financial inclusion and cost-efficient transaction flows. What emerges is a pragmatic balance to enable innovation while preserving the primacy of national currency and payment systems.

Stablecoins, despite their growing global relevance, have yet to prompt dedicated legislation in Africa. Instead, they are generally captured under broader virtual asset definitions. This means that stablecoin issuers and traders must comply with VASP licensing, AML/CFT duties and governance requirements where these frameworks exist.

As global standard-setting bodies refine expectations around reserves, governance and systemic exposure, African regulators are likely to respond with more explicit stablecoin-focused oversight in the coming years.

Blockchain technology itself remains largely unregulated across the continent. Rather than legislating the technology, regulators distinguish between the underlying infrastructure, which remains open to innovation, and the financial activities conducted using that infrastructure, which are subject to oversight.

Namibia is a notable exception, explicitly referencing distributed ledger technology in its Virtual Assets Act. For most countries, however, this technology-neutral stance supports innovation while retaining control over higher-risk use cases.

The next two years will be especially important as countries move from policy intention to operational frameworks. Kenya is expected to issue implementing regulations detailing capital, solvency and insurance requirements.

Nigeria will begin to operationalise newly enacted securities and tax laws, supported by guidance from its recently established Virtual Assets Regulation Authority. South Africa is preparing to clarify how crypto assets will be treated for exchange control and payment system purposes.

Rwanda and Uganda are advancing draft legislation that will shape their long-term regulatory approach, and Zambia is set to transition from interim registration to a full licensing and supervisory model. Regional economic communities such as the South African Development Community and the Economic Community of West African States may also begin exploring co-ordinated standards, particularly around AML/CFT and cross-border activity.

Across this evolving landscape, a recognisable African regulatory model is beginning to emerge, one that is risk-based, innovation-aware and technologically neutral. Oversight is anchored in strong AML/CFT principles, modular licensing structures that differentiate between virtual asset activities, and a focus on regulating risks rather than the underlying technologies.

This approach allows African jurisdictions to align with global standards while remaining sensitive to local market dynamics and financial stability considerations.

Africa’s virtual asset market is no longer an uncharted frontier. It is becoming a regulated and strategically significant pillar of the continent’s digital finance ecosystem. For policymakers, the challenge is balancing innovation and competitiveness with financial stability concerns.

For the industry, the message is clear — the window for operating outside formal oversight is closing rapidly. The jurisdictions that embrace clarity, consistency and forward-looking policy will define the next chapter, setting the foundation for a secure, trusted and vibrant African digital asset economy.

This article offers only a snapshot. Download the full guide, created in partnership with top legal and regulatory experts across Africa, to access comprehensive country profiles, regulatory frameworks and upcoming developments.

* Lerato Lamola is a partner at Webber Wentzel.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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IT IS very difficult to imagine a war where the United States fought for its survival, as it is currently pre-occupied in Iran. Arguably, in most wars of aggression instigated at its instance since the end of World War II, these were adventures of ideological conquest.

Even when emerging less than victorious, it did not matter. For, they did not put the survival of the empire in mortal jeopardy. They would insouciantly write them down to experience.

The evolutionary graduation of the empire manifested in 1974, through the agency of an innocuously sounding phenomenon called ‘petrodollar’. Far from it being innocuous, it is a well contrived cog in the engine of the empire, arguably the most important one at that.

Prof. Richard Wolff of the US has a specific predilection to describe this phenomenon. In his words, ‘the petrodollar was a deal that’s best understood as if we were talking about gangsters- and maybe that’s what we are.’

In order to fund the war in Vietnam, the US had to print more dollars than it could underwrite with its gold holdings. This resulted in the delta between the value of the minted fiat and the value of the underlying bullion, which was widening at an astronomical pace, to the alarm of the US policy makers.

The situation was further inflamed by the French in 1971, whilst the US was engrossed in a losing war in Vietnam, where the US had just replaced the French, the erstwhile coloniser. Paris sent two naval ships to claim gold by returning the accumulated US dollars.

President Nixon was deeply perturbed that the French petition would diminish American bullion stockpiles. Predictably, on the15th of August of 1971, he decided that the convertibility of US dollars to gold was thenceforth suspended indefinitely. So did the gold standard forever perish!

The Yom Kippur war in 1973 rendered the US economy particularly more vulnerable to sudden crises as the one wrought by the oil embargo by all the OPEC member countries. The impact on oil prices was spectacularly devastating, having quadrupled from USD 3.00 to USD 12.00. With daily consumption of 57 million barrels of oil globally, the US conspired with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to do several things under the cognem of ‘petrodollar’!

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, would, for reasons befitting its vulnerability, only sell its oil in US dollars. The received dollars shall be re-invested back into the US through the purchase of bonds, treasuries, equities and other forms of investments including holding physical accounts in US banks.

In return, the US will provide military protection to the kingdom. And as Prof. Wolff suggests, just like the mafia would muse, it was only humane to remind the Saudis that ‘nice place you’ve got here. It would be a shame if something happened to it.’ So soon thereafter, other Gulf countries followed suit, as did the entire OPEC bloc subsequently.

If ever there was need to justify the starting of wars against any country, the survival of the petrodollar which is a critical prerequisite for the survival of the economic polity of the US, provides unassailable warrant.

This started a new era of assassinations of heads of state, coups, regime change operations and proxy wars. The concept of an international rules-based order became shorthand for America making the rules, with everyone obliging except America.

The strategy of the petrodollar is rather quixotically simplistic. First, the US must exercise control over the 93 million barrels of crude oil consumed everyday globally. Second, the dollar contraption seeks to destroy the organisation called OPEC. And finally, sow discord among BRICS members, and where possible, vanquish their ambitions.

Both Saddam Hussein and Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi wanted to sell oil in currencies other than the US dollars. Their demise at the hands of respective US invasions, is written in the annals of controversial history dripping with their own blood from a gory violence.

Oil wars are generally disruptive, portending an imponderable power of destruction. They visited untold misery on the peoples of Iraq and Lybia. However, the Iranians keep having these nightmarish episodes as they did in 1952, 1980-1988 and recently, 2025 and 2026.

Within the context of the hegemon’s oil strategy in pursuance of global primacy, Iran represents one of the three countries that provide bulwark against the dominance of the greenback. The other two are Russia and China.

Ergo, no matter the puerile reasons advanced for the incessant violent attacks against Iran, the history of all the other interventions over the years, bear the hallmarks of oil wars. In 1952, it was to remove Mossadegh as Prime Minister because he nationalized the oil wells of Iran. In 1979, it was on account to a people’s revolution that toppled a Shah-led regime that paid oil fealty to the collective West.

When operation Midnight Thunder announced in June of 2025, and as it repeats in 2026 under the guise of Epic Fury, the excuse rhymes the same, but more nuanced each time. The trick is to get the Iranians negotiating for many years on the monitoring of nuclear enrichment facilities, make them believe an agreement had been reached and therefore sign for them. At the height of the fanfare, the US would immediately cancel the long-negotiated agreement. And then bomb them!

In the case of the Russian Federation, the collective West is keeping them busy with Ukraine, their useful proxy. Kept pre-occupied along the long battle contact line stretching from Kharkiv to Kherson, the US would in the meantime concentrate in west Asia.

And then there is China! In 2017, the Chinese surpassed the US as the world’s largest importer of crude oil. Consistent with China’s long game in geopolitics, renowned for its all-scenario planning and decisive implementation, they have been preparing at so many levels to remonstrate with the petrodollar behemoth. The front end of their efforts had been concentrated in using the renminbi to purchase a panoply of commodities.

With the commencement of the Russian Special Operations in eastern Ukraine, the US and EU sanctions regime against the Kremlin rained a fortuitous political windfall. Russia and China solidified their relations in ways the planners of the proxy war against Russia did not anticipate.

Suddenly, crude oil was traded in local currencies of both countries and by extension, so would all other commodities between them. India started buying Russian crude oil in Rupees and for reasons understandable to both, subsequently in Yuan. Saudi Arabia would, against the petrodollar construct, sell its crude oil to the Chinese in Yuan.

Iran did not prevaricate. Accounting for over 2 million barrels of oil to China every day, Tehran was indubitably fully on board. The fate of the petrodollar was sealed. It was bleeding from a thousand cuts. What to do. What to do!

The plan was deceptively simple. This was to make a ruse about enriched uranium and ballistic missiles, then attack Iran, engineer a regime change and in quick order, take over their oil and voila, Venezuela 2.0 is accomplished. However, the results were scripted from hell. The beleaguered Strait of Hormuz has now become a Yuan toll booth at a staggering USD 2 million equivalent a passage.

At this moment, the petrodollar, or the Donald, whoever gets to the trigger first, may be desperate for options. If attacking China indirectly via the Strait of Hormuz is taking longer and is costing the US far much more than its tolerance threshold can bear, perhaps changing strategy could work.

Considering that of all the wars that the US has ever started gratuitously, it can be said without equivocation that this is the Waterloo for the petrodollar. It is the last war of survival for the US dollar. The US military will continue to be strong and menacing no doubt. But it will be desperately haemorrhaging from its behind from a thousand holes.

The quintessential question beckons. Can the US survive without the petrodollar? To respond to that enquiry, Hilary Clinton had an urgent declaration to make.

It is time to pivot to China!

* Amb Bheki Gila Esq is a Barrister-at-Law.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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TIME seemed to stand still. The world went eerily anxious, waiting with bated breath. US President Donald Trump’s finger was on the trigger as the clock began to race faster.

Iran, a nation of more than 90 million people, was on the brink of apocalypse. “A whole civilisation will die tonight, never to be brought back again,” were the chilling words of Trump, leader of the so-called “Free World”.

According to literature on Open Access platforms, Iranian civilisation is one of the “world’s oldest and continuous cultures that has shaped humanity, influenced art, science, governance and strategy globally”. The writings of the Persian scholars are said to have formed “core texts in European universities” over centuries.

Trump, with spine-chilling arrogance and care-free attitude of a bully, was asked by a reporter if his evil threats were not tantamount to genocide and war crimes, to which he typically brushed aside the question as if it did not represent the feelings and views of civilised people the world over.

In the midst of Trump’s threat to unleash mayhem of a kind never seen in contemporary history, leaders of our international governance system were noticeable by their absence, having gone into hiding.

As the world burned, they said nothing. Iranians were almost all alone, with their depleted weapons of self-defence in the wake of an illegal invasion of their sovereignty by the US and, typically, Israel in tow.

UN chief Antonio Guterres was inaudible and visible by his absence in the hour of great need for his services in line with his oath of office. The European Union — the self-righteous and self-declared protectors of the so-called rules-based world order — also retreated to their shell in Brussels.

As a norm, they never speak publicly against Trump, their Big Brother. Unless, of course, occasionally, such as when he threatens to annex Greenland.

But it is one Karim Khan whose cowardice left me reeling in disbelief and seething with anger. Khan is the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). His duties include the responsibility to examine situations where war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity rear their ugly head.

Khan does not need to wait until genocide has been committed and an entire civilisation wiped out — never to be built again — a la Trump. Just at a primary phase of humanity, Khan’s heartbeat ought to skip when chilling threats like Trump’s are spewed like bile before an apparently helpless international community.

South Africa did not wait for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his Knesset to complete their systematic and intentional annihilation of the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

Like the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague, where Pretoria laid charges of genocide against Netanyahu and the State of Israel, Khan and the ICC were equally made aware of the evil reign of terror the Israel Defence Force (IDF) unleashed indiscriminately on the beleaguered people of Palestine.

The onslaught against the Palestinians took place, nay, continues to happen on their occupied land by a racist Zionist regime that is unhinged and unhindered. To Khan’s little credit, he did issue a warrant of arrest against Netanyahu and a few of his cabinet hotheads.

Trump reacted by issuing threats against Khan and ICC officials who participated in filing the paperwork against Netanyahu and his pals. Additionally, Trump imposed unilateral sanctions on Khan and others in the ICC.

This, in my book, is indisputable evidence of the dearth of the UN and ineffectiveness of its founding charter that is based on multilateralism. How the US has been allowed to overtake the UN and assume the role of the international cop above the UN Security Council beggars belief.

The UN was established after Hitler orchestrated the murder of about 6 million Jews during the period that included WWII from 1939 to 1945. The objective for establishing the UN was plain and simple: Never again! The world vowed that “never again” would another bully be allowed to reign so freely.

The establishment of the Rome Statute that gave birth to institutions such as the ICC was intended to avoid a situation where an individual, no matter how cowboyish they felt and regardless of the military might behind their arrogance, would trigger another World War.

This week, the world came from the brink. It is not over yet; the ceasefire is hardly holding, thanks to Netanyahu and the Jewish State represented by a right-wing Knesset.

For the rest of the ordinary mortals around the world, we are wondering where Khan is and what he is thinking or doing to save humanity from the looming apocalypse.

I am acutely aware that our international systems are all broken, and have been for a long while. But it is the hypocritical Khan that I really want to take umbrage with. Khan is so two-faced it’s not funny.

He excels in the art of double standards that are intrinsically geared towards favouring the West. As a result, he should have long been kicked out of the ICC. In my view, he has brought the ICC into disrepute too many times and continues to get away with murder.

Consider the following: Right at the beginning of Russia’s war with Ukraine in 2022, Khan hurriedly issued a warrant of arrest against Russian President Vladimir Putin. The intent, it is too obvious to see, was to embarrass the Russian leader in a war the West rallied together behind Ukraine to defend, they said, a rules-based world order and democracy.

However, soon it was clear that Ukraine was being used by the West and NATO as a pawn in their proxy war against Russia.

Khan’s swift move against the Russian president might look innocent at face value. But it is not, and never was. It was laced with the crooked mind of a schemer, a sly and cunning operator who pushes a nefarious agenda surreptitiously.

His issuance of a warrant of arrest against Russia’s First Citizen had far-reaching ramifications. For example, it meant that President Putin could not travel to South Africa in August 2023 to attend the BRICS Heads of State meeting held in Johannesburg.

