The Stormers XXIII and Sharks XV have bolstered their squads with Junior Springbok world champions for their Currie Cup clash in Cape Town on Saturday afternoon.

Backs Markus Muller, who slots into the starting line-up for a home debut, and Luan Giliomee, who starts at fullback for the visitors, are expected to add a winning mentality to their respective teams alongside the other U20 champions selected on the bench for the clash at DHL Stadium.

Muller and Giliomee starred for the Junior Boks and should provide an attacking spark for their teams. Both the Stormers and Sharks come into the match off defeats after opening their campaigns with victories, and the boost provided by their U20 stars could prove pivotal.

While the Stormers have selected just one U20 player, prop Danie Kruger, among the replacements, the Sharks have drafted in three Baby Boks to strengthen their bench, with hooker Liam van Wyk, loosehead prop Rambo Kubheka and speedster Khuthi Rasivhaga set to make an impact as substitutes.

For the Capetonians, it has been another week of reshuffling their side, but they view this encounter as one that could define their season. They come off a disappointing defeat to the Kavaliers last weekend and are determined to make amends.

Head coach Tom Dawson-Squibb made eight changes to his side and said they were prepared for them.

“It’s an exciting time bringing the Junior Springboks into the team and coming off the run they had, they are bound to bring some individual confidence into the squad,” the coach said.

How good was this 22-minute hat-trick from Sanlam Boland Kavaliers winger Jayden Bantom ⬛️🟨#SSRugby | #CurrieCup pic.twitter.com/MUla2TPl0f

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 27, 2026

“The two guys we brought in fit in seamlessly, but I guess the proof is in the pudding. Spending some time with them, they are very down-to-earth, and the guys made them feel welcome. I think they are super excited to run out on Saturday.”

Dawson-Squibb added that some of the changes were due to players not performing and said it’s the “nature of the beast” when it comes to rugby. While his team are looking to rectify the errors from last Sunday, he warned that the Sharks will be just as desperate to bounce back from last week's defeat.

Sharks head coach Mike Vowles, meanwhile, also made a couple of changes and wants to see an 80-minute performance from his side.

We still have two unbeaten sides after two rounds of #CurrieCup action 👀 pic.twitter.com/3BsWOOqYhD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 27, 2026

“There are certain things we did exceptionally well in the previous games that we want to build on, and to fix the stuff we didn’t quite execute as well as we should have,” he said.

“So, the idea would be to improve and, most importantly, put in a good performance for 80 minutes. We know the Stormers XXIII have come off a big loss and there will be a response from them; they’ll come out fighting, so we anticipate a really high-tempo, very physical match.”

Stormers XXIII

15 Dylan Miller, 14 Mfundo Ndhlovu, 13 Markus Muller, 12 Josh Boulle, 11 Suleiman Hartzenberg, 10 Kyle Smith, 9 Stefan Ungerer (captain), 8 Wandile Mlaba, 7 Louw Nel, 6 Keke Morabe, 5 Gary Porter, 4 Tom Barnard, 3 Herman Lubbe, 2 Vernon Paulo, 1 Hencus van Wyk.

Replacements: 16 Altus Rabe, 17 Mhleli Khuzwayo, 18 Danie Kruger, 19 Gerbrandt Grobler, 20 Xola Nyali, 21 Ezekiel Ngobeni, 22 Gino Cupido, 23 Kian Davis.

Sharks XV

15 Luan Giliomee, 14 Christie Grobbelaar, 13 Marnus Potgieter, 12 Janco Purchase, 11 Lyle Matthews, 10 Tim Swiel, 9 Ross Braude, 8 Thomas Dyer (captain), 7 Danio Botha, 6 Luaan Olivier, 5 Deon Slabbert, 4 Johan Momsen, 3 Simphiwe Ngobese, 2 Bryce Calvert, 1 Cameron Dawson.

Replacements: 16 Liam van Wyk, 17 Rambo Kubheka, 18 Lee-Marvin Mazibuko, 19 Hanu Pieterse, 20 Jean-Henri Smit, 21 Juan Loots, 22 Albie Bester, 23 Khuthi Rasivhaga.

The Springboks completed the first leg of the Nations Championship unbeaten, collecting a maximum of 15 points from the three Tests they played against England, Scotland and Wales. They lead New Zealand on points difference in the Southern Hemisphere standings.

The Boks now turn their attention to Argentina, whom they face next weekend in Buenos Aires. It will be their final preparation before the start of Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry (RGR) against the All Blacks.

In the coming days, Independent Media will break down the Boks’ recent exploits with a view to who should start the first Test against the All Blacks at Ellis Park on Saturday, 22 August. So far, we have looked at the backline — the back-three, centres and half-backs, the loose-forwards, locks — and props.

On Thursday, we complete our series by looking at the hookers.

Hooker options during Nations Championship

• Malcolm Marx | 89 Tests | Played against England and Wales | Player rating: 8 out of 10 during Nations Championship
• Johan Grobbelaar | 9 | P: Scotland | PR: 7
• Jan-Hendrik Wessels | 12 | P: England, Scotland, Wales | PR: 7.5
• André-Hugo Venter | 2 | P: Wales | PR: 7

There is no doubt that Malcolm Marx’s name will be one of the first on the team sheet for that opening Test in Johannesburg.

At the moment, no other hooker in South Africa comes close to what the double World Cup winner brings to the Boks. His ball-carrying, breakdown work and physicality make him the complete package, who fronts up every time the world champions face New Zealand.

However, his second-in-command is not as clear-cut, although the options at the disposal of Rassie Erasmus won’t give the coach and his management sleepless nights. A plethora of hungry young hookers are waiting in the wings to be unleashed against the All Blacks.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has given an extensive injury update ahead of their Test match against Argentina and #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🤕🗣️#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/0pVTFzMYTD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

Johan Grobbelaar is the likely next candidate and should be the backup option for this series. His accuracy at line-out time and ability at the breakdown put him in the same mould as Marx when it comes to those departments. However, the versatility of Jan-Hendrik Wessels gives Erasmus added flexibility when selecting a formidable Bomb Squad replacement bench.

Although very inexperienced, especially when it comes to duels with the All Blacks, Wessels had more game time than his Bulls teammate during the Nations Championship, which could indicate how the Boks plan to use the duo when deciding on Marx’s understudy.

While the Boks possess enough firepower at hooker, they will be careful to manage Marx throughout the four-Test series. Overplaying him could have serious consequences, while not giving enough game time to the likes of Grobbelaar and Wessels could leave them undercooked should they be called upon to step up in the No 2 jersey.

“I saw the NZ squad was announced and had a brief look at it, but at this stage we're all locked in for Argentina” - more here: https://t.co/OX5yS1YsbO 🔭#Springboks #ForeverGreenForeverGold pic.twitter.com/huSvTQjLHl

— Springboks (@Springboks) July 28, 2026

Possible South African matchday 23 v All Blacks, first Test at Ellis Park

Springboks starting XV: 15 Damian Willemse, 14 Cheslin Kolbe, 13 Jesse Kriel, 12 Damian de Allende, 11 Ethan Hooker, 10 Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu, 9 Cobus Reinach, 8 Jasper Wiese, 7 Pieter-Steph du Toit, 6 Siya Kolisi (c), 5 Ruan Nortje, 4 Eben Etzebeth. 3 Thomas du Toit, 2 Malcolm Marx, 1 Ox Nché

Rassie Erasmus has dangled a golden carrot in front of Embrose Papier, Evan Roos and the Springboks’ other fringe players, while simultaneously reminding his current squad that no jersey is guaranteed.

If there was any doubt that the World Cup-winning coach always has a bigger plan in mind, his explanation around the omission of players like Papier should put that to bed.

The Stormers duo of Roos and André-Hugo Venter and potentially Ntuthuko Mchunu, who is still with the national squad, along with Bulls scrumhalf Papier, have been handed a golden opportunity to force their way back into the national setup during the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry tour against the All Blacks.

Venter and Roos’ chance could come as soon as next Friday when the Stormers take on the New Zealanders in the opening match in Cape Town. Papier will have the opportunity to state his case when the Bulls face the visitors on August 19, just a week before the opening Test at Ellis Park.

Erasmus confirmed that he and his coaching staff would be watching the midweek matches with an eagle eye. If a player produces a standout performance, the Bok door could swing open once again. In the same breath, however, he sent a clear warning to the players already in the Springbok squad.

A poor showing against Argentina in next Saturday’s final warm-up Test, or during the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry clashes themselves, could see them lose their places to franchise stars who grab their opportunity against the All Blacks.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has given an extensive injury update ahead of their Test match against Argentina and #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🤕🗣️#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/0pVTFzMYTD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

The omission of Papier initially raised eyebrows, especially after his impressive performance in the Nations Championship, where he earned his first Test cap since 2018, and his consistently strong United Rugby Championship form.

There were understandable calls for him to remain in the Bok squad ahead of the likes of Herschel Jantjies or Morné van den Berg.