He was consequently represented by Russia’s long-serving Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sergey Lavrov. This is the kind of impact Khan’s decision, and by extension that of the ICC, can have.

To demonstrate Khan’s dereliction of duty in the case of Trump and the US military’s excesses in the ubiquitous bombardment of Iran, which is characterised by indiscriminate destruction that targets everybody and everything, a former ICC prosecutor laid bare Khan’s and the court’s inconsistencies.

Luis Moreno Ocampo, the founding chief prosecutor of the ICC, was speaking at an Institute of Politics forum at the Harvard Kennedy School in the US this week when he said Trump’s threats to destroy Iranian infrastructure bordered on constituting war crimes. This was so under the same legal framework the ICC used to indict Russian officials over the war in Ukraine, Ocampo argued.

“My suggestion: You read the indictment of the Russians, change the name, and it will be very similar,” he said. Ocampo further argued that if the US military acted under the command of Trump as the commander-in-chief when they destroyed Iranian civil infrastructure, “the basis for indictment” was valid.

This is the piercing truth from which Khan and his colleagues in the ICC are running away, hiding God-knows-where. Note, too, that none of the regular EU defenders of “civilisation” have tackled Trump in similar ways to how they illegally invaded Iraq in 2003 and killed Saddam Hussein and eight years later, in 2011, assassinated Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi amid the West’s material backing of a “popular uprising” across Libya.

The rebellion bore the hallmarks of the 2014 overthrow of a democratically elected pro-Russian president of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, in yet another “popular uprising” also known as “Euromaidan”. The script is simply too similar, if not just the same.

These examples further lay bare the double standards of the ICC. When it comes to Africa’s leaders or political figures, Khan and the ICC behave like a bull in a China shop. Since 2002, virtually all cases the ICC launched were against African leaders. Even the ICC convictions are made up of an overwhelming African majority, therefore showing a clear bias against the continent.

Dozens of Africans caught in the ICC’s crosshairs have included sitting or former heads of state such as Omar al-Bashir of Sudan; Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, both of Kenya; and Laurent Gbagbo of the Ivory Coast, and there are several convictions against individuals from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Mali and Uganda.

Meanwhile, despite the ICC’s warrant of arrest against the Prime Minister of Israel, Netanyahu roams freely to selected international destinations under the cover of Trump’s omnipotent protection. Truly, I tell you, ours is a US-led unipolar world order, period.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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SOUTH African Airways has reported a profit of R155 million. On the surface, it is a headline that invites relief.

After years defined by bailouts, business rescue, route cuts, and reputational damage, the figure appears to signal something South Africa has long been waiting for: a national carrier finding its footing again.

This conclusion is misleading.

Profit does not prove genuine recovery. It is a single indicator that reflects either necessary reductions or meaningful reform.

South Africa has seen this pattern before. State-owned enterprises are often declared to be “turning around” precisely when they have been resized, stabilised, or temporarily contained. The risk lies not in the number itself, but in how quickly we convert it into meaning. In doing so, we confuse financial relief with structural repair.

The real question is not whether SAA made a profit, but how it made it, whether it can repeat it, and what it reveals about the institution beneath it.

Measured against its history, the R155 million surplus is modest. Over the past decade, SAA has absorbed tens of billions of rand in bailouts, guarantees, and restructuring costs. Business rescue alone required significant public support to keep the airline solvent.

Against that backdrop, the current profit looks less like a turnaround and more like early stabilisation.

There is also a more uncomfortable possibility. Profit can come not from growth, but from shrinkage.

The post-restructuring airline is significantly smaller than its pre-crisis predecessor. It operates a leaner fleet, a reduced route network, and a tighter cost base. These changes lower risk and improve financial control, but they also limit revenue potential and global reach. A smaller airline can appear healthier precisely because it is doing less.

A smaller airline is not a stronger one; it is simply less extensive.

This is where headline interpretation becomes dangerous. Financial results do not fully capture institutional health. An organisation can report a surplus while still operating within constrained conditions, relying on residual state support, or carrying governance vulnerabilities that are not immediately visible in annual numbers.

Public perception fills gaps. In a country where confidence in public institutions is low, a positive figure is quickly seen as a sign of recovery, but recovery is a pattern, not a moment.

SAA’s history makes that caution unavoidable. Years of mismanagement, political interference, and operational instability not only produced financial losses.

They weakened institutional memory, disrupted operational continuity, and damaged credibility with passengers, partners, and lessors. Those are not problems that a single profitable year can resolve.

Trust in aviation is built slowly and lost quickly. It is restored not through headlines but through consistency across cycles, leadership changes, and economic shocks.

This is why language matters. A “turnaround” suggests a completed shift in direction, a system that has regained its internal momentum. What SAA appears to be experiencing is something more limited but still important: stabilisation. Stabilisation stops the decline. Recovery sustains forward movement. Resilience proves itself under pressure.

Merging the stages of stabilisation and recovery promotes complacency and weakens necessary oversight.

There is also a broader national question at play. South Africa has repeatedly justified support for state-owned enterprises on the basis that they are strategic assets. That argument carries weight. But it also carries an obligation. Strategic importance cannot substitute for performance indefinitely.

The issue now is transparency. Is SAA operating independently of extraordinary support, or is its profitability occurring within a tightly managed environment still underpinned by the state? The difference is critical. One point to genuine viability. The other managed survival.

None of this diminishes the progress that has been made. Returning to profitability in a capital-intensive, highly competitive global aviation market is not trivial. Cost discipline appears stronger. Operational focus is clearer. Management has restored a degree of control that was previously absent. Improvement does not equal recovery or resilience.

The real test lies ahead: Can SAA sustain profits without support, expand routes without instability, and regain lasting trust from passengers and partners?

Most importantly, can it maintain governance discipline and shield itself from past political interference?

These are the measures that matter.

For genuine change, look for repeated, consistent performance, strategic expansion, and proven tough governance, not just another single profit.

Until SAA achieves consistency, the R155m profit marks only a checkpoint, not an endpoint.

South Africa has a habit of mistaking early improvement for final resolution. We elevate stabilisation into transformation and treat relief as success. The cost of that habit is not only analytical. It is fiscal and institutional because it reduces scrutiny when it is still required.

A more disciplined reading of SAA’s results resists that temptation. It asks harder questions about sustainability, structure, and governance before allowing comfort to set in.

Because in the end, the measure of a national airline is not whether it can report a profit once. It is whether it can remain viable without extraordinary support, operate consistently across cycles, and repeatedly earn back the trust that had to be rebuilt after near collapse.

Profit is just the beginning, not proof. The real case for recovery is still to come.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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IF you want to destroy a people, you start with their identity — because in identity lives memory, and in memory lives power. And that is exactly what history has always been: not just dates and events, but the story of who we are allowed to believe we are.

For too long in South Africa, that story has been fractured on purpose.

Now, South Africa is being handed a rare, almost uncomfortable opportunity to finally tell its own story properly. Not in fragments. Not diluted. Not filtered through the cold, distant lens of colonial archives and Eurocentric syllabi that have long dictated what counts as “real” history.

The minister's call to overhaul the history curriculum is not merely cosmetic — it is an admission that what we have been teaching is, at its core, devastatingly inadequate. It has been the bane of the development and upliftment of Black families across our nation.

Over 30 years ago, at the dawn of independence, we inherited an education system that still carries the heavy imprint of apartheid and colonial knowledge systems. Systems that did not simply misrepresent us but actively erased us.

Oral histories dismissed. Indigenous knowledge is treated as folklore. African intellectual traditions pushed to the margins, while Europe remained the centre of gravity. We are living in a neocolonial afterlife, blindly swallowing a version of the past that is partial, distorted, and far too comfortable with silence.

And that should unsettle us. Because it means generations have been taught to understand South Africa through frameworks that were never designed to tell the truth about it.

And so even after political liberation, epistemic liberation never fully arrived. We inherited freedom, but not full authorship over our story. What got taught in classrooms was a frequently watered-down version of struggle — selective, sanitised, carefully curated.

We remember a few heroes, a few names elevated into permanence, while countless others have been forced to disappear into silence. Yet liberation was never the work of a few individuals. It was movements. It was communities. It was ordinary people who refused erasure in every corner of this country.

But of course, our inherently foreign curriculum — adopted from far-removed Europeans and Westerners — has always been incapable of grappling with that complexity. And this has been ridiculously evident — from the #FeesMustFall movements to the decades-long calls to decolonise our curriculum.

This moment demands more than cautious reform — it demands serious honesty. A reimagined curriculum is our chance to centre African perspectives not as an afterthought, but as the foundation. To teach land, labour, resistance, and memory from the vantage point of those who lived it — not those who recounted it from positions of manipulative power.

This is a prime time to move beyond a history that explains us to the world and instead build one that explains us to ourselves. Because this is the real work: dismantling the lingering authority of imperial narratives and replacing them with something far more grounded, far more uncomfortable, and far more true.

If we get this right, we are not just changing what is taught in classrooms — we are reshaping how a nation understands its past, and in doing so, how it imagines its future.

The problem with our curriculum is not only what was left out — it is the lens through which everything was framed. South African history has too often been taught through a “European” timeline, a “white” archive, a “Western” starting point that so blatantly forces the false narrative that Africa was empty until it was “discovered”.

That is not history. That is distortion. And when that becomes the foundation of education, it doesn’t just misinform — it disorients. It teaches young people, especially Black learners, to see themselves as an afterthought in their own country’s story.

Meanwhile, across the world, nations do not apologise for centring themselves. From China to India to Cuba, nations unapologetically embed their histories, their struggles, and their philosophies into every layer of education and culture.

Their children grow up knowing not only where they come from, but why it matters. These nations have shown what it means to develop through rooted identity — through education systems that take cultural philosophy, history, and worldview seriously as part of national development.

And we must ask — why has South Africa not done the same? Where is our sense of conviction? Why has African knowledge so often been treated as optional, supplementary, or “informal”, while foreign frameworks are treated as the default truth?

The hard truth is staring us in the face: South Africa cannot afford to continue treating its own intellectual heritage as secondary. Not if we are serious about transformation.

An esteemed academic specialising in education has argued that “history is fundamentally about identity”. If people do not know where they come from, they cannot fully understand who they are. Colonisation — and its continuation in the barbaric apartheid regime — worked precisely to break that link.

It actively dismantled indigenous systems of knowledge, eroded African languages, erased oral traditions, and disrupted the very ways African societies recorded and transmitted education, memory, and identity. These horrific systems didn’t just take land; they fractured our continuity. They dismantled the chain between past and present.

What we are attempting now is not invention — it is repair. It is restoration. A return to something that was never meant to be lost: African systems of knowing, African ways of recording truth, African worldviews that understood community, land, and spirituality as deeply interconnected.

Ubuntu. Botho. These are not decorative cultural concepts — they are philosophical foundations. They are the core of African indigenous identities. Yet they have been persistently stripped from formal education, as if they are incompatible with modernity, when in fact they are central to how African societies have always understood human life.

This is why decolonising the curriculum is not an abstract academic debate. It is an act of justice. A necessary correction. Because you cannot speak about inclusion, access, or equality in education when the knowledge system itself remains one-sided decades after our so-called “Liberation”.

And you certainly cannot expect black learners to fully identify with an education system that rarely reflects their histories, languages, or lived realities. That disconnect is not accidental — it is intentional, structural, and disrespectfully deliberate. It seeks to wholly undermine humanity and the inherent value of modern-day indigenous African people.

And this is where the opportunity lies. If we get this right, education stops being an exclusive space reserved for academics and formal historians alone.

It becomes something bigger, more alive, more communal. Because this is, in fact, opening the door for indigenous knowledge holders, elders, storytellers, language custodians, and, more importantly, ordinary South Africans to contribute to what counts as knowledge.

To decide what and how our future generations understand about our homeland. Oral histories, lived experiences, cultural narratives — all of it must enter the classroom not as decoration but as legitimate, authoritative educational resources.

This is the real shift we are being called into: not just rewriting textbooks, but reclaiming legitimacy over what knowledge itself looks like in South Africa.

And if we are brave enough to do that, then we are not only correcting the past — we are rebuilding the intellectual foundation of the future, and taking a critical step in meaningfully transforming our entire society for the better.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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WE need a feminist consciousness around political leadership, including within the spaces that surround heads of state.

In this regard, the work of Zanele Mbeki offers an important example of how feminist agency can shape national development beyond formal political office. Mbeki once recounts a telling moment from the presidency of her husband, former President Thabo Mbeki.

On one occasion, when he was scheduled to meet with a group of prominent business leaders, she requested to see the list of attendees. To her dismay, she discovered that not a single woman had been invited.

Unwilling to accept such exclusion as normal, she intervened decisively. Though she was neither the convener of the meeting nor an invited participant, she insisted that women must be part of the conversation.

Acting on principle, she reached out to several accomplished businesswomen she knew and encouraged them to attend.

It was a quiet yet powerful act of feminist leadership — one that challenged the entrenched invisibility of women in spaces where economic decisions are made. In doing so, she reminded us that inclusion does not happen by accident; it often requires the courage of someone willing to disrupt the status quo.

Her leadership has never relied on visibility or rhetorical prominence. Rather, it reflects a tradition within African feminist praxis that values institution-building, community mobilisation, and economic transformation.

For decades, she has championed women’s economic empowerment through initiatives that address the structural barriers faced by women in rural and township economies.

Among her most enduring contributions is the establishment of the Women’s Development Bank, which expanded access to finance for women long excluded from formal banking systems. The initiative reflected a deeper feminist understanding: that economic agency is foundational to social and political empowerment.

Her more recent work engages with the social business model developed by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus. Social business seeks to reconcile market mechanisms with social justice by prioritising social impact rather than profit maximisation.

In her articulation of the model, women-led enterprises become vehicles not only for poverty reduction but also for structural transformation in local economies.

This perspective resonates strongly with broader currents in African feminist scholarship, which emphasise development approaches grounded in lived realities, collective empowerment, and institutional innovation.

In this sense, Zanele Mbeki’s work illustrates how feminist leadership can operate quietly yet decisively to reshape economic possibilities for women across communities.