However, Erasmus’s explanation made perfect sense.

𝐔𝐋𝐀𝐌𝐁𝐈𝐋𝐄! 𝐔𝐋𝐀𝐌𝐁𝐈𝐋𝐄! 🫨

Embrose Papier is back in the Springbok green with a 𝐁𝐀𝐍𝐆 🇿🇦💥

📺 Stream #NationsChampionship on DStv: https://t.co/0P0NNhnwKw pic.twitter.com/dsU5Plk9nR

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 11, 2026

Papier is now available to line up for the Bulls against the All Blacks next month and, like Roos and potentially Mchunu, can provide the Springbok coaches with valuable information from those encounters.

It shows that these players have not simply been discarded. Instead, Erasmus has a clear plan. His fringe Springboks have been released to their franchises to test themselves against world-class opposition, while simultaneously giving the Bok management another opportunity to assess their readiness before the Test series.

They have been handed something arguably more valuable than a place on the sidelines – it’s a shot at the Kiwis before the Springboks have the opportunity to do so. And Erasmus has shown in the past that he will reward a player who grabs opportunities when they matter most. 

Jessica Haines, the celebrated film and television actress who starred opposite John Malkovich in the movie "Disgrace", is back on stage - her other favourite creative playground.

This time, she’s in the one-woman show “Once Upon a Teacup”, which earned her rave reviews at last year’s Hilton Arts Festival.

This 70-minute stage production, written and performed by Haines, is directed by James Cunningham.

The narrative focuses on Violet, a young girl growing up in Africa, who navigates the complexities of the modern world through her whimsical childhood perspective.

Haines explains: “‘Once Upon a Teacup’ begins on a farm in KZN and I hope audiences will recognise the many character archetypes that I bring to life. The play explores the notion and power of imagination and the toll it takes under pop culture constructs, social media, and the inevitable pressure of growing up. 

“Violet’s mental health is compromised, and she soon finds herself in a dark and unpredictable place, only to be rescued by the concept of home and the memories of her childhood. 

“I’m hoping the story reawakens the child in everyone – the lost ability to play, create, and fully invest in the colourful and crazy world of our imagination, which is so often diluted by the fast pulse of adulthood.”

Where: Theatre on the Square, Sandton. 

When: Runs until August 2, 7.30pm.

Woza Albert!

Created by Mbongeni Ngema, Percy Mtwa and Barney Simon, "Woza Albert!" was first staged at this very venue in 1981.

Through a blend of biting satire and chilling truthfulness, the creators examined the hypothetical return of Morena to a racist, oppressive apartheid South Africa.

As part of the theatre’s milestone 50th anniversary celebrations, this iconic production now returns to the Market Theatre for a limited two-week run.

This production features performances by Thulani Mtsweni and Hamilton Dhlamini, who also serves as the director.

To capture the daily realities of black lives under apartheid, the two actors seamlessly transition between characters.

Artistic director Greg Homann added: “‘Woza Albert!’ is woven into the DNA of The Market Theatre. Created here in the early years of our existence, it stands as one of the seminal works that helped define both our stages and the South African story we have been home to for the past 50 years. Bringing it back now acknowledges where we come from as a nation, as well as how our story continues to evolve.”

Where: Barney Simon, Market Theatre.

When: Runs until August 2, 7pm.

Aladdin

A family-friendly production that the little ones are sure to enjoy, the show centres on the ruckus caused by Aladdin’s eccentric mother, Twankey, and his thieving brother.

His life transforms for the better when he discovers a mysterious lamp, out of which emerges an extravagant genie.

Aladdin sets off on a thrilling adventure alongside an incomparable new friend who helps grant his three wishes. Meanwhile, he strives to win the heart of the princess while thwarting the plots of a wicked sorcerer.

Where: DRAMA at SA State Theatre, Pretoria.

When: Runs until August 9. Show times vary.

The Springboks will discover who is truly ready to face the All Blacks when they take on Argentina next weekend in their final warm-up Test before the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry tour gets underway.

For now, despite New Zealand naming their touring squad and the hype surrounding the four-Test series steadily building, the Boks’ focus remains firmly on their trip to South America, where they will aim to stay unbeaten in 2026 and build further momentum ahead of the blockbuster clashes with their old rivals.

The world champions and Los Pumas meet in Buenos Aires, with the hosts naming a squad that blends an experienced core with several exciting new faces. While Argentina have opted to inject fresh energy into their group, they still possess enough seasoned campaigners to pose a significant threat to their visitors.

Springbok head coach Rassie Erasmus has taken note of the revamped Argentine squad, warning that they will be as dangerous as ever when the sides meet next Saturday. Erasmus is expected to field a strong match-day 23, with several senior players returning from injury in a bid to build valuable match fitness ahead of the All Blacks series.

“Everyone will know what the biggest headline will be if we do not win in Argentina; there will be questions about our readiness for the Greatest Rivalry,” Erasmus said this week.

“We must go and win; otherwise, people will say we are in tatters ahead of facing New Zealand. We want to win every Test match we play, so it is difficult not to look past the Argentina Test. Our biggest hiding we’ve had since I’ve been involved has been against them.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has given an extensive injury update ahead of their Test match against Argentina and #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🤕🗣️#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/0pVTFzMYTD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

“They’ve selected a strong side with about 15 really experienced guys and a bunch of youngsters with energy coming from the Sevens circuit. They are always dangerous, and we must watch out for that. You’ll quickly see who is ready to play against New Zealand two weeks later.”

The clash is expected to provide Erasmus with several important selection answers before he names his squad for the opening Test against New Zealand. Competition for places remains fierce, with players returning from injury and others eager to cement their positions before the biggest series of 2026 ahead of the Rugby World Cup next year.

Erasmus wants to give scrumhalves Cobus Reinach and Morné van den Berg more game time, while talented flyhalf Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu and the experienced Handré Pollard are also expected to feature prominently. Captain Siya Kolisi, lock pair Eben Etzebeth and Lood de Jager, along with several other players, should all be in the mix as the Springboks fine-tune combinations.

See you soon South Africa 🇿🇦🛫 pic.twitter.com/v8x3YQ0iHK

— All Blacks (@AllBlacks) July 29, 2026

He believes the physical, high-intensity contest against Los Pumas presents the ideal opportunity to assess which players are fully fit and ready to take on the All Blacks, with his first team announcement for that series only a couple of weeks away. The opening Test is scheduled for 22 August at Ellis Park in Johannesburg, making next weekend’s encounter a crucial stepping stone.

Although Argentina endured a mixed Rugby Championship campaign, losing two of their three Tests, Erasmus is placing little emphasis on those results. The Springboks know from experience that Los Pumas are capable of producing world-class performances, particularly on home soil, and they remain determined not to underestimate their opponents.

The Springboks will complete their final training session on Thursday before enjoying a couple of days at home. Erasmus will then trim his squad to 26 players before they depart for South America on Saturday, with every player aware that a strong performance in Buenos Aires could secure a place for the highly anticipated showdown with the All Blacks.

"'Head Above Water’ isn't about pretending to have all the answers. It's about acknowledging that life can be overwhelming but choosing to keep going anyway."

That is the heart of ReaDaSoul's latest EP, a deeply personal project that explores healing, resilience and finding your way back to yourself.

The producer and DJ uses the opening track, “Buyelekhaya”, to introduce listeners to the emotional world of the project. While the title translates to "return home", he said that the journey is not about a physical place.

"The title itself speaks about returning home, but not necessarily to a physical place. It is more about returning to a place of honesty, healing and belonging. Before taking listeners through the highs and lows of the EP, I wanted to begin with something that immediately invites them into that vulnerable space."

The EP is built around themes of survival and emotional endurance. Rather than presenting himself as someone with all the answers, ReaDaSoul hopes that the music offers comfort to anyone navigating life's challenges.

"Emotionally, I'm trying to serve vulnerability, comfort and resilience. I want people to feel seen in their struggles and understood in their quiet battles."

Music is not the only way ReaDaSoul tells stories.

His growing culinary content has become another creative outlet, allowing him to connect with fans through food as well as sound. For him, both crafts require patience and trust in the process.

"When I cook, I don't just focus on the final plate. I enjoy the process. It is the same in the studio. Sometimes an idea starts with one ingredient, one melody or one emotion and slowly everything else finds its place. You learn when to add more, when to hold back and when to let things simmer."

That philosophy shaped “Head Above Water”. Instead of filling every moment with sound, he chose restraint, allowing the music to breathe.

"The biggest difference was learning that seasoning is not always about adding more. Sometimes it is about knowing what to leave out. I wanted every sound to serve the emotion. I leaned into softer textures, warmer chords and arrangements that allow the stories to take centre stage."

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by ReaDaSoul (@readasoul_)

Listeners can expect an emotional journey that balances pain with hope.

"You'll taste the bitterness of heartbreak, disappointment and uncertainty, but it is balanced by warmth, love and hope. Some moments are nostalgic while others force you to sit with emotions we often try to avoid."