Zanele Mbeki’s feminist leadership also reminds us that great leaders recognise and celebrate the leadership of others. By honouring women who have paved the way, she reaffirms our commitment to building an Africa where women’s leadership, innovation, and economic agency continue to flourish.

Recently, she hosted a leadership soiree in Marlboro honouring two extraordinary African women. Gloria Serobe — an accomplished businesswoman, one of the first Black female chartered accountants in South Africa, and founder of Women Investment Portfolio Holdings (WIPHOLD).

Through her pioneering work, she has opened pathways for women’s participation and leadership within the financial and corporate sectors.

Serobe was honoured alongside Gertrude Mongella, the distinguished Tanzanian leader who chaired the landmark Fourth World Conference on Women and led the African delegation during this historic global gathering in 1995.

Her remarkable leadership earned her the affectionate title “Mama Beijing”, symbolising her enduring contribution to advancing the global women’s rights agenda.

Her admirable legacy invites us to take the potential of women-centred social business models as a pathway toward sustainable and inclusive development on the African continent.

* Professor Edith Dinong Phaswana is a prominent academic at Unisa, currently serving as the Acting Executive Dean of the Thabo Mbeki African School of Public and International Affairs.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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At just 17, Claudia Stuart Calisto steps into the literary space with “The Veyrith”, a debut that reflects both ambition and discipline. 

She began writing the novel at sixteen, building a story rooted in resilience, love and war, while still navigating school and self-doubt.

Set in a layered city that feels almost alive, “The Veyrith” follows a journey of awakening and the discovery of hidden strength. The setting carries much of the emotional weight, but the story remains grounded in personal truth. 

Calisto describes her work as “fantasy, but reality,” using the genre to explore what it means to be seen and heard. The narrative moves between conflict and introspection, allowing its characters to confront both external battles and inner change.

“Writing ‘The Veyrith' wasn't always easy,” Calisto says. “There were moments when I wanted to give up… especially when the story felt bigger than me.”

That tension between doubt and persistence shapes the novel. It also reflects her own experience as a young writer learning to trust her voice.

Her creative process drew influence from Alex Warren, whose music she describes as “emotional and raw.”

She aligned certain songs with chapters, using sound to guide tone and pacing. This approach adds another layer to the reading experience, even if the music remains behind the scenes. 

The novel places strong female characters at its centre, offering figures who confront power, identity and belonging. Calisto wrote with intention, aiming to reach readers who may not have felt represented in traditional fantasy.

Working with editor Lia Marus helped refine her work.

“Over the past while, I’ve had the privilege of mentoring Claudia Stuart Calisto,” Marus says. “Watching this book come to life and seeing her growth along the way has been incredibly special.”

From Bassonia in Johannesburg, Calisto has already begun shaping a series, positioning “The Veyrith" as the first step in a longer journey. 

Oos Wes, Tuis Bes 2026

Some of South Africa’s biggest Afrikaans stars will take to the stage at this renowned music and cultural festival.

Under the theme "Your Town · Your Language · Your Pride · Your Home", the event serves as a tribute to South African identity and the spirit of community. 

The festival features a powerhouse line-up of popular Afrikaans artists, including: Juan Boucher, Roan Ash, Jan Blohm and “The Voice SA” winner Tasché.

They will be joined by award-winning singer-songwriter Herman Kleinhans as well as Nicholis Louw with additional performances from Leo Sonskyn, Brandon Miles, Zoë, Hendré Baard and the band Vrede.

The evening will be hosted by the energetic Bibi. No children under 3 years old are permitted. 

Where: Big Top Arena at Carnival City Casino & Entertainment World.

When: Saturday, April 11, from 6pm.

RESISTANCE Festival 

This gathering is a Freedom Month meets Human Rights Month hip hop experience at Constitution Hill, honouring the spirit of 1976 through music, culture and youth expression.

Expect live performances, DJs, dance, graffiti, fashion, food stalls, photography and creative workshops in music, business and AI.

Where: Constitution Hill, Braamfontein.

When: Saturday, April 11, from 2pm.

Zoo Trot

During this second Sunday of the month, Joburg Zoo will host their 5km run or walk. The Zoo Trot allows you to work on your fitness while being mesmerised by the antics of chimpanzees, the chirping of birds, the croaks of frogs, or be astounded by the hissing of a python or a roar of lions.

This is also ideal for families, as children and people of all ages are welcome to join.

Where: Johannesburg Zoo.

When: Sunday, April 12, from 7am.

RISING demand for lithium is positioning Africa to attract foreign investment, accelerate local beneficiation and strengthen its role in securing the global battery supply chain.

A recent forecast by Wood Mackenzie projects that global lithium demand could exceed 13 million tonnes by 2050 under an accelerated energy transition scenario. This surge is expected to place significant pressure on supply, with deficits emerging as early as 2028.

Without substantial new investments, existing lithium projects will struggle to meet demand beyond the mid-2030s.

Against this backdrop, Africa’s growing pipeline of greenfield and development-stage lithium projects positions the continent as an increasingly important contributor to global supply security.

In 2025, Africa ranked as the largest source of new lithium supply globally, with new output from the region exceeding that of the rest of the world combined. This milestone underscores the continent’s potential to scale production and strengthen its role in the global battery minerals market.

Even under a slower energy transition scenario, Wood Mackenzie projects that lithium markets will remain adequately supplied until 2037, before entering deficit. This outlook reinforces Africa’s strategic role as new projects across Mali, Zimbabwe, Ghana and Namibia advance toward production.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Zijin Mining, AVZ Minerals and KoBold Metals are expected to begin operations at the Manono lithium project in mid-to-late 2026, marking the country’s first lithium output.

Ranked among the world’s largest hard-rock lithium deposits, Manono is expected to begin exports shortly after commissioning, diversifying DRC’s mineral output while strengthening the continent`s contribution to the global electric vehicles and battery supply chain.

Mali is also rapidly positioning itself as a key lithium producer. The Bougouni Lithium Project, commissioned in 2025, currently produces about 125 000 tons per annum of concentrate, with Phase Two expansion plans underway that could nearly double production capacity.

Meanwhile, the Goulamina Lithium Project, one of the largest spodumene deposits globally, is producing around 506 000 tons of spodumene concentrate annually, with expansion plans targeting one million tons per year.

Together, these projects are expected to significantly strengthen Mali and Africa’s position within the global lithium market.

In Ghana, the Ewoyaa Lithium Project, developed by Atlantic Lithium, is set to become the country’s first lithium-producing mine, with production targeted for late 2027.

The project is expected to produce 3.58 million tons of spodumene concentrate grading 6% and 5.5%, alongside about 4.7 million tons of secondary product, further strengthening Africa’s contribution to global lithium supply.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwe — currently Africa’s largest lithium producer — is accelerating efforts to move up the value chain.

Government policies restricting the export of raw lithium are encouraging investment in local processing and beneficiation facilities, supporting the production of higher-value lithium products and positioning the country as a key supplier to the global battery materials market.

With an estimated $276 billion in new investment required to avoid the forecast supply deficits beginning in 2028, Africa’s lithium-rich countries are well positioned to attract the capital needed to expand production and downstream processing.

In this context, African Mining Week 2026 — scheduled for October 14–16 in Cape Town — will serve as a key platform for global investors, project developers and policymakers to engage on opportunities within Africa’s lithium sector.

As the continent’s premier mining investment event, the conference will feature high-level discussions, project showcases, and strategic networking sessions aimed at accelerating partnerships across the lithium value chain.

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SIXTY years ago, on April 3, 1964, Malcolm X delivered the most famous version of this speech at the Cory Methodist Church in Cleveland, Ohio.

Amid the intense fight for civil rights in America, Malcolm X issued an ultimatum that still stands as the clearest assessment of the democratic effort: The Ballot or the Bullet.

As I sit here in the South African academic world, a place still haunted by the shadows of colonial buildings, I see that Malcolm’s words are not just history. They are a current, living critique of today.

To speak from my position as a Black Motswana scholar, both socially and intellectually, is to speak from the “underside of modernity”. It is to see the “bad faith” of a post-apartheid government that has given people the vote but has kept land, wealth, and Black dignity out of reach.

When we reinterpret Malcolm X through the philosophical ideas of Lewis Gordon and George Yancy, we understand that the “ballot” was never only about voting, and the “bullet” was never only about weapons. They symbolise the choice between silent, managed invisibility and a deep, radical break from oppression.

Gordon, in his work on existential phenomenology, describes “bad faith” as a flight from reality, a collective lie we tell ourselves to avoid the demands of justice. In South Africa and across the Global South, the ballot has often become a tool of this bad faith.

We are told that voting is the pinnacle of liberation, yet as Gordon argues, the state often engages in a “political theodicy”. It treats the system as inherently good and perfect, suggesting that if Black people are still suffering, it is a failure of the people, not the system.

Malcolm X saw through this theodicy in 1964. He recognised that the “ballot” in an anti-Black world is often a form of ventriloquism, where the oppressed speak the language of the master to validate the master’s house.

For those of us navigating the “post-colony”, the ballot has too often been a “suturing” device: It stitches up the wounds of history without cleaning the infection of coloniality underneath.

This is where Yancy’s work becomes essential. Yancy discusses the “white gaze” as a force that “sutures” (or sews up) Whiteness into a position of safety, invisibility, and unquestionable authority.

To the “white gaze”, the Black subject is either a “loyal voter” or a “menace”. Malcolm X’s rhetoric of the “bullet” was a psychological and epistemic projectile aimed directly at this suture.

By refusing to promise “non-violence” to a state that was structurally violent, Malcolm was “un-suturing” the white consciousness of his time. He was forcing the oppressor to see their own reflection in the barrel of the crisis they created.

In my own work on decoloniality, I observe this tension daily. The “white gaze” of the global academic and political order demands that the Black intellectual be “civil”, “measured”, and “reasonable”.

But Malcolm teaches us that “reasonableness” in the face of systemic dehumanisation is a form of complicity. The “bullet” symbolises the moment when the Black subject refuses to be a “problem” to be solved and instead becomes a “human” to be reckoned with.

A pivotal moment in Malcolm’s 1964 speech was his move to shift the struggle from “civil rights” to “human rights”. In decolonial terms, this was a rejection of the “geography of reason” imposed by the nation-state.

Malcolm aimed to bring the case of the Black man to the United Nations, elevating it from a domestic issue to a global crime against humanity. As a scholar of the politics of translation, I see this as a prophetic act.

It marks a shift from the “law of the land” (often the law of the coloniser) to a higher epistemic position. Citing Gordon and Yancy, we observe that the “ballot” is constrained by national borders, yet the “bullet” of decolonial thought knows no borders. It calls for a complete “un-homing” of colonial logic.

From my position in the South African “post-colony”, the warning is clearer than ever. We have experienced thirty years of voting rights. Yet, the “white gaze” still dominates boardrooms and classrooms, and the “bad faith” of politicians has left most people in a state of existential uncertainty.

Malcolm X’s warning was not a call for reckless violence; it was an insightful observation of how history functions. When voting doesn’t bring a “new humanity”, the “bullet” inevitably becomes the language of the unheard. This “bullet” is already showing up in our service delivery protests, radical student movements, and the complete loss of trust in official institutions.

To avoid the “bullet”, we need to do more than just “vote better”. We must engage in what Yancy calls a “shattering of the ego”, a complete dismantling of the Whiteness that still anchors our social and economic lives.

We need to move beyond the “bad faith” of colonial democracy and toward a decolonial reality where Black life is not a “problem” to be managed but the very centre of a new geography of reason.

Sixty years later, the clock still ticks. The ballot is in our hands, but the shadow of the bullet grows long. The question is no longer whether we will choose, but whether we have the courage to choose a world where the ballot truly means freedom.

* Prof Itumeleng Daniel Mothoagae (PhD) is head of the Institute for Gender Studies, College of Human Sciences at the University of South Africa in Pretoria.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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SOUTH Africa’s wholesale, manufacturing and distribution sectors are a crucial part of the real economy, affecting industries as diverse as automotive spares to medical or IT equipment.

These sectors move goods from importers and producers to retailers, farmers, construction sites and SMEs across the country. Yet, despite these sectors being critical to the pulse of the country’s economy, many sales directors are still managing field sales teams through things such as WhatsApp groups, offline Excel spreadsheets and emailed price lists.

This isn’t a minor inconvenience; it is a structural weakness that amplifies every mistake or external shock hitting the economy. The result? Eroded margins, damaged customer trust, or even unfulfilled orders that hurt credibility in competitive markets.

Consider the war in the Middle East and its effects on the oil price, the knock-on to logistics and the expected increases in the local price of petrol and diesel. Factoring in the rand, which has suffered its worst decline in years, it is clear the country is hyper-sensitive to global turmoil.

For companies that rely on imports or long-haul logistics, pricing can shift meaningfully within days. When field representatives quote customers from information that is already outdated, the consequences are immediate.

Many reps who go out on multi-day routes to the most rural parts of the country operate with delayed or incomplete data. Their managers, back at head office, have limited visibility until manual reports trickle in days later.

This is a discussion about competitiveness because navigating fairly flat GDP growth forecasts in an environment where businesses are being squeezed on margins, these small leaks and delays can accumulate into meaningful impacts or even losses.

Many areas struggle with unreliable energy infrastructure, causing outages that can last for extended periods. This weakens already sketchy mobile coverage in far-flung regions of the country. Manual processes in this type of delayed environment can quickly turn into an operational risk.

A rep may quote a customer accurately based on the last-known data. A sudden spike in the fuel price or rapid depreciation in the currency may well render the quoted price unprofitable by the time the order is processed. A business has two choices in this scenario: Either it absorbs the loss or risks losing the relationship.

Moreover, sharing sensitive customer details and pricing information through channels like WhatsApp carries compliance and security risks. Beyond that, physical notebooks with customer details and supplier information, or shared spreadsheets, create breach risks that modern, compliant, encrypted systems with remote-wipe capabilities can mitigate.

There is simply no reason in 2026 that sensitive customer or organisational information should be unprotected and at risk. Working with a secure and compliant application ensures organisations can have peace of mind about security and compliance, and instead focus on driving sales.