The EP also features collaborations with De Soul and Miss Q on “Buyelekhaya”. ReaDaSoul said that each artist added something different to the record without overpowering one another.

"Each one brings something unique and the beauty lies in how they complement one another. Together they added different flavours that made the song feel complete and authentic."

His love for food also influences the way he views storytelling. Whether he is preparing a meal or writing a song, the goal is the same.

"With music I tell stories through melodies, lyrics and emotion. With food I tell stories through flavours, memories and experiences. Just like a song, a meal can transport you somewhere, evoke memories and make you feel something without saying a word."

When life becomes overwhelming, ReaDaSoul finds strength in life's simplest ingredients.

"Family and genuine relationships are like salt. You don't always notice them, but without them something feels missing. They remind me who I am beyond the music and keep me connected to home."

NO economy in Southern Africa will grow to its full potential while it continues, in practice if not in law, to sideline women from decision-making.

This is not a moral aside to the region’s growth agenda; it is the growth agenda. Where women participate fully in labour markets, in enterprise, and in leadership, economies diversify faster, households absorb shocks better, and the next generation is better educated, and better fed.

Of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) recognises this. The evidence across the continent bears it out. And yet the conversation in too many of our countries still treats women's advancement as a matter of fairness to be weighed against growth, rather than as one of the clearest levers available for achieving it.

History has proven that the involvement of women in economic development is not a charity case, their intellect is the necessary catalyst in economic development, and their inclusion is a must.

Men and women who hold positions of decision-making, in cabinets, in courts, in boardrooms, at the head of homesteads and chiefdoms, are the ones who determine whether capable women reach the tables where a region’s economic future is actually decided.

Supporting the advancement of women into leadership is not a favour extended downward; it is the exercise of good judgement by those already in a position to shape outcomes, in service of economies that function better when they draw on the full range of talent available to them.

Where that judgement has been exercised, as this piece will show, the results are measurable.

Eswatini offers a case worth examining closely, because the usual habit in public conversation about women and the economy is to speak as though the law has yet to arrive, as though advocates must still call for reform and commentators must still list what is missing.

Quietly, and largely unremarked upon, opportunity in Eswatini rests on legislation that has already been written, tested, and, in some instances, confirmed by our own courts, legislation that, measured against our neighbours across SADC, places this kingdom among the region's genuine leaders on women’s economic standing.

This argument sits at the intersection of two systems of authority that are rarely asked to speak in the same breath: The Constitution and the statutes that give it effect, and the custom of siSwati life as it is lived in homesteads and in the council of elders.

The two are often assumed to pull in different directions on the question of women and economic life. They do not. They agree, and they have agreed for some time.

Where Eswatini leads the region — The legal context

The comparison is worth making plainly, because it is rarely made at all. On the World Economic Forum’s (WEF’s) measure of economic participation and opportunity — labour-force participation, professional representation, income parity — Eswatini ranks third in the world, behind only Botswana and Liberia.

Eswatini's economy has closed more of the gender gap in this category than every other SADC member state, including economies many times its size.

This is not an accident of measurement. It rests on a specific, identifiable legal architecture.

In Eswatini the 2005 constitution serves as the supreme law and provides for gender equality, recognises women’s rights and places a duty on the state to reverse any historical marginalisation of women.

Section 14 of Chapter 3 of the Eswatini Constitution, 2005, on the promotion of fundamental rights and freedom guarantees basic human rights to all individuals regardless of gender.

Section 20 of the Constitution, being the equality clause, explicitly prohibits discrimination based on gender. In Eswatini the constitution grants women the rights to equal treatment with men, including equal opportunities in political, economic and social activities.

The said section further obligates the government to provide facilities and opportunities to enhance the welfare of women. Worth noting is that section 28(3) provides that a women shall not be compelled to undergo and uphold any custom to which she is “in” conscience opposed.

Section 59(5) on economic objectives obligates the state to take all necessary steps to ensure the full integration of women into the mainstream of economic development — an operative constitutional command, not inspirational language.

With the advent of the constitution and other statutory enactments and case law, the status of women has fundamentally shifted upwards. The national gender policy (2023–2033) is the comprehensive 10-year policy guiding government ministries to be gender-responsible in budgeting and mainstreaming women into leadership.

In Section 86 of the constitution it is provided that when, in the first meeting of the House after any general election, it appears that female members of Parliament will not constitute at least 30% of the total membership of Parliament, only then shall the House form itself into an electoral college and elect not more than four women on a regional basis to the House. This section is intended to improve the political participation of women in Parliament.

As matters currently stand, the female representation in Parliament is almost 30%. The number of women cabinet ministers has also increased to 25%, and the deputy prime minister, Honourable Senator Thulisile Dladla, is a woman.

Land in Eswatini can be categorised into two: one being title deed land and the other being Eswatini national land. The Eswatini national land is held by the king in trust for Emaswati and is allocated by the chiefs. Historically it was only granted to male heads of households.

Currently women can be legally allocated land in Eswatini National Land on their own, and many women acquired land on their own under the system of kukhonta. Women are free to purchase title deed land in Eswatini.

The case of Attorney-General vs Mary-Joyce Doo Aphane 2010, the Supreme Court declared that it was unconstitutional to deny women married in the community of property the right of registering their property in their own names.

In the case of Sacolo vs Sacolo (2019), the High Court struck down the common law doctrine of marital power and held that it violates women’s constitutional rights and dignity and that both spouses have equal capacity to administer matrimonial property. Eswatini today holds, as a matter of settled law, women holding the same legal standing to contract, register businesses, and hold and administer property as a man.

None of this settles the matter entirely. Real gaps remain, particularly in having women access capital and formal business infrastructure, and this piece will return to that. But a regional business, and his kind matters, because a nation cannot close a gap it does not accurately measure against its peers — and Eswatini's starting point, relative to the rest of Southern Africa, is stronger than the conversation around it usually admits.

A king and queen mother for the people — especially women

None of this has emerged against the wishes of those who lead this nation. Addressing Ghana's National House of Chiefs in Kumasi during a working visit in June 2025, His Majesty King Mswati III spoke directly to the developmental role women have long played in African communities, urging that they be given recognition and, in his words, “the proper support to deliver for us always”.

He held up Eswatini specifically as a case in which women are recognised and given the respect due to them as key players in national development and argued that traditional authority and modern governance are not in conflict but can complement one another in advancing this agenda.

At the 2023 Buganu Festival at Buhleni Royal Residence, King Mswati raised the question directly of why more women were not yet being elected to Parliament, making the point that women are fully capable of contributing to the building of the nation — a challenge aimed as much at the electorate and political structures as at women themselves.

Her Majesty the Indlovukazi, the nation's foremost maternal figure, has spoken to this point directly. Addressing the Lutsango regiment at the 2023 Buganu Festival at Buhleni Royal Residence, Queen Mother told the nation’s women plainly, in siSwati, “anisasibo belikhishi nemabhodo” (you do not belong in the kitchen) and urged them to recognise their own power and take up whatever position matched their capacity, rather than carry the household’s domestic burden alone while also building their own economic independence.

These words are not incidental to this argument; they are its foundation. When the two heads of state speak of women’s capability and standing, they are not introducing a new idea into Swati life.

They are affirming what this kingdom's leadership has practised for decades and what now shows up, measurably, in Eswatini's standing relative to the rest of the region.

Women have already led at the highest level — for years

Eswatini need not imagine a future in which women hold the nation's highest offices. It has lived it.

The Honourable Thulisile Dladla, the current Deputy Prime Minister, is the second woman to hold that office in the Kingdom’s history, following Constance Simelane before her.

Her tenure has been marked by the kind of leadership this country most needs: a steady hand on social protection, gender mainstreaming, child welfare, and the wellbeing of persons with disabilities — leadership that embodies the spirit of Ubuntu, whose preamble calls on all of us to protect and support the most vulnerable among us.

A woman sitting second-in-command of this government's executive is not an exception to how Eswatini governs. It is, increasingly, how Eswatini governs.

Women’s representation in public leadership extends beyond a single office. Current parliamentary data show that women hold approximately 20.3% of seats in the House of Assembly and 46.7% of seats in the Senate, making Eswatini's upper chamber one of the most gender-balanced legislative bodies in the region.

The Senate is presided over by a woman, Senator Lindiwe Dlamini, demonstrating that women are not merely participating in public life but occupying positions of institutional leadership. Constitutional mechanisms further safeguard women's representation by requiring minimum levels of female participation in both chambers where electoral outcomes alone do not achieve adequate inclusion.

Representation is also evident within the executive branch. Women hold about 26% of ministerial positions, including responsibility for key portfolios such as foreign affairs, home affairs, information and communications technology, tourism and environmental affairs, as well as the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister.

Leadership is increasingly visible beyond elected office and Cabinet. Women today occupy senior positions across government ministries, public institutions and national agencies, reflecting their growing role in policy-making and public administration.

Nor is women’s influence confined to public institutions. Across the private sector, women increasingly occupy executive and board-level positions in sectors ranging from banking and communications to mining and entrepreneurship.

This leadership presence is reflected in the broader economy, where women own about 60% of Eswatini’s small, medium, and micro-sized enterprises, making them central to business formation, employment creation and household livelihoods across the kingdom.

These developments point to an important conclusion. The question facing Eswatini is no longer whether women can lead at the highest levels of national life. Women are already doing so. The challenge now is ensuring that more women are able to enter and advance through leadership pipelines across every sector of the economy.

What custom actually asks of us

There is a claim worth confronting directly: That tradition asks women to defer, in commerce as in the home, to a male relative’s judgement before their own. That is not what custom, properly understood, requires.

SiSwati tradition has always recognised women as builders of the homestead’s wealth: as cultivators, traders, keepers of livestock, custodians of household provision. The deference sometimes described as custom is, more often, habit inherited from a different era, mistaken for obligation.

A tradition that prizes the wellbeing of the homestead has never been served by leaving half its builders on the margin of decision-making.

When the Constitution affirms a woman’s equal economic standing, it is not asking Emaswati to set custom aside. It is asking that the custom be practised as it was meant to be — with the full participation of those who have always carried its weight.

Culture and tradition in this Kingdom respect women. They always have. Where women's growth has been stifled, it has too often been at the hands of a misreading of the law or a convenient misreading of custom mistaken for the genuine article and left unchallenged.

Society cannot continue to hide behind misinterpreted laws, or behind a version of tradition invented to suit that misreading, to justify holding women back from the economic role the Constitution, the courts, and this kingdom's own leadership have already affirmed belongs to them.

Where the real work lies

The honest gap, region-wide as much as here at home, is not statutory. It is implementation.

This is particularly striking given the extent to which women have already embraced entrepreneurship. Recent studies indicate that women own about 60% of Eswatini’s SMMEs, placing them at the centre of employment creation, household income generation and economic resilience. Yet many women-led enterprises remain informal, undercapitalised and concentrated in lower-growth segments of the economy.

Nearly 90% of SMMEs rely primarily on personal savings rather than formal financing, while 74% of firms led by women identify access to finance as a major constraint to growth.

The problem, therefore, is not a lack of entrepreneurial ambition. It is a lack of access to the financial tools that allow successful enterprises to expand, employ more people and compete at scale.

Equally important is the absence of comprehensive public data. Eswatini would benefit from regularly updated national datasets tracking women-owned businesses, women in senior civil service positions, and women serving on public enterprise boards and executive teams. Better measurement would allow policymakers to design interventions based on evidence rather than assumption.

Closing these gaps should be a national economic priority. The next phase of women’s economic empowerment in Eswatini is not about proving women’s capacity to succeed in business or leadership; the evidence of that already exists. It is about ensuring that women entrepreneurs and leaders have the same access to capital, institutions, networks and opportunities as their male counterparts.

Eswatini does not stand at the beginning of this journey. It stands some distance along it.

The Constitution has spoken. The courts have spoken. Custom, properly understood, has spoken. Their Majesties have spoken. The question before us is not whether women belong in the mainstream of economic life, but whether we are prepared to unlock the full measure of their contribution to our nation's future.

The countries that prosper in the decades ahead will be those that recognise talent wherever it is found, remove barriers wherever they remain, and draw strength from the abilities of all their people.

Eswatini has already laid much of that foundation. Our task now is to build upon it — to ensure that every woman with the ambition to farm, to trade, to innovate, to lead, or to build an enterprise can do so on equal terms.

The question is no longer whether Eswatini can afford to empower women. The question is whether it can afford not to.

The Attorney General was one of the speakers at the inaugural Women’s Month thought leadership event held under the theme The Role of Women in Growing Southern Africa’s Economies held last August.

* Sifiso MM Khumalo is the Attorney General of the Kingdom of Eswatini.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

CowBoii has become one of amapiano’s most recognisable voices, but behind the chart-topping hits is an artist who says that some of his biggest healing has happened through music.

The vocalist introduced fans to the emotional world of “iKati Elimhlophe” with the release of “uHAMBO 2.0”, a soulful collaboration with Azi that explores healing, self-reflection and reconnecting with home. 

The single built on the story of “uHambo” from his previous album “This Ain’t A.I: Days After A.I”, giving listeners an early glimpse into the themes that would shape “iKati Elimhlophe”.

Released on June 30, the album reflects on identity, love, ambition, community and personal growth through CowBoii’s signature blend of storytelling and amapiano innovation.

CowBoii has reflected on how far he has come, from singing in church in Daveyton to becoming one of the country’s biggest amapiano vocalists.

“My younger self would be incredibly proud of the person I’ve become. I don’t think he ever imagined that one day I’d be recognised as one of South Africa’s biggest vocalists. It’s a blessing, and I’m grateful for how far the journey has taken me,” he said. 

While his music has become a soundtrack for dancefloors across the country through hit songs like “Biri Marung” and “eGoli”, CowBoii says telling honest stories has always been at the heart of his artistry.

“For me, it’s always been about finding my sound. Along the way, I realised I was most comfortable singing about things that are real to me and that I genuinely connect with. That’s when I knew I wanted my music to tell deeper, more personal stories.”

That honesty is what drives “uHAMBO 2.0”, a song centred on returning home to regroup, something CowBoii said that has become increasingly important as his career continues to take him around the country and beyond.

“Our careers take us to so many different places that, sometimes, we forget who we really are. That’s why it’s important to pause and return to a place where you feel comfortable and grounded. Home is where I can regain my strength before going out into the world again.” 

Although his music often explores vulnerability, CowBoii admitted opening up doesn’t come naturally, as he’s not someone who opens up to people very easily.

He added that he heals through writing and that music has always been my way of expressing himself. 

“That’s where I find healing, and I believe that’s what makes my music honest and relatable,” he said.

As amapiano continues to evolve, so does CowBoii.

From the success of “Biri Marung”, “eGoli” and “Mdantso Nyana” to introducing fans to the world of “iKati Elimhlophe”, he said that staying relevant means remaining open to collaboration while protecting the sound that made listeners connect with him in the first place.

“Working with different artists is one of the best ways to keep growing for me, adapting to what’s happening in the genre and staying consistent, while still staying true to who I am.” 

Outside of music, CowBoii has also expanded his influence through initiatives such as CowBoii Grooves, while becoming a style inspiration for many young South Africans.

Looking ahead, he hopes that his legacy extends far beyond the music.

“I want people to know that I’ve always wanted the best for everyone, no matter the industry. That’s one of the reasons I involve myself in so many different things. At the end of the day, I want my legacy to be that I always wanted to create opportunities, inspire others and see everyone win,” he said.

AS the global order fragments into multiple centres of influence, developing nations face a hard-nosed practical question: How to convert natural endowments into durable industrial capacity without postponing the immediate demands of social development.

For African strategic thinkers, India’s recent technology and supply chain partnerships offer a useful analytical case.

Through agreements like the Australia-India Partnership on Cyber, Critical Technologies and Supply Chains and participation in emerging multilateral corridors, New Delhi is methodically inserting itself into the high-value segments of global production without compromising it’s development targets.

Read from an African perspective, these moves sharpen a central problem: A continent that holds the largest share of the minerals essential to the global digital and green transition remains structurally confined to the most basic stages of their extraction and export.

The practical task is to determine how Africa can deploy its critical mineral leverage to build a bridge between urgent developmental demands and long-term technological and industrial modernisation.

Africa remains fixed at a far more elementary stage. Even the most assertive policy discourse continues to orbit heavily around the term "beneficiation", a concept that concedes the intellectual frame to marginal improvements in raw material processing rather than capturing the full downstream value chain.

India is not merely trading market access for resources; it is actively coupling its industrial growth targets to the critical mineral reserves of partner nations, securing the supply lines for clean energy systems, advanced manufacturing and a civilian nuclear programme of expanding scale.

This is a deliberate exercise in systemic positioning, linking national security, energy transition and technological ambition within a single coherent framework.

India moves to secure influence over fabrication and design, while African negotiating spaces are often consumed by seeking incremental local processing quotas. This gap does not stem from a shortage of resources but from a deficit in the strategic imagination applied to them.

India’s example confirms that genuine partnership and global competitiveness follow from a willingness to integrate production structurally, not from managing extraction more efficiently.

Collapsing the development-technology sequence

One of the more consequential obstacles weighing down African strategic thinking is the assumption of a fixed sequence, that societies must first resolve foundational challenges of poverty, infrastructure and basic service delivery before they can legitimately devote attention to advanced technology and research and development (R&D).

This notion is repeatedly invoked by political establishments as a justification for technological inertia.

India’s experience strips this logic of its credibility. The country contends with intense domestic pressures, including widespread deprivation and the daily demands of raising millions into economic security. Yet its leadership has refused to treat these pressures as a permanent reason to defer technological ambition.