Any technology solution designed to address shared field sales challenges needs to be tailored to South Africa’s reality. This means robust offline functionality is non-negotiable. An application must allow a device to cache information when not connected and sync automatically as soon as the signal returns.

Let’s be clear — this is not just for power cuts or poor mobile reception. A sales rep might be working on the application aboard a two-hour flight between Cape Town and Johannesburg. The second he turns off aeroplane mode, the application instantly syncs with the business back-end. When he is online, the application is pushing the latest data directly to his phone or tablet.

The biggest improvement for sales directors by embracing technology is a shift away from the typical weekly reporting cycles to near-real-time visibility. This radically reduces miscommunication, and sales managers gain oversight without constant following up and nagging. In an economy where every percentage of efficiency matters, this capability moves field operations from a source of friction to a source of organisational resilience.

AI has the ability to analyse huge amounts of data. Going forward, it will be deployed to analyse patterns across customer segments, for example, and transform a traditional order taker into a strategic advisor who proactively identifies relevant upsells or even product-line extensions.

The potential is incredibly exciting, but it all rests on the foundation of a reliable, single source of truth that functions seamlessly in South African conditions.

Put bluntly, clinging to manual oversight is not prudent; it is an unnecessary tax on productivity at a time when organisations need to be at their most agile and proactive.

Businesses that invest in live, offline-capable workflows and visibility for their sales teams are driving productivity, protecting margins, safeguarding customer relationships and giving their leadership teams real-time insights they need to navigate whatever conditions are thrown their way.

* Brian Howe is the chief revenue officer at Skynamo.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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ACROSS Southern Africa, democracy is often understood through a single, defining moment: the vote. Elections are treated as the ultimate expression of accountability, the point at which citizens pass judgement on those who govern.

But this narrow view raises a deeper and more important question: What happens after the vote is cast?

In Zimbabwe’s current political system, accountability tends to be episodic. It intensifies during election periods, when leaders are most exposed to public scrutiny, and then recedes once power is secured. The presidency, by design, operates with considerable autonomy between elections, with limited mechanisms for continuous, institutional oversight.

This is not simply a matter of leadership style. It is a structural outcome.

The 2013 Constitution, while introducing important reforms, also revealed gaps over time. One of the more consequential shifts was the removal of the running mates clause, which would have tied the election of a president and vice president to a single electoral mandate.

In its absence, vice presidents, including Constantino Chiwenga, have assumed office through presidential appointment rather than direct electoral endorsement.

The result is a concentration of authority at the apex of the executive. Accountability flows upward, towards the presidency, rather than outward across a network of institutions. Succession, too, becomes less transparent, often shaped by internal political processes that are not always visible to the public.

This is where the debate on constitutional reform, particularly in the wake of recent public hearings, takes on regional significance.

A shift towards a parliamentary system offers a different model of accountability. In such a framework, executive authority is not fixed for a set period regardless of performance. It is conditional, sustained by the confidence of Parliament, which itself derives legitimacy from the electorate.

This creates a more continuous form of oversight. Leadership is subject to regular scrutiny, debate, and, where necessary, correction. The relationship between the executive and the legislature becomes more dynamic, with power distributed rather than concentrated.

For countries across the region, this issue is not unfamiliar terrain. In South Africa and Botswana, parliamentary systems have embedded this principle of ongoing accountability into governance. While not immune to political challenges, these systems demonstrate how institutional design can create more consistent checks on executive authority.

Within this context, the proposal to extend Zimbabwe’s presidential term to seven years should not be viewed in isolation. On its own, a longer term could raise legitimate concerns about reduced electoral accountability.

But paired with a parliamentary framework, it reflects a different logic: shifting accountability from periodic elections to the daily functioning of representative institutions.

In other words, accountability is not diminished. It is relocated.

Critics often argue that such a system risks concentrating power within political elites. But this concern overlooks a key point. Members of Parliament are themselves elected. Strengthening Parliament is, in effect, strengthening the role of citizens within the governance process, not weakening it.

It also changes political incentives. A parliamentary system requires ongoing negotiation, coalition-building, and engagement across party lines. It reduces the dominance of winner-takes-all outcomes and introduces a greater degree of cooperation into political life. Competition does not disappear, but it is balanced by the necessity of collaboration.

For Zimbabwe, and for the broader Southern African region, the question is not whether elections should remain central to democracy. They should. The question is whether elections alone are sufficient to guarantee accountability.

Experience suggests they are not.

Democratic systems are judged not only by how leaders are chosen, but by how they are governed once in office. Accountability must be continuous, visible, and embedded within institutions, not confined to electoral cycles.

In this sense, the current reform debate is not a departure from democratic principles. It is an attempt to deepen them.

The ballot remains essential. But it cannot carry the full weight of accountability on its own.

* Linda Tsungirirai Masarira is a Zimbabwean politician, labour rights advocate, and President of the Labour Economists and Afrikan Democrats (LEAD). She also heads Zhizha Natural Dried Foods, a women-driven agro-processing enterprise promoting food security and sustainable livelihoods. A strong Pan-Africanist and gender equality advocate, Masarira is known for her bold stance on governance, anti-corruption, and Africa’s self-determination.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Don't miss the upcoming tribute show at Joburg Theatre dedicated to Hugh Masekela, the father of South African jazz.

The evening promises a nostalgic musical celebration of Hugh Masekela’s powerful legacy. He is remembered as an unparalleled trumpeter and composer, but also as a freedom fighter whose music was instrumental in the struggle for South Africa's liberation.

The show, a collaborative effort with the Hugh Masekela Heritage Foundation, showcases an exceptional collection of artists whose talent reflects Masekela's profound artistry and enduring spirit.

Folk icon Vusi Mahlasela will entertain theatregoers, lending his stirring vocals and storytelling spirit. His performance embodies the same unwavering commitment to justice and humanity that defined Masekela's career.

Zoë Modiga is also featured on the bill, bringing a contemporary elegance to Masekela’s enduring classics and profound artistry. Additionally, Afro-pop sensation Tresor will perform, offering a dynamic, cross-continental spirit that reflects Masekela's wider pan-African outlook.

The evening's rhythmic flow, vibrant movement, and spirit of celebration are rounded out by the harmonious vocals of the Baobab Sisters and the dynamic performance of iComplete.

More than a typical tribute show, this production stands as a testament to the lasting ability of music to bring people together, encourage and motivate.

Where: Mandela Theatre at Joburg Theatre. 

When: Runs from April 9 to 12, 7.30pm.

Shrek the Musical Jr

The musical, featuring everyone's favourite green ogre, is currently on at the Peoples Theatre.

Also, the production features new choreography, costumes, and a fresh cast.

The audience follows the journey of the misunderstood ogre Shrek and his wise-cracking sidekick, Donkey, as they strive to reclaim their swamp from the ambitious Lord Farquaad.

Their journey brings them face-to-face with a variety of fairy tale outcasts, such as a fierce princess and a dragon that breathes fire. In the end, this diverse group of individuals demonstrates that true beauty comes from the inside.

Where: Peoples Theatre.

When: Runs until Sunday, April 19. Times vary between weekdays and weekends.

Many with No Surname

The play tells the story of a man searching for a home and a sense of belonging. However, his moral foundation is shattered after the woman he loves is assaulted by a sexual predator.

Set against an ocean backdrop and infused with jazz, classical music, and ancestral echoes, the narrative delves into themes of identity, memory, masculinity, and the lasting impact of political struggle.

Please note: The show contains strong language and is therefore restricted to viewers aged 16 and over.

Where: The Lesedi at Joburg Theatre

When: Runs until April 12, 7.30pm. Times vary on weekends.

Siv

Aficionados of dance theatre will appreciate this production's message: it explores how human beings, tangled in our own disorder, disruption, and disassociation, constantly yearn for the guidance that leads us to completeness and oneness.

The performance explores the universal desire for peace and a sense of connection.

Where: Gibson Kente Theatre at Soweto Theatre.

When: Saturday, April 11, 3pm.

Johannesburg’s R&B crowd won’t have to rely on playlists this May; it’s about to get real.

"Once Upon a Time in Joburg" is back, and this time it’s bringing SiR to the city for what’s shaping up to be one of the season’s standout live shows.

The organisers announced on social media after teasing fans days before, using one of SiR’s tracks in a cryptic post that had many already guessing what was coming.

When the reveal finally dropped, it confirmed what fans were hoping for: SiR is officially headed to Johannesburg for the concert on May 23.

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The event continues to position itself as a space that celebrates R&B and neo-soul, bringing global acts closer to local audiences. This year’s edition leans into that even more, with SiR’s sound fitting right into the mood the platform has built over time.

Born Sir Darryl Farris, the Inglewood native has built a reputation for music that is both laid-back and deeply introspective.

His catalogue includes fan favourites like "Hair Down" featuring Kendrick Lamar, "John Redcorn", "D’Evils" and "Ooh Nah Nah".

Over the years, he has released four studio albums: "Seven Sundays", "November", "Chasing Summer" and most recently "HEAVY", which dropped in 2024. His work continues to resonate with listeners who appreciate R&B that leans into storytelling and emotion.

Beyond his solo work, SiR is also part of Top Dawg Entertainment, the label known for shaping some of the most influential voices in modern hip hop and R&B. He has collaborated with a range of artists across genres, including Lil Wayne and Jill Scott.

While anticipation is already building, fans will have to wait a little longer for ticket details, with organisers confirming that sales will go live soon.

ZIMBABWEAN politics carries a familiar tension. It is the tension of a nation that has waited decades for meaningful change yet expects that change to arrive quickly, cleanly and without friction.

It is an understandable impatience, but it is also a dangerous one. Because history is clear on one point: change is not an event. It is a process. And processes take time.

This is what makes the current debate around extending the presidential term and reforming the electoral system more than a political contest. At its core, it is a design question. It asks what kind of system gives a society the best chance not just to change leadership, but to transform outcomes.

Zimbabwe has been here before. In 2013, when the Movement for Democratic Change sought a delay of elections through the Southern African Development Community, the argument was not simply about political advantage. It was about timing and structure.

The concern was that without sufficient space for reforms to take hold, elections risked becoming procedural exercises rather than vehicles for real change. It was a warning that rushing to the ballot can sometimes mean postponing transformation.

More than a decade later, that warning still hangs over the system.

The five-year presidential term, often treated as standard, reveals its limitations in practice. It is rarely five years of uninterrupted governance. The early years are consumed by political consolidation and contestation. The middle period offers a narrow window for policy movement.

Then, almost inevitably, the system slips back into campaign mode. What remains is a cycle where governing is squeezed between elections, rather than elections serving governance.

This is the context in which a seven-year term is being proposed. Not as a political indulgence, but as a structural adjustment. The argument is straightforward: meaningful policy requires time.

Infrastructure cannot be judged at the point of announcement. Education reform does not produce results within a budget cycle. Health systems do not stabilise on electoral timelines. Extending the term is, in this view, an attempt to align political time with developmental reality.

But time, on its own, does not guarantee better outcomes. It can just as easily entrench stagnation if the underlying incentives remain unchanged. That is where the second part of the debate becomes critical.

Zimbabwe’s current system of directly electing a president has, over time, reinforced a politics centred on individuals rather than institutions. It rewards visibility, simplifies complex policy questions into campaign slogans, and often produces leaders who are electorally effective but structurally constrained once in office. The system is designed to win mandates, not necessarily to build consensus.

A shift to a parliamentary model would alter that logic. It would make leadership contingent on negotiation rather than declaration. It would require coalitions, force compromise, and anchor authority in collective legitimacy rather than singular personality. In such a system, power is not simply won; it is continuously maintained through agreement.

Critics argue that such a system dilutes democratic choice. But that argument assumes democracy begins and ends at the ballot box. It does not. Democracy is also measured by what follows: the quality of decisions, the stability of institutions, and the extent to which governance delivers tangible improvements in people’s lives.

A system that produces repeated deadlock or shallow victories may be procedurally democratic, but substantively weak.

Zimbabwe now faces a more profound question than whether to amend its Constitution. It must decide what it values more: immediacy or impact. The current model prioritises speed.

It produces regular electoral moments, clear winners, and visible transitions. But it struggles to sustain long-term change. The proposed reforms suggest a different philosophy, one that privileges depth, continuity and structural coherence.

There is no perfect system. Extending terms carries risks. Shifting electoral models introduces uncertainty. But maintaining a system that compresses governance into narrow windows while expanding the theatre of politics is not a neutral choice. It is a choice with consequences, one that the country continues to live with.

The real question, then, is not whether Zimbabwe can afford to give itself more time. It is whether it can afford to keep operating without it.

* Mabasa Sasa is a veteran journalist with over 20 years of experience covering politics, governance, and regional affairs in Southern Africa. He has served as Editor of The Southern Times in Namibia and The Sunday Mail in Zimbabwe, and contributor for New African, bringing deep regional insight and a strong track record in shaping cross-border public discourse.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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“I’m intrigued by the concept of divinity in relation to love. Having two people feel, in the present moment, an energetic pull towards each other, with no concrete explanation for why they feel the way they do, speaks to something beyond logic,” said Thando Zide.

“All of this, to me, is the epitome of romance, drawing from a source as old as divinity to make sense of such a connection, finding reason even in the inexplicable for the love you have for the one you love,” she added, reflecting on the inspiration behind her latest single, “Emandulo”. 

The track interprets the phrase “uThando lwethu olwaseMandulo,” presenting a story of connection that feels destined and deeply rooted.

Through her voice and writing, Zide presents a love that exists outside of time, yet is grounded in lived experience.

The single explores the idea that some connections do not need logic. Instead, they exist in feeling. Zide explained that this sense of mystery shaped her songwriting, allowing her to lean into emotion rather than structure.

The result is a song that speaks to both personal experience and shared understanding, where listeners can find their own meaning in the music.

Zide’s journey into music began in Soweto, where she was raised in a home shaped by sound. Her parents were involved in choral music, and rehearsals were part of daily life. This environment introduced her to harmony and performance at an early age, laying the foundation for her later work.