At the same moment India expands digital public infrastructure and extends social safety nets, it ensures that its engineering institutions, scientific cadres and innovation clusters are positioned at the centre of semiconductor research, artificial intelligence deployment, FinTech and space exploration.

For African analysts, the pragmatic takeaway is not that development and advanced technology are sequential phases, but that they are parallel imperatives requiring deliberate management.

This is the core of the balancing act: Directing the proceeds and strategic leverage from mineral wealth toward immediate human development while simultaneously constructing the institutional and industrial foundations that define modern economic life. One imperative cannot wait for the other to conclude.

The critical mineral-chip nexus

For a continent that sits atop the largest reserves of lithium, cobalt, rare earths and copper required for the global digital and green transition, this insight amounts to a verdict on the inadequacy of inherited economic models.

Africa continues to ship its minerals out in minimally processed forms, only to re-import them as finished electronics, batteries and defence systems at multiples of their export value.

If India, with its own internal complexities, can negotiate partnerships that propel it into chip-making and high-technology supply chain security, then the structural barriers locking Africa into extractive logic are not primarily imposed by geology or capital scarcity.

They result from a collective failure to deploy mineral wealth as a deliberate instrument of technological ascent.

The practical question is not whether Africa possesses the resources, but why those resources have not yet been made to serve a deliberate programme of industrial and technological deepening that would make extraction a starting point rather than a permanent condition.

India’s strategic direction is built on a clear-eyed reading of where power will concentrate in the coming decades: with those who control the transformation of materials into computational capacity.

It is aggressively pursuing a foothold in semiconductor fabrication, and it understands that holding mineral deposits is strategically hollow without a presence in the nodes that convert raw ores into precision components.

Where to for Africa?

A pragmatic reading of India’s technology partnerships from an African perspective leaves no room for detached commentary. The continent possesses the demographic weight, a growing pool of intellectual capital and the subsurface assets that the world’s most advanced economies and rising powers are competing to secure.

What remains absent is the mobilisation of these advantages into a collective drive for structural economic transformation, grounded in substantial domestic research and innovation, assertive industrial policies and a willingness to reset the terms on which Africa participates in global value chains.

The central challenge is to cultivate the political and institutional discipline that ensures the mineral economy funds both the immediate imperatives of human development and the long-term construction of technological capacity.

India has demonstrated that being part of the Global South need not equate to a permanent position at the lowest margin of value creation. For Africa, the time for analytical admiration is over.

The continent must now convert a clear-eyed understanding of its own position into deliberate, intellectually grounded action that places it at the centre of its own technological and industrial future, balancing the needs of today with the demands of tomorrow.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

IF one of Africa's poorest countries can make it easier for Africans to enter its borders, then what excuse does the rest of the continent have?

We seldom think about the fact it’s easier to travel across Europe than it is to travel across Africa. However, Chad's decision to grant visa-free entry to all African citizens from 2027 is more than an immigration policy. It is a direct challenge to every African government that continues to preach Pan-Africanism while governing as though Africa ends at its own border.

For a continent that speaks so confidently about unity, we have become remarkably comfortable with division.

Every year, African leaders gather beneath the banner of the African Union to declare their commitment to integration. They speak of Agenda 2063, the African Continental Free Trade Area, regional cooperation and "the Africa We Want". Yet when the summit ends and the cameras leave, the ordinary African is reminded that these grand ambitions rarely survive the airport terminal.

An entrepreneur wanting to explore a new market. A student pursuing an opportunity. A tourist hoping to experience another African culture. A family visiting relatives. A researcher attending a conference. Too often, they are met with complex visa applications, invitation letters, high airfares, limited flight options and immigration systems that make moving around Africa feel like a privilege rather than an inherent right.

Other than Namibia’s latest exemplary move to end visa-free entry for US citizens, countless African countries have shamelessly made it easier for Europeans and Americans to enter than fellow Africans. That should concern all of us. Because this is no longer simply about immigration policy, it is about whether African neighbouring nations even trust or believe in each other.

We cannot continue celebrating the African Continental Free Trade Area while making it unnecessarily difficult for Africans to move freely across the very continent we claim is becoming one market. Trade is not conducted by treaties alone. It is conducted by people. Investors. Entrepreneurs. Academics. Artists. Tourists. Workers. When people cannot move, neither do opportunities.

This is certainly not to overlook the challenges that come with immigration, especially in Africa, where much of the continent is ravaged by conflict, insurgencies, terrorism, human trafficking and organised crime. In many cases, these worsen the national climates of countless African nations that still live face extreme rates of poverty and instability.

A case in point is South Africa, where challenges like these have easily boiled over into rampant hate, fear, violence, Afrophobic and Xenophobic situations. At the core of the matter is that every government has a duty to protect its borders and its people. Yet protecting borders and connecting Africa are not mutually exclusive. We need to be capable of doing both.

For decades, we have rightly condemned colonialism for carving Africa into artificial borders that fractured communities, cultures and economies. Yet independence has not dismantled enough of those barriers. In many respects, we have simply inherited them, protected them and, in some cases, strengthened them ourselves. That is an uncomfortable truth.

Africa cannot keep blaming yesterday's colonial borders while refusing to challenge today's bureaucratic ones. Chad has. Now the rest of the continent must decide whether it has the political courage to do the same.

From SADC to the Sahel, from East Africa to North Africa, African governments should be asking one question: what would it take to make travel between our countries significantly easier within the next decade?

At the very least, we should be pursuing visa-free travel for Africans, harmonised immigration systems, more direct flight routes and affordable regional air travel. Think about the amazing impact of this in tourism industries, regional development, and employment opportunities. None of these ideas are radical. If anything, they are embarrassingly overdue.

Which brings us to Ethiopia. While much of the continent has been debating integration, Ethiopia has quietly been building it. Through Ethiopian Airlines, Africa has demonstrated that it is entirely capable of operating one of the world's most respected aviation networks. Addis Ababa has become the continent's bridge, connecting African cities that would otherwise require passengers to transit through Dubai, Doha, Paris or Istanbul simply to reach another African destination.

Think about that for a moment. Why should Africans need another continent to connect them to their own? Ethiopia's location, infrastructure and aviation expertise place it in a unique position to become the backbone of continental connectivity. Instead of treating this as Ethiopia's achievement alone, Africa should see it as a foundation upon which a truly integrated transport network can be built.

Imagine a continent where travelling from Johannesburg to N'Djamena, Lusaka, Dakar, Kigali or Bamako is affordable, direct and routine. That should not be an ambitious dream; it should be standard practice.

But none of this will happen if the African Union continues operating as though its role is simply to issue declarations after every summit. The AU has become exceptionally good at speaking the language of unity. It has been far less successful at delivering it. Every year brings another communiqué. Another framework. Another vision document. Another commitment to integration.

Africans do not need another document. They need outcomes. Where is the continent-wide campaign for visa liberalisation? Where is the urgency around integrated aviation policy? Where is the pressure on governments that continue to use unnecessary visa restrictions to worsen underdevelopment and unemployment?

Leadership is not measured by the number of communiqués released after a summit. It is measured by whether ordinary people experience meaningful change.

If Pan-Africanism is to mean anything in this century, it cannot remain confined to speeches on Africa Day or declarations inside conference halls. It must exist in the everyday lives of Africans. It must be reflected in boarding passes instead of bureaucracy, in business partnerships instead of border queues, and in a continent that chooses connection over fragmentation.

Chad has issued a challenge to Africa. Now the rest of the continent must answer it. Because the next chapter of African liberation is not simply about freeing ourselves from the legacy of colonial borders. It is about freeing ourselves from the barriers we continue to impose on one another.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

IN a display of resilience and forward-thinking leadership, the North West Department of Agriculture and Rural Development (DARD) has unveiled a transformative R1.293 billion budget for the 2026/2027 financial year, positioning the agricultural sector as the province’s ultimate engine for job creation, rural revitalisation, and global market innovation.

While broader economic headwinds have challenged the region, the agricultural sector has emerged as a powerful beacon of hope. Defying national trends, the province’s agricultural sector miraculously added 10 000 new jobs between late 2025 and early 2026, swelling its workforce to 960 000.

Building on this momentum, DARD is targeting the creation of 1 500 direct job opportunities and 1 927 Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) jobs in the new financial year.

At the heart of this agricultural renaissance is a massive R22.7 million investment in capacity building. The department is set to train 2 200 farmers and provide stipends for 120 unemployed agriculture graduates.

This follows the successful graduation of 103 agri-preneurs from the North West University (NWU) Business School, with a fourth cohort of 140 individuals set to begin in July. Furthermore, the province’s agricultural colleges in Taung and Potchefstroom are thriving, with 473 students currently enrolled and a new College Revitalisation Programme ensuring world-class infrastructure and food-safety compliance.