Her time at the National School of the Arts played a key role in developing her voice and approach. 

“My experience at NSA exposed me to a number of different creative people. This meant a lot of being intrigued by what everyone was listening to and studying, and doing the same, listening to and studying different musicians from all around the world."

"The formal training received from the theory, I’d say, bolstered my understanding of music and what I had no language for in the beginning. This foundation helps me understand the process in my brain a lot better, when writing,” she said. 

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This period of study expanded her musical range and gave her the tools to shape her ideas with clarity.

It also introduced her to collaboration, which continues to influence her work. Over time, she has worked with a number of South African artists, each experience adding to her growth.

“It’s made me appreciate adaptability even more, which is why I keep working on my ability to adapt to different sounds, different processes as well as demands. I always leave a session with other musicians having learnt a lot, and I love that feeling,” she said. 

These collaborations have helped refine her sound while pushing her to remain open to change. Rather than staying within one approach, Zide continues to explore new ways of creating, while maintaining a clear sense of identity.

Afro-soul remains central to her music, but she approaches it with intention. She sees her role as part of a wider cultural conversation, where each release contributes to how South African music is understood.

“What runs constantly in my mind is the significance of my role as a creative in South Africa, and the shaping of the creative culture that my music will do, with time."

"And so, this thought keeps me wanting to carefully and intentionally create music that will place integrity and quality as the standard of South African music, especially to listeners from other parts of the world,” she said.

SINCE US President Donald Trump returned to the White House in January 2025, no African nation has found itself more squarely in Washington’s crosshairs than South Africa.

The deterioration in relations began almost immediately. In February 2025, Trump signed an executive order suspending the majority of foreign aid to Pretoria, cutting off HIV programme funding that supported more than 8 000 healthcare workers.

The administration simultaneously declined to renew the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa), ending South Africa’s tariff‑free access to the US market that had been in place since 2000.

On May 21, 2025, President Cyril Ramaphosa travelled to Washington for an Oval Office meeting intended to reset the bilateral relationship. Trump dimmed the lights and played a video compilation alleging violence against white South Africans.

Ramaphosa, who had brought business figures including Johann Rupert and golfers Ernie Els and Retief Goosen to lend the meeting credibility, pushed back directly. In the spirit of his remarks, he rejected the “Afrikaner farmer genocide” narrative, saying that if such a pattern existed, these figures would not be present.

Several analyses later confirmed that some of the footage shown had been misrepresented and, in certain cases, depicted violence from other countries entirely.

The appointment of Leo Brent Bozell III as US ambassador to South Africa in late February 2026 added a further flashpoint. In March 2026, Bozell publicly challenged South Africa’s affirmative action legislation and its diplomatic ties with Iran.

Foreign Minister Ronald Lamola summoned the ambassador and told him he “must not take us back to a polarised society along racial lines”. Bozell subsequently softened his remarks and clarified his position. Pretoria, for its part, responded to the accumulated pressure by accelerating its economic diversification.

In November 2025, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and EU Council President Antonio Costa travelled to Johannesburg and signed a Clean Trade and Investment Partnership, together with a critical minerals agreement backed by €750 million in new EU investment.

South Africa also continued to deepen its BRICS ties, the grouping that includes Brazil, Russia, India, China, and a growing number of new members. The direction of South Africa’s trade and diplomatic strategy was becoming clear: Pretoria was not going to be held hostage to Washington’s demands and would not allow its hostility to determine its economic future.

When the US‑Israeli military offensive against Iran began in 2026, Ramaphosa made South Africa’s position unmistakable. On March 29, 2026, speaking at the African National Congress elective conference in Limpopo, he delivered remarks that have been widely interpreted as condemning the war as “another act of imperialist aggression that has placed the global economy and international security at great risk.”

He framed South Africa’s position on Iran in the same terms as its broader foreign policy stance, affirming that the country “has stood firm in the face of very powerful and vicious global forces that are working to undermine the standing and the sovereignty of other nations”, and that it “will not be pushed around”.

He reiterated South Africa’s support for Palestine, Cuba and Western Sahara, describing these as consistent with an independent foreign policy that Washington had failed to pressure into submission.

South Africa was not alone among African nations in pushing back against Washington’s posture. On March 28, 2026, at the 11th Summit of the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) held in Malabo, Equatorial Guinea, Angolan President João Lourenço used Angola’s final day as the organisation’s rotating president to deliver the most direct condemnation of US foreign policy to come from an African head of state in recent years.

His remarks were not addressed to Washington by name, but the context left no ambiguity. Angola was completing a three‑year tenure leading the 79‑nation bloc, and Lourenço chose the occasion to lay out a comprehensive critique of what he described as a return of colonial logic in the conduct of major powers.

The backdrop to Lourenço’s speech was the ongoing US‑Israeli military offensive against Iran, which had begun in 2026 and prompted Iran to threaten closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which a major share of the world’s oil supply passes daily.

Speaking in Malabo, the Angolan president drew an explicit link between the military action against Iran, the earlier invasion of Iraq, and the historic logic of colonial intervention. “Today, with the most different arguments, but with the same objectives, those of controlling the main energy sources on the planet, oil, gas, and critical and strategic minerals, military interventions are carried out at any point on the planet,” according to his summarised remarks.

Lourenço then challenged the legal basis for pre‑emptive military strikes. “The world has become a jungle, where any superpower invokes a non‑existent right under international law, the right of pre‑emptive attack, supported only on the presumption that someone is preparing to attack and destroy me,” a paraphrase of his broader critique, he told the assembled heads of state and government.

Lourenço rooted his critique in the shared historical experience of the OACPS’s member states. “We, the peoples of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific, having lived for centuries a bitter experience, know that the same motivations that were at the basis of colonialism, the control and plunder of our wealth, persist unfortunately today in the full 21st century,” in the spirit of his address.

He called on the organisation to break decisively with a model of dependence and move toward what he described as a strategic partnership between regions that share global responsibilities.

“We decided to abandon the model of assistance‑based partnership of the past and established the basis for a strategic partnership between regions that share global responsibilities and common objectives, so as to give substance to the fundamental principle of a more balanced and dynamic multilateralism by which the world must be governed,” reflects his central argument.

At the close of the summit, Angola formally handed the rotating OACPS presidency to Equatorial Guinea’s President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo.

The weight of Luanda’s criticism was further highlighted by the context of recent bilateral relations. Under the Biden administration, Angola had been positioned as a key partner in the Lobito Atlantic Railway corridor, a US‑backed infrastructure initiative connecting Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Zambia, presented as Washington’s flagship alternative to Chinese investment on the continent.

The public rebuke from Lourenço placed that investment in question and signalled that Angola was not prepared to subordinate its foreign policy positions to American preferences, regardless of the economic stakes involved.

That two heads of state from the Southern African Development Community (Sadc), Ramaphosa and Lourenço, condemned Washington’s conduct in Iran within 24 hours of each other, independently and from different platforms, was not a coincidence. It reflected a shared regional reading of US foreign policy.

The resistance to Washington’s approach was not confined to Africa. On April 1, 2026, French President Emmanuel Macron, speaking in Tokyo alongside Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, offered the sharpest public criticism of American conduct to come from a traditional Western ally in recent memory.

Trump had posted on social media the day before that France had been “very unhelpful” during the Iran campaign, after Paris refused to allow US military supply planes to fly over French territory.

Macron’s office confirmed that France had not been consulted and was not part of the offensive “from day one”. In the words of his public remarks, Macron praised Europe’s “predictability”, a word that carried obvious weight against the backdrop of US behaviour.

“But predictability has value, and we have demonstrated that over all these past years and, dare I say, even these past weeks: we are where you know we will go,” according to his summarised comments.

He then criticised partners that move fast but where “you don’t know whether the day after tomorrow they will still be in that position, and whether tomorrow they won’t make a decision that could hurt you without even informing you,” a paraphrase of his broader point.

Macron and Takaichi jointly called for a ceasefire and for the restoration of free navigation through the Strait of Hormuz. Japan, which sources 95% of its oil from the Middle East and had been drawing on strategic reserves since the conflict began, had concrete practical reasons to align with Paris rather than Washington.

What is taking shape across both Africa and Europe is a realignment that Washington’s own conduct is accelerating. The Biden administration spent years rebuilding US influence on the African continent through Agoa, the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, and direct bilateral engagement with countries like South Africa and Angola.

That work is being undone at speed. Trump’s confrontation of Ramaphosa, the Bozell episode, the aid cuts, the tariffs, and the unilateral military action in Iran without consultation with Nato partners have all combined to push countries that were, by no means, hostile to the US toward new arrangements and new language.

Angola, South Africa, France, and Japan are not natural critics of Washington. The fact that all of them are now speaking plainly about coercion, the absence of consultation, and the logic of great‑power resource competition is a direct measure of how much ground the US has lost.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of The Sunday Independent and the views expressed here are his own.

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Struggle stalwart, Professor Allan Boesak, has, on Good Friday, at an event held in Durban, prayed for KwaZulu-Natal Commissioner Lt-Gen Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi’s protection from harm known to cost the lives of whistle-blowers. 

Speaking on the sidelines of the Diakonia Council of Churches’ Good Friday prayer service on Friday morning, the retired Uniting Reformed Church in Southern Africa (URCSA) clergyman described Mkhwanazi, whose contract as the provincial police head was recently renewed, as a man of courage.

The commemoration of Jesus Christ’s crucifixion started early in the morning, with Boesak leading the opening prayer and delivering the keynote address at Durban’s Inkosi Albert Luthuli International Convention Centre, and was followed by the carrying of a cross to the City Hall, where the main service was held.   

Premier Thami Ntuli, Transport Deputy Minister Mkhuleko Hlengwa, and eThekwini Mayor Cyril Xaba attended. 

Boesak said Mkhwanazi made sacrifices that were likely to cost his life by addressing a media briefing on July 6, 2025, to expose controversial issues linked to the attempt to disband the  Political Killings Task Team (PKTT). This event led to the formation of the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry and the parliamentary Ad Hoc Committee. 

“People are already praying for him (Mkhwanazi), and we have been praying for him from 6 July last year. In this country, people like him, who are brave, are not just being sidelined or kicked out of jobs, but they are sometimes killed.

“So we pray for his continued courage, and we pray for steadfastness in the light of a situation that might still develop,” said Boesak.

He said the commissioners of the Madlanga Commission, Chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, Advocate Sesi Baloyi SC, and Advocate Sandile Khumalo SC, also needed prayers as their work was important. 

He described corruption in the country as shocking, and that what had already been revealed at the commission was just the tip of an iceberg, as he was expecting much more to be laid bare. 

“This means that people must acknowledge that there is a crisis that we can no longer deny or ignore. 

“It is our responsibility to do something about it as this becomes clear every single day,” he said.

He said he was praying that the law would take its course against those implicated at the Madlanga Commission. 

“But I do not know how this would happen because the difficulty in our country is that none of the commissions we had, and they had been many, had actually resulted in the kind of action that is necessary to correct the wrongs, as nobody has been thrown in prison.

“Now this time, especially with the amazing work that the Madlanga Commission is doing and the sacrifice that General Mkhwanazi is making to let our people know what the situation really is, I hope that when the recommendations reach the desk of the president, the right decisions will be made,” he said.

He said the work of the Zondo Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture was undermined by the government’s failure to bring to book people who were implicated. 

“People who were mentioned in the Zondo Commission are still where they were, and none of them have been touched. 

“I am hoping that the Madlanga Commission will bear more fruit and that the president will have the courage to act upon its recommendations.” 

He also shared his views on the deployment of the army to help police in the fight against crime in the Western Cape, Gauteng, Eastern Cape, Free State, and the North West.

He said that despite President Cyril Ramaphosa having deployed the army in response to pressure from residents who were tired of living with dangerous criminals, he did not believe that the army was the instrument to fight crime.

“The army is made to fight enemies of the country, and if we deploy the army to fight crime that our own people are committing, are we saying that we are now turning them (people) into enemies? 

“The army is not trained like the police to deal with all sorts of issues, and the main thing is that we can deploy 50,000 soldiers, but unless you address the socioeconomic issues that drive so many of our people to crime, you will not solve the issue.

"Unless we address the spiritual issues that drive people to crime and see what we can do to change the way of life and the way of thinking,” he said.  

Addressing followers of various churches outside the City Hall, Ntuli called for the Easter weekend to be used as a start to address poverty and inequality. 

“It calls for us to extend a hand to those who are suffering, as we witness poverty, inequality, and the effects of injustice.

“Let us strive to be the inspirers of new hope by working towards a society that reflects the divine love we celebrate today,” said Ntuli.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

President Cyril Ramaphosa finds himself once again facing mounting scrutiny over the alleged misconduct of two members of his Cabinet.

Social Development Minister Sisisi Tolashe and Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie are under fire, prompting renewed calls for action and investigations into their conduct.

The situation is exacerbated by recent controversies, including the special leave of suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu following his directive that disbanded the Political Killings Task Team, and the swift dismissal of former Higher Education minister Nobuhle Nkabane due to her mishandling of appointments within educational bodies.

In this context, the spotlight now turns to Tolashe and McKenzie, whose alleged wrongdoings have ignited debate among opposition parties and analysts alike.

Tolashe, the president of the ANC Women’s League, is accused of misleading Parliament regarding the donation of two SUVs, purportedly from Chinese officials to the league — a donation that the league itself claims to have no knowledge of.

This latest issue is compounded by Tolashe's history of scrutiny; she previously faced criticism for appointing a reportedly underqualified personal assistant and for delivering conflicting explanations on various matters before Parliament.

DA MP Nazley Sharif described the surrounding controversy as overwhelming, emphasising that Tolashe needs to explain her actions.

Sharif has signalled that the DA will lodge a complaint with Public Protector Kholeka Gcaleka, accusing Tolashe of breaching the Executive Ethics Code and failing to uphold legal standards in her management of the former director-general Peter Netshipale’s contract.

She also said further concerns arise from conflicting explanations provided by Tolashe regarding the terms of Netshipale’s contract, as well as reports that the authenticity of a related contract letter is under investigation.

“Taken together, these issues point to a pattern of conduct that raises serious questions about the minister’s fitness to hold office.”

ActionSA MP Dereleen James has called for Tolashe's immediate dismissal, citing her alleged role in a cover-up concerning the vehicles from Chinese officials.

James noted that the vehicles were not declared by Tolashe to Parliament, and the apparent “gift” necessitates urgent investigation, as it is highly irregular for a minister to receive two luxury vehicles from foreign government officials under any circumstances..

“ActionSA believes that the minister’s actions, which may well carry criminal implications, are simply unacceptable and warrant her immediate dismissal. If the President has any regard for the institution his appointed minister has so clearly disrespected, he must act without delay,” she said.

Ramaphosa’s inaction regarding McKenzie is also a point of contention.

Facing allegations of intimidation and drug trade links, which McKenzie has categorically denied, opposition groups are insisting that he be held accountable in Parliament and that the Madlanga Commission spearhead an investigation.

“The MK Party calls on President, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, to suspend Mr Gayton McKenzie to allow for fair investigations amid the wake of the allegations,” said spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela.

No comment was obtained from the Presidency, but political analysts said there was public frustration over perceived misconduct by ministers.

Professor Sipho Seepe said the growing calls for Ramaphosa to take decisive action against ministers accused of misconduct stemmed from years of public frustration with a persistent pattern that has allowed those found guilty of wrongdoing to escape without meaningful sanction.

“Many of these calls demand nothing less than the expulsion of the individuals implicated,” Seepe said.

However, he said it was essential to assess the severity of each case.

“Minor transgressions may warrant a formal reprimand and public apology, while more serious offences could justify salary deductions. In the most egregious instances, expulsion or removal from the office may be appropriate.”

Seepe noted that Parliament can hold the ministers accountable for their actions, and at the same time, Ramaphosa is not known for bold or decisive leadership.

“He tends to take shelter behind the principle of due process, often allowing investigations and public scrutiny to tarnish an individual’s reputation to the point where he can credibly claim that he had no choice but to act,” said Seepe.

Professor Andre Duvenhage said there was merit to the demands made to Ramaphosa regarding the two ministers.

“I believe if normal rules were applicable, these people must be put on leave, they must have an investigation, and the outcome of the investigation must decide their position,” Duvenhage said.

He, however, said it was a bit more difficult, especially when it comes to McKenzie, because he is part of a Government of National Unity, which has its own dynamics.

Duvenhage also said Ramaphosa was extremely inconsistent when it comes to decisions and pointed to his handling of Mchunu’s situation.

“I think he needs to act, especially if he wants to keep credibility, and he has made so many promises about taking proper action, but we know the history is telling us quite the opposite,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

The Department of Public Service and Administration intends to introduce amendments to the guidelines on lifestyle audits and come up with a tool that will be used in parallel to security clearance when scrutinising civil servants.

This was revealed by the department’s Acting Director-General Willie Vukela when the Public Service and Administration Portfolio Committee received updates on the progress made in conducting lifestyle audits in KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, Northern Cape, Western Cape, and the North West.

The premiers and the provinces’ directors-general shared the challenges, ranging from resistance from civil servants to being subjected to scrutiny, lack of internal capacity, and the cost of blanket implementation of the initiative.

While Gauteng and Northern Cape use the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to conduct lifestyle audits, the Western Cape uses the services of an audit firm, while KwaZulu-Natal and the North West use internal capacity.

KwaZulu-Natal and the Northern Cape highlighted the cost implications arising from the initiative that was made mandatory in 2021.

Civil servants were reported to be refusing to be part of the lifestyle audit and were using various methods to scupper the initiative by providing incomplete information or failing to make submissions to avoid being scrutinised for whether they live beyond their means.

Vukela said the issues raised by the provinces would be addressed.

“All provinces are talking about the expensive nature of the exercise. Provinces must first build capacity internally. It is cost-effective, it is cheaper to do it that way,” he said.

Vukela also said the department had raised the issue of capacity and skills among the ethic officers.

“We will provide the amendment in terms of the guide. We are working closely with all our partners, all the law enforcement agencies,” he said.

“We are collaborating with the SIU so that the guide is being amended. We are now engaging the Memorandum of Understanding with other progressive agencies to address the issue of progressive discipline.”

Vukela stated that after President Cyril Ramaphosa announced in the State of the Nation Address the lifestyle audits for top officers in the SAPS, they partnered with the SIU and State Security Agency (SSA).

“We are going to develop a tool with SSA and SIU because, by law, all senior managers must go through their security clearance even before appointment.

“When officials go through the security clearance, we'll build in the lifestyle audit tool. It moves parallel,” he added.

In tackling the issue of funding by departments, Vukela said they are engaging the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development to access funds from the Criminal Assets Recovery Account (CARA).

This was aimed at ensuring that the SIU is provided with funds from the CARA funding to address funding issues that the provinces had complained about.

“There are five high-risk departments, SAPS, Department of Public Works and Infrastructure, Health, Education, and the fifth one is in our radar because of the potential risks.”

Vukela added that his department was also engaging the Office of the Auditor-General to include a lifestyle audit as part of the auditing of the organs of state.

“You will see when the Auditor-General South Africa is now going forward into auditing. This matter is going to fall under that auditing, because it must be built into the process of governance instruments,” he added.

Committee Chairperson Jan de Villiers noted that the process of lifestyle audits and how to implement them is still being developed.

“It is not yet uniformly and in the same way applied by the provinces, but I absolutely commend the progress that provinces have made in the development of the use of lifestyle audits. It has been helpful that they've shared this, and with the committee,” De Villiers said.

He also said it looked like it made sense to use independent bodies to lead and implement these lifestyle audits, whether they are the SIU or an external audit service.

“It does seem that it is difficult for ethical officers or internal interdepartmental people to be the police over their own people, but we also note that the SIU is not properly empowered when there's a secondment, and that a presidential proclamation is actually currently the most efficient way for the SIU to be properly empowered.”

He said, considering the lifestyle audits are expensive, they should probably be budgeted for in a different way.

“Lifestyle audits present a big volume of work, and it must be investigated how this can be automated more easily, and what part technology has to play in this auditing process,” said De Villiers.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

The police’s Special Investigations Task Team, which President Cyril Ramaphosa announced in January that it will investigate criminal cases emanating from the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry, has started to bite after it arrested implicated officer Sergeant Fannie Nkosi.  

However, the police's refusal to confirm that the officer arrested after a house in Pretoria was raided on Thursday was Nkosi, who is already on suspension after being implicated in the commission, has been criticised as an attempt to cover up the police's actions.

Anti-corruption activist Yusuf Abramjee, who revealed on X that the raid was conducted by the Madlanga team, expressed concern following police spokesperson Athlenda Mathe’s decline to reveal that the house that was raided in Pretoria belonged to Nkosi.

Although Mathe refused to reveal the name of the police officer, who was also detained, social media is abuzz with posts saying that the officer was Nkosi.

Nkosi, who is attached to the Gauteng Organised Crime Unit, was reportedly arrested after a special investigations task team, which Ramaphosa announced on January 29, raided his house and found firearms, unlicensed ammunition, a hand grenade, and case dockets from various police stations.

Immediately after the arrest, Mathe issued a press statement confirming a successful execution of a search and seizure operation (J51) in Pretoria North on Thursday, without revealing the owner of the house that was raided.

 According to the South African Police website, J51 is a warrant for search and seizure.

“This operation forms part of ongoing police investigations,” she said. 

She then cautioned the media against taking pictures or publishing the home of the police officer, which she did not name.

When contacted on Saturday about the arrest, Mathe could only say this arrest will be confirmed after the court appearance on Tuesday.

She also said she did not have information, but said: “The Madlanga task team is SAPS officers.”

However, Madlanga Commission spokesperson Jeremy Michaels said the Madlanga Commission, which is a judicial commission of inquiry, was entirely separate from the task team.

In his response, Michaels attached a press statement, which Ramaphosa's office released on January 29, when he was welcoming the commission’s interim report.

The statement had stated that a newly constituted special investigations task team, to report directly to the National Police Commissioner General Fannie Masemola, will institute criminal investigations against people identified by the commission.

Among police officers, whom the commission recommended for criminal investigation were Nkosi, Major General Lesetja Senona, Major General Richard Shibiri, Brigadier Mbangwa Nkhwashu, and Brigadier Rachel Matjeng. 

Abramjee said the silence from the police leadership on Nkosi’s arrest was concerning, as it was common for police to quickly publicise arrests “especially when it paints the organisation in a positive light”.

“But when the spotlight turns inward, suddenly there is silence. That inconsistency raises serious questions about transparency and accountability.

“You cannot claim to be serious about fighting crime and corruption, while withholding information when one of your own is implicated,” said Abramjee.

He said this was creating a perception of selective transparency, “where the public is only told what is convenient”.

“If the police expect communities to trust them, they must be open even when it is uncomfortable, as accountability cannot depend on who is involved,” he said. 

“Right now, the lack of communication risks undermining public confidence and fuels suspicion that there may be more being concealed. 

“South Africans deserve honesty, not silence,” he said.

Abramjee said the allegations that, despite being on suspension, Nkosi was found in possession of official case dockets point to a potentially serious breach of the law and a betrayal of public trust.

“If these allegations are confirmed, it reflects a dangerous level of criminality within law enforcement itself — the very institution meant to protect citizens. 

“It raises urgent questions about internal controls, oversight, and how such activities could go undetected for so long,” he said.

On his X page, he wrote that the “Madlanga Team” pounced at Nkosi’s premises at approximately 07:30 am to execute the warrant. 

“During the raid, authorities seized 490 rounds of unlicensed ammunition and one hand grenade belonging to the state. Several case dockets from different police stations were also discovered.” 

He further stated that the police team also found multiple firearms, including four pistols, three rifles, and one shotgun, not stored in a safe, but all have valid licences.

Abramjee said the firearms were believed to belong to another person who owned a security company. 

The discovery of the police dockets and police-owned hand grenade remained a mystery since Nkosi was on suspension. 

Nkosi is accused of acting as a middleman between suspended Deputy National Police Commissioner Shadrack Sibiya and alleged cartel figures Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala and Katiso “KT” Molefe.

Attempts to get hold of Nkosi’s lawyer, Hartley Ngoato, were unsuccessful as his office was closed for the weekend and he also did not respond to an email.

Ngoato, however, refused to comment when approached by a TV news crew reporting outside Nkosi's house on Thursday during the police raid. He stated that Nkosi's family had instructed him not to speak to the media.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za  

President Cyril Ramaphosa finds himself once again facing mounting scrutiny over the alleged misconduct of two members of his Cabinet.

Social Development Minister Sisisi Tolashe and Sport, Arts and Culture Minister Gayton McKenzie are under fire, prompting renewed calls for action and investigations into their conduct.

The situation is exacerbated by recent controversies, including the special leave of suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu following his directive that disbanded the Political Killings Task Team, and the swift dismissal of former Higher Education minister Nobuhle Nkabane due to her mishandling of appointments within educational bodies.

In this context, the spotlight now turns to Tolashe and McKenzie, whose alleged wrongdoings have ignited debate among opposition parties and analysts alike.

Tolashe, the president of the ANC Women’s League, is accused of misleading Parliament regarding the donation of two SUVs, purportedly from Chinese officials to the league — a donation that the league itself claims to have no knowledge of.

This latest issue is compounded by Tolashe's history of scrutiny; she previously faced criticism for appointing a reportedly underqualified personal assistant and for delivering conflicting explanations on various matters before Parliament.

DA MP Nazley Sharif described the surrounding controversy as overwhelming, emphasising that Tolashe needs to explain her actions.

Sharif has signalled that the DA will lodge a complaint with Public Protector Kholeka Gcaleka, accusing Tolashe of breaching the Executive Ethics Code and failing to uphold legal standards in her management of the former director-general Peter Netshipale’s contract.

She also said further concerns arise from conflicting explanations provided by Tolashe regarding the terms of Netshipale’s contract, as well as reports that the authenticity of a related contract letter is under investigation.

“Taken together, these issues point to a pattern of conduct that raises serious questions about the minister’s fitness to hold office.”

ActionSA MP Dereleen James has called for Tolashe's immediate dismissal, citing her alleged role in a cover-up concerning the vehicles from Chinese officials.

James noted that the vehicles were not declared by Tolashe to Parliament, and the apparent “gift” necessitates urgent investigation, as it is highly irregular for a minister to receive two luxury vehicles from foreign government officials under any circumstances..

“ActionSA believes that the minister’s actions, which may well carry criminal implications, are simply unacceptable and warrant her immediate dismissal. If the President has any regard for the institution his appointed minister has so clearly disrespected, he must act without delay,” she said.

Ramaphosa’s inaction regarding McKenzie is also a point of contention.

Facing allegations of intimidation and drug trade links, which McKenzie has categorically denied, opposition groups are insisting that he be held accountable in Parliament and that the Madlanga Commission spearhead an investigation.

“The MK Party calls on President, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa, to suspend Mr Gayton McKenzie to allow for fair investigations amid the wake of the allegations,” said spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela.

No comment was obtained from the Presidency, but political analysts said there was public frustration over perceived misconduct by ministers.

Professor Sipho Seepe said the growing calls for Ramaphosa to take decisive action against ministers accused of misconduct stemmed from years of public frustration with a persistent pattern that has allowed those found guilty of wrongdoing to escape without meaningful sanction.

“Many of these calls demand nothing less than the expulsion of the individuals implicated,” Seepe said.

However, he said it was essential to assess the severity of each case.

“Minor transgressions may warrant a formal reprimand and public apology, while more serious offences could justify salary deductions. In the most egregious instances, expulsion or removal from the office may be appropriate.”

Seepe noted that Parliament can hold the ministers accountable for their actions, and at the same time, Ramaphosa is not known for bold or decisive leadership.

“He tends to take shelter behind the principle of due process, often allowing investigations and public scrutiny to tarnish an individual’s reputation to the point where he can credibly claim that he had no choice but to act,” said Seepe.