The department is also turning the challenge of the foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreak into a catalyst for modernisation and historic trade breakthroughs. With 86% of targeted animals successfully vaccinated, the province has received a R54.3m emergency injection from the National Department to build state-of-the-art movable kraals and mobile cold rooms.

More importantly, capitalising on a landmark veterinary health certificate negotiated by President Cyril Ramaphosa, which now allows the export of red meat from vaccinated livestock, DARD is launching a R3m emergency intervention with the Land Bank.

This will fast-track an accredited black abattoir with an export licence, opening up lucrative continental and international markets for the province’s red meat industry.

Addressing historical injustices remains a top priority, with the Regional Land Claims Commissioner having spent an impressive R375m in the last financial year. This has resulted in the finalisation of 47 claims, the transfer of 15 599 hectares of land, and direct benefits to 9 024 individuals, including 531 women-headed households.

To ensure these restored lands thrive, DARD is injecting R1m each into visionary village cooperatives. These include a fruit farm in Phela village, crop projects in KhamaYatsha, a 10-hectare cooperative in Tosca, an ex-mineworkers' agricultural centre in Tigane, and a vegetable cooperative at Kgora Moretele run in partnership with Disabled People South Africa.

In a brilliant move toward self-sustainability, the Kgora Farmer Training Centre is now producing 30 000 eggs a week. By selling 20 000 eggs at R1 each to YARD and WARD farmers, the project generates R960 000 in annual revenue for the department, while the remaining 10 000 eggs are donated weekly to needy institutions identified by DARD and Social Development.

As the province prepares to host the National Milling Academy at the Potchefstroom Agricultural College and the 2026 NW Agricultural Show in September, the overarching philosophy of the department is clear.

Inspired by the agricultural philosopher Masanobu Fukuoka, the department noted that “the ultimate goal of farming is not the growing of crops but the cultivation and empowerment of communities”.

Echoing this sentiment, the department reaffirmed the words of Nelson Mandela: “As long as poverty, injustice and gross inequalities persist in our rural areas, none of us can truly rest.” Through unprecedented investment, global partnerships, and a fierce commitment to its people, the North West Province is ensuring that its rural communities will finally have the opportunity to rest — and prosper.

Budget set against job losses, poverty and FMD

IT IS a privilege to present Budget Vote 13 of the Department of Agriculture and Rural Development for the financial year 2026-27, but the speech is delivered against a difficult backdrop of unemployment, poverty, climate stress and the foot-and-mouth disease outbreak.

The department says the province is also operating under uncertainty linked to the Middle East conflict, while employment losses remain severe across South Africa.

The speech says that between Quarter Four of 2025 and Quarter One of 2026, eight provinces experienced declines in employment, with North West recording the largest loss at 80 000.

Gauteng lost 67 000 jobs, Mpumalanga 54 000, and both the Eastern Cape and Limpopo 43 000 each, according to the presentation. Against that bleak picture, the department notes that agriculture in North West added 10 000 jobs, rising from 950 000 to 960 000 over the same period.

The province’s official unemployment rate rose slightly from 35.1% to 35.3%, which the department describes as a positive but insufficient sign. The speech says the 0.2-percentage-point increase is “primarily sourced from the agricultural sector in the province", but that “additional efforts are required”.

That framing places agriculture at the centre of provincial recovery efforts rather than as a side industry.

To respond, the department sets a target of 1 500 job opportunities across multiple programmes beginning in the first quarter of 2026-27. It also says it will generate 1 927 Expanded Public Works Programme employment opportunities.

The stated aim is to support inclusive growth and reduce poverty while trying to absorb some of the pressure created by the jobs crisis.

The speech also ties the budget to climate change adaptation and food security. It says the department will work with the Agricultural Research Council, North West University, DEDECT and the Just Transition Programme to implement climate change imperatives in the sector. Biogas production in integrated crop-livestock systems is presented as part of the province’s climate mitigation response.

FMD crisis pushes North West into biosecurity overdrive

The foot-and-mouth disease outbreak is one of the strongest forces shaping the department’s 2026-27 plans. The speech says the entire province has been affected and that, as of June 18, 2026, there were 414 cases spread across North West. It adds that the disease is still proliferating, with new lesions appearing in animals.

The department says it has received 1 021 140 vaccine doses from BioAftogen and Aftogen and has vaccinated approximately 879 163 animals, or 86%.

It describes vaccination, awareness and movement control as central to the response. The speech says farmers will be protected through “early detection, vaccination, and movement control”.

Biosecurity is clearly elevated as a budget priority. The department says it will hire 40 Animal Health Technicians to support FMD control. Of the total R10m allocation, R2.7m is set aside for laboratory revitalisation and R7m for biosecurity.

The Potchefstroom Veterinary Laboratory is specifically identified for upgrading. The speech says the laboratory revitalisation programme will improve biosecurity and strengthen the province’s capacity to intervene in disease control.

It also says the red meat industry service has offered eight animal health technicians to the North West to be deployed in Kgetleng River, Potchefstroom, Ventersdorp, Maquassi Hills and Matlosana.

The wider livestock response also includes infrastructure. The department says the Land Reform and Rural Development Department has contributed R54 357 300 for movable kraals, walk-in refrigerators, mobile cold rooms, handling facilities, boreholes and crush pens.

Those resources are meant to support livestock management in communal grazing lands and commonage infrastructure.

Land claims, land care and the unfinished business of dispossession

Land tenure and access to land are presented as central to the province’s agricultural future. The speech says the Natives Land Act of June 19, 1913, perpetuated colonial dispossession and imposed deep hardship on Black South Africans.

It also sets out a stark land ownership picture, saying the state owns about 17% of registered land, individuals own about 30%, and whites own 72% of agricultural land.

The Regional Land Claims Commissioner’s office in North West is described as making “substantial contributions” to reversing this legacy.

The speech says the commissioner spent more than R375m in 2025-26, exceeding the budget of R302m. It reports 47 claims finalised, two land claims settled and 10 phased projects implemented, benefiting more than 9 024 beneficiaries.

The department says 15 599 hectares of land were transferred to communities. It also notes that 1 801 households benefited, including 531 headed by women. In the previous fiscal year, Barolong Boo Rapulana received R39m in post-settlement support, part of which was used to procure agricultural machinery and livestock.

For 2026-27, the department says the land claims budget is R332m. It plans to resolve three land claims and finalise the remaining 13. The speech frames this as work to “rectify these historical injustices within the constraints of its financial resources”.

Land care is given a separate but connected role. The land care grant allocation is R10 324 000 and will fund multi-year projects at Sekhing, Seoding, Nyetse and Reagile. The department says an additional R5m will be added from its equitable share, and the aim is to create at least 208 green jobs.

North West turns to training, agro-processing and rural industry push

The speech devotes substantial space to training, colleges and value addition. The department says it will train 2 200 farmers in plant production, animal production, horticulture, agro-processing, SAGAP and HACCP compliance. It allocates R8 327 100 for that training and says the Agricultural Research Council will be the primary collaborator.

A further R10 649 100 is allocated for farmer training and mentorship, while R12 053 923 is set aside for stipends and training for 120 unemployed agriculture graduates. The department says the combined capacity-building pillar will total R22 703 023. Most of the training will be conducted at the Kgora Farmer Training Centre, with livestock practical training at Klipkuil Research Farm.

The department also points to the agricultural colleges as a pipeline for future skills. It says the Taung Agricultural College has 222 students and the Potchefstroom College of Agriculture has 251, bringing total enrolment to 473 students for 2026.

The speech notes that 68 graduates received diplomas in mixed farming at Potchefstroom on February 28, 2026, and 46 graduates received diplomas in irrigation at Taung on June 5, 2026.

The College Revitalisation Programme is being established through CASP funding. The speech says the programme is designed to improve infrastructure, teaching, learning and student life at the two colleges. It also links the colleges to food safety compliance, market access and the accreditation of short-term learning programmes.

Agro-processing is presented as the province’s main route from production to commercialisation. The speech says support will continue for commodities including turmeric, saffron, castor oil, potatoes, rabbitry, moringa and cannabis.

It also says the department is working with the National Chamber of Milling to host the National Milling Academy at JB Marks Municipality and Potchefstroom College of Agriculture.

The speech also includes plans for agri-hub support, goat breeding stock, commercialisation partnerships with Absa and Land Bank, and a coffee project involving 2 000 coffee trees on a five-hectare field.

It says the department intends to commercialise 50 producers over three years and will use the year 2026 for selection, registration and funding preparedness. That makes the budget not just a spending plan but also a broad attempt to rewire rural production into a more commercial agricultural economy.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

EUROPE has agreed that Ukrainians who arrive in the future will be granted refuge only if they can prove their army has no use for them.

Under the revised Temporary Protection Directive, a new applicant must show either that he has met his military obligations under Ukrainian law or that he had lawful grounds to leave: A passport carrying an official exit stamp, a certificate of deferment, a disability, and several children. A scheme created for people fleeing a war is now conditioned on a person’s availability to fight in it.