Professor Andre Duvenhage said there was merit to the demands made to Ramaphosa regarding the two ministers.

“I believe if normal rules were applicable, these people must be put on leave, they must have an investigation, and the outcome of the investigation must decide their position,” Duvenhage said.

He, however, said it was a bit more difficult, especially when it comes to McKenzie, because he is part of a Government of National Unity, which has its own dynamics.

Duvenhage also said Ramaphosa was extremely inconsistent when it comes to decisions and pointed to his handling of Mchunu’s situation.

“I think he needs to act, especially if he wants to keep credibility, and he has made so many promises about taking proper action, but we know the history is telling us quite the opposite,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Low-income households across South Africa are facing high paraffin costs for cooking and heating, even as the government has temporarily reduced levies on petrol and diesel.

While motorists benefit from a R3-per-litre fuel levy reprieve, paraffin-dependent families in informal settlements and rural communities receive no comparable relief, leaving them exposed to the full impact of market-driven energy prices.

"The government does not care about the poor; that’s why they have not given relief for paraffin, as it is used by the poor mostly. They care more about the middle class who own cars," said Thapelo Mohapi, general secretary of Abahlali BaseMjondolo.

"Winter is coming, and families will struggle to keep children warm and cook food. When schools are closed, children won’t get the nutrition they need, and households will face rising food costs alongside unregulated paraffin prices."

Paraffin, a petroleum-derived product, remains critical for cooking and heating in households without reliable electricity or where electricity is too costly.

Retail prices in low-income areas often fluctuate between R30 and R35 per litre, reflecting fragmented distribution chains, transport costs, and small-volume retail mark-ups, rather than formal government-imposed increases.

According to Mohapi, many families are already resorting to wood fires for cooking and warmth, despite the health and fire risks involved.

The Department of Mineral and Petroleum Resources (DMPR) said paraffin is not subject to the general fuel levy and therefore does not receive relief alongside petrol and diesel.

The department confirmed a temporary reduction of R3 per litre fuel levy reprieve from April 1 to May 5, 2026, aimed at easing transport costs and inflation.

Officials said broader household support measures are under consideration, but provided no immediate solutions for paraffin-dependent communities.

Experts say the current situation exposes structural inequities in South Africa’s energy system.

"Even though paraffin is exempt from fuel levies, it remains vulnerable to global oil market shocks, exchange rate fluctuations, and upstream import parity pricing," said Bertha Dlamini, founding president of African Women in Energy and Power (AWEaP).

"Distribution in informal settlements is fragmented, wholesale and transport mark-ups are high, and last-mile retail is poorly regulated. Households are experiencing the full transmission of international price shocks without any fiscal cushion."

The March 2026 Household Affordability Index underscores the financial pressure on these families.

After paying for electricity and transport, which is estimated at R2,941.85 per month for a worker supporting a family of four, low-income households are left with R2,378.63 for food, far below the R3,667.72 required for a basic nutritious food basket.

Rising food costs compound the problem; in March, prices of tea, cabbage, and tomatoes increased by up to 7%, while staple foods like rice and apples fell, highlighting uneven inflation pressures across food items.

Mohapi emphasised the gendered impact of the crisis. "Women-led households are the hardest hit. They bear the brunt of cooking and keeping children warm. Many already rely on small grants, which are insufficient to cover food and energy costs. Families are being forced to revert to unsafe fuels, and children’s nutrition is at risk."

Dlamini pointed to longstanding policy gaps.

"Energy inequality is structural. Low-income households pay a poverty premium for paraffin because distribution is fragmented, competition is limited, and price regulation is weak. Fuel levy relief helps middle-class commuters, but paraffin-dependent households remain exposed to volatile global oil prices."

She outlined short- and long-term solutions.

Short-term measures include targeted subsidies, transparent monitoring of paraffin prices, and the rollout of LPG and electric cooking support programmes. Long-term strategies involve policy reforms to encourage last-mile energy entrepreneurship, local clean energy manufacturing, and integration of clean cooking into the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan.

These interventions, she said, could reduce vulnerability, expand equitable access, and stimulate local economic activity.

Without immediate action, households face a double burden of energy poverty and food insecurity.

Mohapi warned: "On the ground, people will continue to suffer. Without subsidised paraffin and regulated pricing, families will revert to wood fires. Children are already malnourished, and this number will grow if the government does not act."

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

Low-income households across South Africa are facing high paraffin costs for cooking and heating, even as the government has temporarily reduced levies on petrol and diesel.

While motorists benefit from a R3-per-litre fuel levy reprieve, paraffin-dependent families in informal settlements and rural communities receive no comparable relief, leaving them exposed to the full impact of market-driven energy prices.

"The government does not care about the poor; that’s why they have not given relief for paraffin, as it is used by the poor mostly. They care more about the middle class who own cars," said Thapelo Mohapi, general secretary of Abahlali BaseMjondolo.

"Winter is coming, and families will struggle to keep children warm and cook food. When schools are closed, children won’t get the nutrition they need, and households will face rising food costs alongside unregulated paraffin prices."

Paraffin, a petroleum-derived product, remains critical for cooking and heating in households without reliable electricity or where electricity is too costly.

Retail prices in low-income areas often fluctuate between R30 and R35 per litre, reflecting fragmented distribution chains, transport costs, and small-volume retail mark-ups, rather than formal government-imposed increases.

According to Mohapi, many families are already resorting to wood fires for cooking and warmth, despite the health and fire risks involved.

The Department of Mineral and Petroleum Resources (DMPR) said paraffin is not subject to the general fuel levy and therefore does not receive relief alongside petrol and diesel.

The department confirmed a temporary reduction of R3 per litre fuel levy reprieve from April 1 to May 5, 2026, aimed at easing transport costs and inflation.

Officials said broader household support measures are under consideration, but provided no immediate solutions for paraffin-dependent communities.

Experts say the current situation exposes structural inequities in South Africa’s energy system.

"Even though paraffin is exempt from fuel levies, it remains vulnerable to global oil market shocks, exchange rate fluctuations, and upstream import parity pricing," said Bertha Dlamini, founding president of African Women in Energy and Power (AWEaP).

"Distribution in informal settlements is fragmented, wholesale and transport mark-ups are high, and last-mile retail is poorly regulated. Households are experiencing the full transmission of international price shocks without any fiscal cushion."

The March 2026 Household Affordability Index underscores the financial pressure on these families.

After paying for electricity and transport, which is estimated at R2,941.85 per month for a worker supporting a family of four, low-income households are left with R2,378.63 for food, far below the R3,667.72 required for a basic nutritious food basket.

Rising food costs compound the problem; in March, prices of tea, cabbage, and tomatoes increased by up to 7%, while staple foods like rice and apples fell, highlighting uneven inflation pressures across food items.

Mohapi emphasised the gendered impact of the crisis. "Women-led households are the hardest hit. They bear the brunt of cooking and keeping children warm. Many already rely on small grants, which are insufficient to cover food and energy costs. Families are being forced to revert to unsafe fuels, and children’s nutrition is at risk."

Dlamini pointed to longstanding policy gaps.

"Energy inequality is structural. Low-income households pay a poverty premium for paraffin because distribution is fragmented, competition is limited, and price regulation is weak. Fuel levy relief helps middle-class commuters, but paraffin-dependent households remain exposed to volatile global oil prices."

She outlined short- and long-term solutions.

Short-term measures include targeted subsidies, transparent monitoring of paraffin prices, and the rollout of LPG and electric cooking support programmes. Long-term strategies involve policy reforms to encourage last-mile energy entrepreneurship, local clean energy manufacturing, and integration of clean cooking into the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan.

These interventions, she said, could reduce vulnerability, expand equitable access, and stimulate local economic activity.

Without immediate action, households face a double burden of energy poverty and food insecurity.

Mohapi warned: "On the ground, people will continue to suffer. Without subsidised paraffin and regulated pricing, families will revert to wood fires. Children are already malnourished, and this number will grow if the government does not act."

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

AS the August winds died down and the wild bush flowers that had threatened to eclipse the sun and plunge us into grey gloomy skies, at a time when the geopolitical tectonic plates are shifting in erratic and unpredictable patterns, as tariff waves sweep across the globe visiting friend and foe with equal stunning ferocity — missiles in the form of one neighbour to another exchanged as Christmas gifts, borders blockaded to starve children and erase a nation.

An Old familiar voice rises above the deafening noise of a world in chaos; it rises to a crashing crescendo that silences the eerie din of strife, greed, empirical force and destruction laced with crippling corruption, graft, kleptocracy and kakistocracy.

More than just a man

A song designed to celebrate the trilogy of a man in his full might as a son, a father and a husband — a powerful celebration of manhood, masculinity and his role as a sheltering canopy. “Yonke ingane iyamdinga ubaba." The backing voices incessantly yet sonorously etch the message in the minds of all deadbeat fathers. A beautiful, simple message packaged in good music, ala the Slow Train Traditional sound.

Pamberi ne Chimurenga

A haunting narration of the pre-'94 political strife in South Africa and the euphoria of freedom achieved post ’94 which gradually gets eroded and replaced by apathy, dreams deferred and grinding hopelessness. This may sound like a lamentation or even an elegy until, upon close scrutiny of the lyric the call to unite and claim back the people’s aspirations from greedy thieves masquerading as custodians of the old PUBLIC GOOD.

When does it stop

After a series of deaths of the original prophets-in-song of the People’s Band from the late 70s to the 2020s, it is not surprising that a song such as this is included in this album. It is the cry of a man whose only constant companion is his tears. It is a cry from the youngsters; Ray, Mnca, Lloyd, and Nana Coyote have passed the heavy baton of keeping the Slow Train Movement chug-chugging. The raw pain is cutting through. Discussing this song with Sam Ndlovu, the composer and lead vocalist, he explained in a cracked voice this way: “When does it stop – is a dirge from the bottom of my Soul, Budha." No further explanations needed.

Africa ni Moja (Africa is One – in Kiswahili)

In true Stimela rub-a-dub mbaqanga song and dance style, this song, while packing a punch in a universal truth form that Africa is one regardless of imaginary lines and broken fences, is all about rhythm and guitar romance with a strong overlay of backing voices that triggers even the unborn to kick in their cosy womb. It is a clarion call for Africa to come together to find African solutions for African problems. This song couldn’t have come at a better time. The energy in Sahel countries of Africa and the BRICS movement rising as an alternative to the unipolar world order immediately come to mind as you engage with the lyrics. The song warns about institutions such as USAID and its tentacles in the form of sleeper agents pretending to be NGOs all over Africa, without naming names; it coaxes you to see what the World Bank and the IMF are to Africa.

Guitars of Chimurenga

This is a respite in the album with hard-hitting lyrical content. This song is a break from the mind-boggling message the album conveys. The title is self-explanatory; the boys were engaging with their instruments of trade, exercising their expressions in pentatonic scales, arpeggios, guitars and keys on an African canvas.

Ixilongo Ixilongo is a ballad treated with surprisingly delicate nuances that go straight to the heart. It’s a duel and Romeo & Juliet affair of voices between Sam Ndlovu and Unathi Msengana on lead vocals in a love affair dripping from their voices on the backdrop of backing choral voices that takes you to the church even when you are physically at a nightclub. However, this song is multi-dimensional in only the way Stimela can juxtapose illusions. While on the surface the song is about two lovers that profess their consuming love for one another, new perspectives are emerging that this song is about the rupture that religious zealots, numerologists, prophets and theology scholars are warning is beginning on 23rd September 2022. Is it a prophecy or just two lovers drunk in love? One thing I can say about the song is that it’s orgasmic. I suspect this might be a runaway hit.

Juju (love potion/charm)

It wouldn’t be Stimela if they did not serve us a bit of comedy and humour in a fine dining 7-course affair. Juju invokes the spirit of songs like Who’s fooling a Who, which featured the late Teaspoon Ndelu. It is about this man who has been hit hard by melancholy and love nostalgia. His longing for his distant lover has reached physical, psychological and emotional disaster mode that medical doctors and preachers can’t quell to a point where those around him call the cops on him to be taken to a mental health institution for professional intervention. He is stunned as he sees the police van, he can’t understand how the police got involved in his love matters. Only then does he realise that love can be a form of madness to a love-struck bloke, hehehe!!!

Kudos to Chikapa, Mnca, Lloyd and Jabu for having had the foresight to carefully select the next generation squad of talented youngsters to groom and pass the Stimela baton to before they exited the stage. This album is a treat as much as it is a promise of hope to the multitudes of Stimela followers and lovers out there. To those who have been inconsolably hit by the departures of our idols, know that they did not just “up and go"; far from it, they left us with a garden of seedlings that have grown into full bloom. They must be smiling from above as they see their investment in young talent keep their legacy alive. God knows it has not been easy for them as they lost younger next-wave players like Lindelani Mathonsi and Bafana Mazibuko, who were their prodigies. Thanks, Ntokozo, Sam, and Mpho.

Mpho Styles Kodisang

As the Slow Train slithers out of the consuming storms, leaving in its rearview mirror painful experiences, tears and grief, it sheds its parched, callous, welt-striped hide to morph into a beautiful bloom that emits hope and love to the Stimela die-hards and dyed-in-the-wool extended family.

As it was in the genesis of the band in 1979 when the heavens brought together the best from Mbombela City and the best from the East of City Jo’burg (East Rand) into a formidable crew that would be charged with the momentous task of evangelising messages and mantras of enlightenment to the people, the Slow Train, as if by fate, has again re-visited Mbombela City and East Rand for the assignment of keeping the train moving.

Mpho Styles Kodisang hails from Vosloorus in the East Rand, a town that gave Stimela the inimitable Lloyd Lellosa, whose keys were to be the pillar that Stimela's sound pivoted on for decades. By coincidence or divine design, Mpho is on keys on every song of this album, painting the familiar tapestry Voslo gave us for decades. Some call him a piano prodigy; we call him ‘Syles’ because that’s what he exhibits as he traverses the ebony & ivory keys to make amazing joyful noise. Ladies & Gentlemen, receive Mpho!

* Content supplied by The African Storyteller.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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SOUTH Africa loves the performance of democracy. We love the long queues. The selfies. The inked thumbs held up like badges of honour. We love saying “we showed up”. We love the language of participation.

But here’s the truth we don’t say out loud: we keep showing up without knowing what the hell we’re showing up for.

This week, the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) unveiled a new logo. A slick rebrand. A reset. A signal that the 2026 local government elections are here. Registration is locked in for June 20–21. By the end of the year, we’ll be back at the polls.

The message is simple: Get up. Show up. Vote. But vote for what? Because if we’re honest, this country is not politically divided — it is politically disoriented.

Every election, we collapse into the same shallow script: African National Congress (ANC) versus Democratic Alliance (DA). Liberation versus “delivery”. History versus “efficiency”. As if those are the only three stories we’re allowed to tell about ourselves. As if democracy is a three-option multiple-choice question.

And while we recycle that tired binary, something far more dangerous is happening: We are forgetting how to think politically. Because politics is not about parties only. It is about values. And right now, South Africa has a values crisis.

There was a time in this country when politics was alive. When it was contested. When it was imaginative. During the anti-apartheid movement, we didn’t just have one voice — we had multiple. The ANC, yes, together with its military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK).

We also had the Steve Biko-inspired Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), and its armed wing, AZANLA forces. There was also Robert Sobukwe-founded Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), and its early military wing, POQO, which later became APLA.

Different ideologies. Different pathways and visions. Different dreams of what freedom could look like. We were not politically confused. We were politically alive, alive with possibilities.

Now? We have reduced ourselves to brand loyalty. Vote ANC because of history — even when that history is no longer translating into positive and material change. Vote DA because of “development” — without interrogating who that development is actually for, and who it continues to embrace and exclude.

Because let’s be very clear: development in our South African context is not neutral. Never has been. It has geography. It has colour. It has history. So when you say you want “service delivery”, what you are really saying is: Whose lives must improve first? And if your answer does not include the townships, the informal settlements and rural villages, then what you are defending is not development. It is the toxic preservation of a failing system.

And on the other side, if your vote is anchored in liberation history alone, you have to confront a different reality: History alone does not govern. Policy does. Implementation does. Accountability does.

And for millions of South Africans, nothing much has changed for the better. Not in any meaningful, structural way. Over 30 years into democracy, people are still waiting. It’s not yet Uhuru. Masses of our people are still merely surviving. Still locked out of an economy that was never redesigned to let them in the majority.

So we have to ask the question we keep running away from: Who actually holds power in this country? Because it is certainly not just politicians. It is institutions. It is capital. It is systems that were built long before 1994 and quietly carried forward, rebranded as “post-apartheid,” while remaining fundamentally intact, driving development of the rich minority whilst stifling the millions left over across our nation.

Call it what it is: A neocolonial reality. Less obvious. More subtle and polite. But still painful and deeply unequal.

And yet, we walk into elections like none of the above exists. We argue about parties, but we don’t interrogate power. We debate personalities and fail to examine systems. We vote, but we hardly understand. That is the most dangerous part.

South Africans are not just disengaging from politics — they are disengaging from a system they do not trust and do not fully understand. In 2021, voter turnout collapsed to 45.9%. The lowest in our democratic history. Millions registered, yet chose to stay at home. And instead of asking why, we defaulted to labelling people “apathetic”.

But what if people are not apathetic? What if they are unconvinced? What if they are looking at the ballot and asking themselves: Where do I exist in all this?

Where is voter literacy in this country? We talk about financial literacy. We talk about health. But voter literacy — understanding how the system works, what the options actually mean, what your vote materially does - is almost completely absent.

We are asking people to participate in a system they have neither been taught to navigate nor internalise. And then we are surprised when they elect to opt out.

As IEC Commissioner Janet Love put it: “The answer to challenges in society is not less participation; it’s more.” But let’s be honest — participation without understanding is not empowerment. It is a ritual. It is a habit. It is democracy on autopilot.

That is why this moment matters. Not because of a new logo. Not because of a new slogan. But because we are running out of excuses. As things stand, new civic spaces are emerging. Youth-driven platforms like Beats for My Peeps are trying to do what our formal systems have failed to do, which is to break down voter education, create real dialogue, and make politics make sense again.

The IEC is expanding its communications, too. They’ve invested in podcasts, public awareness campaigns and strategic messaging. Which is good, if not necessary. But still, far from being good enough.

Because the fact is, this is way bigger than institutions. This is about us, the people of Mzansi. About whether we are willing to stop outsourcing our thinking. To stop voting out of habit. To stop clinging to political identities that no longer serve our fundamental interests.

Therefore, before you register on 20-21 June, before you stand in the elongated queues, before you post that inked thumb, ask yourself something far more uncomfortable than "Who am I voting for?”

Ask yourselves: What do I believe in? Because if you cannot answer that, your vote is not powerful. It is noise. And South Africa has had enough noise.

What we need now - urgently, desperately, is clarity of thought. Without it, we are not citizens; we are simply an audience. No longer participating in democracy, just merely performing it.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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AS the Michael Jackson biopic nears its April 2026 release, it is worth remembering what Michael Jackson meant to Black youth in Soweto during the last decade of apartheid.

In the Soweto of the 1980s, style was never a trivial matter. It could be an argument, shelter, or prophecy. It could be the quiet declaration that the body belonged to itself, even when the state tried to number it, police it, reduce it, and send it back to its appointed place.

In those years, a way of standing could say something. A way of walking could say something. A pair of shoes, carefully kept, could carry a whole philosophy of survival.

The township lived under pressure then. The memory of June 1976 had settled into the walls of houses, into the lowered voices of parents, into the inward schooling of children. Young people understood, long before they had the language to explain it, that they were growing up inside a country determined to shrink them.

The schools carried that message, and the police carried it. The city carried it too, in the long journeys between where Black people lived and where power sat, as if distance itself were part of the sentence.

Despite this, the 1980s were also the years when the world began arriving in South African homes with a new brightness and a new seduction. Television, introduced nationally only in January 1976, had by then become part of ordinary aspiration and daily routine, even within a broadcasting order watched over by the state.

A screen in the corner of a room could bring America, Europe, sport, cinema, glamour, and music into a place the law had marked out for confinement. The room remained small, yet the imagination no longer did.

Then Michael Jackson appeared.

He did not arrive in Soweto as a theorist or sociologist. He arrived as a shock of recognition. First the songs, then the image, then the movement. Thriller, released in late 1982, became the defining album of the decade and later the best-selling album in history.

*Billie Jean moved with the tension of a whispered secret. *Beat It had steel in it, but also grace. The Thriller short film enlarged the music video into something closer to myth. Michael Jackson was never simply popular; he altered the scale by which popularity itself was measured.

For a Black teenager in Soweto, that mattered in a way that still deserves careful attention. Here was a Black man at the centre of the world’s gaze. Here was Black brilliance made global, commercially supreme, aesthetically complete.

At a time when apartheid worked each day to provincialise Black life, to keep it close to labour and far from majesty, Michael Jackson appeared as a contradiction vast enough for even children to feel.

He was elegant with voltage behind it. He was disciplined without dryness, and he was proof that a Black body could command attention, fascination, and wonder.

That is why it is too small to say that Soweto’s youth admired him. Admiration is polite. This was something hungrier, fiercer, more intimate. Boys studied the clothes, the stance, the timing, the sudden stillness before the body slipped into another law of motion.

School shoes became instruments. Pavements became rehearsal rooms. A glove could be improvised out of almost anything. A fedora, when one could be found, carried the aura of treasure.

The Moonwalk was attempted in corridors, in yards, in school halls, on concrete that knew hardship better than softness.

When Michael Jackson unveiled the Moonwalk during Motown 25 in 1983, the step entered global folklore almost at once. In places like Soweto, it entered something deeper: township memory.

Young people were doing more than copying an American star. They were discovering what the body could say under conditions of restriction. They were learning that grace could have an edge. That control could look like freedom.

That style could stake a claim on the future. For a child taught to move cautiously through the world, the Moonwalk carried a strange and thrilling lesson: even gravity, for a second, could be persuaded to loosen its grip.

There was, too, a specifically Black intimacy to Michael Jackson’s presence. Apartheid depended on a hierarchy of visibility. It placed whiteness at the centre of legitimacy and pushed Black life outward, into labour, overcrowding, discipline, and perpetual explanation.

Michael Jackson reversed that visual order without ever needing to mention South Africa. The world leaned towards him. Cameras loved him. Crowds screamed before he had fully stepped into the light. Even his silences had authority.

For Black youth in Soweto, that spectacle never existed outside politics. It enlarged the imagination. It told a child in a township that Blackness could be desired by the world without surrendering its force, its mystery, or its style.

This did not mean that Soweto stopped being Soweto when Michael Jackson came on the scene. Local music still mattered and mattered in other ways. Jazz remained a language of inheritance and seriousness. Struggle songs carried history, sorrow, and resolve.

Township sound belonged to the daily life of the people in a way no imported pop ever could. Still, this is precisely why Michael Jackson’s arrival remains so important. He did not replace those worlds; he entered them.

He joined a larger emotional economy in which young Black South Africans drew strength from politics, from church, from football, from friendship, from fashion, from humour, from local music and global music alike. His genius lay in the fact that he could be folded into township life without ever feeling foreign to it.

Those who grew up then will remember the texture of anticipation. Waiting for a song to come on. Hearing a track through a neighbour’s window before locating its source.

Seeing a performance discussed at school the next day as though it had taken place down the road rather than on another continent. The memory is never only auditory; it is social. It belongs to boys correcting one another’s steps.

To laughter after failure. To another attempt. To the stubborn joy of trying again. A generation learned Michael Jackson together.

And what did that learning amount to? Something larger than nostalgia, though nostalgia lives within it. It amounted to an early education in contradiction. Young people in Soweto were taught by the state that they were marginal, and taught by culture that they were central.

They were told by official South Africa to trim their ambitions, and shown by a Black man on a screen that the magnitude was possible. They were expected to move through the world with caution, then watched somebody move through it as though the body itself could refuse the terms it had been given. That is why the memory endures. It belongs to a deeper archive than entertainment.

As the film Michael approaches its April 2026 release, many will speak of Michael Jackson in the language of celebrity, scandal, genius, and decline. Those arguments will come, as they always do.

But South Africans, and especially those who came of age in Black townships during the 1980s, possess another story. It is a story about what happens when a child living inside a diminished political world encounters an image of Black magnificence too large to be contained by that world.

It is a story about the uses of style in a brutal society. A story about how a song, a silhouette, a tilted hat, a turn of the body can enter a people’s inner archive and remain there for decades.

So, the image remains. A boy in Soweto standing on a patch of concrete. Around him, the ordinary machinery of apartheid. Inside him, the ordinary tremors of youth. Then the bassline begins. He leans back. A heel lifts. The body attempts a movement it has seen but does not yet fully possess. For a second, the impossible draws near.

That may be Michael Jackson’s deepest Soweto legacy. He gave Black youth a vision of mastery at a time when mastery was being denied to them in almost every official language of the country. He gave them glamour without permission slips.

He gave them a way of imagining movement beyond the map they had inherited. And in a township built to contain Black life, that mattered more than many adults understood. It still does.

* Dr Ashok Damarupurshad is a South African writer and researcher whose work explores culture, memory, and the ways technology and media shape identity in everyday life.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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Despite notable progress in empowering and elevating South African women in science, Deputy Minister for Science, Technology and Innovation Nomalungelo Gina has urged greater national commitment to spotlighting the achievements of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).

Ms Gina was delivering the keynote address at the seventh annual Women in Science Symposium, hosted by the University of Pretoria (UP) at Future Africa, UP’s pan-African platform for collaborative research.

Held under the theme ‘Unpacking STEM Careers: Her Voice in Science’, the Deputy Minister described the event as both a tribute and a call to action to celebrate, empower and propel the voices of women in science towards a future that truly reflects the diversity, strength and potential of South Africa.

“We must reflect on the strides we have made, acknowledge the work yet to be done, and commit ourselves to the determination required for real, lasting transformation,” she said. “Women in South Africa are contributing groundbreaking research, setting global standards in health, environmental sciences, data and digital technologies, and many more fields. Yet we cannot ignore that women and girls remain underrepresented, especially at senior and strategic levels.”

Ms Gina said UP’s Women in Science platform is a crucial platform through which to celebrate the achievements of South African women in science, including those who conduct cutting-edge research, lead multidisciplinary teams, head institutions, and inspire thousands of students. Similarly, the Department of Science, Technology and Innovation’s South African Women in Science Awards (SAWiSA) celebrates the outstanding achievements of women in STEM. 

UP Vice-Principal for Research, Innovation and Postgraduate Education Professor Sunil Maharaj applauded the phenomenal contributions and advancements that women have made in all areas of STEM. He acknowledged that these achievements were made in the face of many obstacles, with many more still to be overcome.

UP is home to more than 2 932 academics and researchers, of whom 57% are women. UP has 447 professors, of whom 39% are women. Women currently account for 40% of UP’s total of 570 National Research Foundation- rated researchers, and 50% of its South African Research Chair Initiative (SARChI) positions are held by women.

“Faced with a legacy of inequality, you have had to go all out to prove yourselves in what was, and in too many cases still is, a male-dominated world,” Prof Maharaj said. “My heartfelt wish is that in the near future we can dispense with terms like ‘male-dominated world’ as a never-to-be-repeated anachronism. At UP, we are entirely committed to achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment at all levels and in all fields.”

Dr Rakeshnie Ramoutar-Prieschl, UP’s Director of Internationalisation and Strategic Partnerships, said, “We can do so much more together through empowered intergenerational dialogue that starts to interrupt, disrupt, and break the cycle of stereotypes and gender biases. We must ask ourselves the painful questions about our youth. Who gets to see themselves become scientists? And who gets left out before they even get a chance? These questions need answers and call for transformative and inclusive change that supports the empowerment of girls and women beyond their current place of being relegated to the fringes of the economy and society.