The change was adopted this month and takes effect in March 2027. It does not touch the 4.3 million Ukrainians who already hold protection across the Union yet. It applies to those who come next, and it arrives as Ukraine’s shortage of soldiers becomes the central problem of its fifth year at war.

Poland shows what this means in practice, having applied a strict reading for some time already. In the first five months of 2026, Ukrainians lodged 992 applications for temporary protection there. Of those, 550 came from men of military age.

Poland granted protection to 78 people. Eight were men. More than 218 000 Ukrainian men between 18 and 65 were registered in the country as of mid-June, and adult men account for roughly 1.15 million of those protected across the Union, but for new arrivals in that category the door is now very nearly shut.

The pressure came from national capitals rather than Brussels. Politico reported strong support among EU home affairs ministers for excluding men of fighting age altogether.

Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner said the Commission had listened carefully to those most affected, naming the Czech Republic, the Baltic states, Poland, Germany and Austria. Denmark did not wait: At the end of June its government tabled a bill to stop granting refugee status to Ukrainian men aged 23 to 60. Others pressed during drafting for the Norwegian rule, under which an illegal crossing by a draft-age man would disqualify him automatically. That version was dropped.

Brunner also said the restriction was what the Ukrainians wanted. On the narrow point he is correct, and it is the part of this story Europe has been content to leave in the background. According to Rzeczpospolita, Kyiv asked for the change in early June, precisely to tighten mobilisation.

Krzysztof Nieczypor of the Centre for Eastern Studies in Warsaw reads the request plainly: the Ukrainian authorities are pursuing their mobilisation targets while transferring the political cost to Western governments. Two administrations have found an arrangement that suits them both.

The directive is one part of a wider effort to widen the pool of men available to the army, and the rest of it is being conducted inside Ukraine. On July 14 the Verkhovna Rada voted to extend martial law and general mobilisation until October 31, the 20th such extension since February 2022.

The age at which a man becomes liable for call up has been lowered again, to 25, under a law that took effect in 2025. The medical standard has been loosened with it. Under Order No. 686, which amended the Regulation on Military Medical Examination in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, conditions that previously exempted a man from service are now classed as fit for service.

Each change enlarges the pool by admitting men the same system had already judged unsuitable.

Some of that effort now reaches beyond Ukraine’s borders, into the countries where its citizens have settled. Agence France-Presse reported on June 4, 2026, that Ukraine opened its first recruitment office in Poland, in Lublin, to enlist citizens for its fight against Russia’s invasion.

The office operates out of the Ukrainian Consulate and has all the necessary equipment to determine if volunteers are apt for service, according to Deputy Defence Minister Ivan Gavryliuk. The initiative is part of a wider security agreement signed by President Volodymyr Zelensky and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and aims to recruit volunteers from the pool of Ukrainian men living in Europe, especially Poland and Germany.

Separately, agreements have been reached that Ukrainians who lose protected status will be returned to Ukraine to be mobilised. A man in that position is not being asked to choose between two countries. He is being handed from one to the other.

The men concerned have been answering for themselves. Conscription is now among the most contested questions inside Ukraine. Last week in Lviv, hundreds clashed with recruitment officers and police, damaging a military vehicle and injuring an officer.

Set that beside the commissioner’s formulation. When European officials say the Ukrainians want this, they are describing a government, not a population, and the distinction is not a small one for a man who may be returned to a recruitment centre.

Resistance of that kind has been met with penalties, and those penalties are being widened beyond the men themselves. Sanctions have been introduced against relatives of men who fail to report, under measures accompanying the mobilisation drive. A measure of that kind does not reach the man who has already gone. It reaches the household he left behind.

The Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights has warned that decisions of this kind could leave thousands without lawful status or protection. That warning goes to the principle rather than the paperwork.

Asylum in Europe has rested on the idea that a person fleeing danger is assessed on the danger he faces. The new test asks something else entirely, namely whether the country he fled still has a claim on him. He will be judged not by what awaits him at home, but by whether his own state has released him from its service.

For readers in South Africa this should have a familiar shape. Europe has spent three decades instructing poorer states on their obligations to refugees, and has been free with that advice on this continent.

When the numbers grew inconvenient and the political cost rose in Warsaw, Copenhagen and Berlin, the obligation was narrowed. It changed because the war has lasted longer than Europe expected and because a Ukrainian who stays in Ukraine is more useful to European policy than one who arrives in it.

None of this makes Europe the author of Ukraine’s manpower crisis, and it would be dishonest to say so. What the record shows is narrower and still worth stating. Faced with a choice between the protection it promised and the pressure from its own interior ministries, Europe chose the ministries, with Kyiv’s encouragement and without asking the people the decision governs.

Those men have no vote in Brussels, none in the capitals that pushed for this, and in practice none in Kyiv either. It is a poor advertisement for a continent that still lectures the rest of the world on the treatment of the displaced.

As the war in Ukraine enters its fifth year, a growing chorus of geopolitical analysts is challenging the official narrative of European solidarity, arguing that the bloc’s strategy increasingly mirrors the exploitative dynamics of a bygone colonial era.

“European capitals are leveraging Ukraine as a strategic buffer,” noted foreign policy observers, who point to the slow pace of EU accession talks and restrictions on Ukrainian agricultural exports as evidence of a transactional relationship.

They argue that while rhetoric from Brussels emphasises democracy and self-determination, the practical execution of policy reveals a willingness to accept high Ukrainian casualties to avoid direct NATO engagement.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of the Sunday Independent.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

UMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) President Jacob Zuma has allegedly stopped his party’s nomination of candidates for the local government elections and taken it upon himself to appoint them, including mayoral contenders, said the party's KwaZulu-Natal MPL. 

Political parties are currently busy identifying candidates for the November 4 elections, and online candidate list submission is open until the elections are proclaimed.

Former ANC eThekwini chairperson Zandile Gumede is seen as the trump card for the MKP, which she recently joined, as she might bring in traditional ANC voters. 

The MKP MPL said: “You know ubaba (Zuma) appoints and dismisses, and he does not have time for games.”

However, MKP Provincial Convener Willies Mchunu rejected the idea that Zuma would appoint candidates.

“Nowhere does it indicate that President Zuma will appoint candidates. Any insinuations in this regard are mischievous and misguiding.

“We have not yet been told what procedures will be used to appoint mayoral and other municipality officials candidates. No one as yet has therefore been appointed to any mayoral office, including in eThekwini,” said Mchunu.

The MKP MPL said that Zuma appointing candidates would stabilise the party.

“Zuma chooses to appoint and dismiss people because corruption is prevalent, which we cannot allow in this party,” the activist said.

He said Gumede will bring in much-needed traditional ANC voters into the MKP. 

“Yesterday I was speaking to some ANC leaders, and they all fear and are saying Zandile’s matter should have been dealt with internally in the ANC because she would take away many people from the ANC. 

“Bringing in Zandile is a good strategy, but anyway Zandile joined MKP a long time ago, and Zuma told her to wait for a while and not come up publicly because he was planning to be an election surprise.” 

He stated that MKP members are hopeful that many more senior ANC figures will join them ahead of the elections.

“There are lots more surprises as we are hoping that Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma will definitely join and Lindiwe Sisulu might also join us,” he said.

Mchunu said he did not know anything about “Cdes Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and/or Lindiwe Sisulu joining the MK Party”. 

Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu rejected the possibility of leaving the ANC.

“I am an ANC member. Why shouldn’t I campaign for it?” Dlamini-Zuma said. 

Sisulu said: “Were they (MKP members) talking from a pub? I was born in the ANC, which is my lifelong home, and when we voice criticism of one matter, it does not mean we are getting ready to pack up.

“Criticism is a way of ensuring we stick to what we have promised our people. I regret the circumstances that led to the breakaway into Cope, MKP, etc. But members of those newly formed organisations will come back,” she said.

MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu could not say whether there was a plan to bring Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu to the party.

“I cannot confirm anything right now. In the roundtable, which we are going to give you, we will sit down and have one-on-one with you and give you the scoop that you want. At the moment, I am not confirming or denying anything,” said Mahlangu.

He said the MKP would release the names of its candidates in a few days, adding that the party officials held an election workshop on Saturday. 

“We have a business and leaders’ session tonight; we have various leaders and instruments of governance structure at 3pm this afternoon (on Saturday), and in those discussions, we will provide a date for when the names will be given.” 

Mahlangu said the candidates are already known by the party leadership, but he could not say whether they were nominated or appointed.

“We will send you the details of how the nominations and democratic processes are conducted once we have completed the task,” said Mahlangu.

ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu has not responded to questions sent to her on Saturday morning.

An ANC eThekwini leader said the candidates for the metros’ mayoral positions would be released nationally, possibly on August 15, and that five people have been interviewed for eThekwini mayoral positions. 

He said interviewees are incumbent Cyril Xaba, the city’s Speaker Thabani Nyawose, former MEC Meggie Govender, ANC’s eThekwini task team member Mina Lesoma, and “an advocate whose name has just escaped my mind”.

He said the ANC was not worried about Gumede defecting to the MKP, as she had already been isolated in the leadership structures due to her controversies, including facing corruption charges.

“We are not worried because the ANC has never relied on an individual, and in fact, the ANC recalled Zandile Gumede because her image was dented in public.

“Her departure has removed the burden from the ANC,” the ANC activist said. 

He said the ANC in eThekwini was concerned about the MKP, but like any other party that would compete for the city.

“This is a local election about who is your ward candidate, and MKP is relying on Jacob Zuma, who is not going to contest, as the only credible person according to them, whereas the ANC relies on the strength of a collective. 

“They have crises of credible candidates, which is why we are not worried because even if you look at their community meetings, they are fighting and they have stopped those meetings because they cannot nominate and they are not going to appoint,” he said.

Economist Miyelani Mkhabela, CEO of Antswisa Capital Partners, said water and sanitation, electricity losses, roads, and the environment are core determining factors for attracting businesses and investors in eThekwini.

“eThekwini needs a seasoned mayor who understands the citizens and cultural framework of the KZN population. A purpose-driven and hardworking mayor such as James Nxumalo (former city mayor) can lead and revitalise the province better, with interventions that will inspire improved living conditions of the people.

“eThekwini needs an experienced economic hub leader, a reflective mayor who will assist with good governance and accountability principles,” said Mkhabela.

However, Sol Plaatje University economist Dr Simiso Msomi said a mayor does not need to be educated, as municipality officials are responsible for implementing service delivery. 

The Impeachment Committee will continue preparing for the possible impeachment proceedings against President Cyril Ramaphosa despite the Western Cape High Court’s decision to grant an interim interdict to stay impeachment proceedings.

The interim interdict, granted on Friday, was met with disappointment by opposition parties, who criticised the delay in holding Ramaphosa accountable. Build One South Africa went further, calling on Parliament to obtain legal advice on whether it should urgently appeal the ruling.

Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana said the committee would proceed with its preparatory work, clarifying that only the public hearings and oral testimonies had been interdicted pending Ramaphosa’s review application.

“I have studied the full judgment of the Western Cape High Court and consulted with the legal team. ⁠The preparatory work of the committee will continue with the meeting on Wednesday, July 29,” he said.

The committee is yet to appoint an evidence leader and finalise the terms of reference.

Gana had indicated at their meeting this week that they will seek legal advice on matters such as the options available to the committee should Ramaphosa exercise his right not to testify.

Political analysts and legal experts said the committee had no choice but to abide by the interim order; otherwise, it would have been contempt of court had it pushed ahead with the hearings.

Advocate Paul Hoffman said the committee has to await the outcome of the hearing in September because there is a court order that prevented it from getting on with the impeachment inquiry.

“The interdict is of a temporary nature. It doesn't extend beyond the hearing,” he said.

Hoffman said it was a correct move for the committee to do the preparations for the impeachment proceedings pending the finalisation of the hearings into the review application.

“Everything in Parliament will be kept on ice until after the verdict is given in the president's application for an order reviewing and setting aside the report of the internal committee.” 

University of North West Political Studies Professor Andre Duvenhage echoed Hoffman that the Impeachment Committee cannot continue with its work until after the court's decision.

“The process is still very much open, but we must take it into consideration that it's not a final judgment,” Duvenhage said.

Unisa political analyst Dirk Kotze said that while the committee in principle can appeal, the next court date about the review of the report is a month from now, a little bit, like five weeks from now.

“It means that that appeal will most possibly not even be heard before that other court case will commence. An appeal is the only option for a court judgment, but there's very little time to really effect it, and therefore, they might do it as a matter of principle, but it's not that it is not going to make really much of a difference, because this court case is actually only applicable until the review process has been finalised,” Kotze said.

Meanwhile, Hoffman clarified that there was no basis for those arguing that the Western Cape High Court should not have heard the interdict application.

“When they (Constitutional Court) gave the judgment on May 8, they said this position in relation to the impeachment stands unless and until the report of the Independent Panel is set aside for review. It is still open to the president to have the decision or the report set aside on review,” he said.

Duvenhage noted that many people were saying the interdict was part of Stalingrad strategies and tactics.

“If we assess the whole process, it's giving some breathing space for President Ramaphosa and the ANC entering the election campaign. Ramaphosa is not off the hook, but at least there will be some stability within the Government of National Unity,” he said.

However, Duvenhage said the arguments around Stalingrad need to balance the right of an individual to have a free and fair hearing and the many loopholes in the process.

“The Constitution gives you the right to be equal and a free and fair trial by an independent court process, but then on the other side, there are so many loopholes in the process using these Stalingrad tactics to buy time and to undermine the criminal justice system,” he added.

Eskom confiscated 49 transformers and more than 20,000 metres of copper cables that residents of Lion Park in Pietermaritzburg had used to steal power following the removal of illegal electricity connections.

Eskom Industry and Stakeholder Management Manager Joyce Zingoni released an update on Friday on the illegal electricity disconnection operation, which was conducted on July 15 and 16.

“The operation was the culmination of intensive stakeholder engagement and careful planning,” said Zingoni. 

When the Eskom team arrived in the area on July 15, accompanied by heavily armed SAPS and private security officers, residents were already protesting and had blocked the MR477, the only road into the village, which is made up of high-standard mansions, with burning debris and stones. 

However, the law enforcement agencies managed to quell the chaos, and the disconnection proceeded.

“The following material was removed and confiscated: Over 20,000 metres of aluminium and bundled conductors, 49 transformers, tonnes of illegally installed poles, and other electricity infrastructure,” said Zingoni.

The state-owned power utility conducted the operation after obtaining a disconnection order from the Pietermaritzburg High Court, leaving residents without power. 

Eskom said the community stole electricity worth about R14 million per year, using items that appear to have been obtained illegally. 

The more than 1,400 expensive houses, including double storeys, are built on land that was placed under the control of the Azibuye Emasisweni Amaqhamu Community Trust after it was legally claimed from various farmers. 

The land is currently an agricultural zone, which, according to Zingoni, prevents Eskom from installing electricity for each household. 

“Eskom is not legally able to electrify the area through a government-funded electrification programme,” said Zingoni. 

Eskom has offered an option to provide bulk electricity directly to the trust, which would take responsibility for paying a shared bill for power distributed to homesteads.

Since the trust would have to pay for the bulk power installation, Eskom prepared draft estimated quotations for the trust’s consideration. 

Zingoni said that for Eskom to install the bulk power, the trust is required to submit a formal application. 

“Upon receipt of the application, Eskom will conduct the necessary assessments, issue formal quotations, and provide implementation timelines, subject to acceptance of the quotations and payment of the required charges. 

“Eskom remains committed to working constructively with the trust and all relevant stakeholders to achieve a lawful, sustainable, and enduring solution for the electrification of the Lion Park area,” she said.

Before disconnection, the trust and residents opposed bulk supply and shared electricity bills, claiming households do not use electricity equally.  

However, the trust’s chairperson, Mlungisi Khanyezi, said that due to the pressure of living without electricity, residents have succumbed to Eskom’s option after the court had rejected the trust’s application to interdict the disconnection.

The occupation of the land is contested, as it is alleged that some trust members sold it without the knowledge of the majority of the land restitution beneficiaries. 

Khanyezi, who recently took over the chairperson position, alleged that a certain traditional leader and members of the board of trustees sold plots and pocketed the money.  

The initial plan was to transform the land into a business hub, including constructing an airport. 

“The land was returned to the claimants and is now being sold using his traditional leadership powers. The proceeds of the land sale went into certain people’s private bank accounts, and the trust’s account no longer exists,” said Khanyezi. 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

Bafana Bafana coach Hugo Broos believes South African football has lost a player destined for greatness, paying an emotional tribute to the late Jayden Adams during his funeral service in Stellenbosch on Saturday.

Broos joined family, friends, teammates and members of the football fraternity in bidding farewell to the 25-year-old midfielder, whose passing has left the country in mourning just weeks after helping Bafana Bafana reach the FIFA World Cup knockout stages for the first time.

The Belgian coach, who entrusted Adams with a place in his World Cup squad, said there was never any doubt about selecting the midfielder for football’s biggest stage.

“We didn’t hesitate to take him to the World Cup and he helped us a lot,” Broos said.

Adams was one of Bafana’s standout performers during the tournament, capping a remarkable rise that began at Stellenbosch FC before earning him a move to Mamelodi Sundowns, where he won the CAF Champions League and several domestic honours.

[WATCH] CAF President Patrice Motsepe says there are discussions regarding how Mamelodi Sundowns will continue to support Jayden Adams' family. #Newzroom405 pic.twitter.com/ghX1sHva3a

— Newzroom Afrika (@Newzroom405) July 25, 2026

Broos believes the gifted midfielder had only scratched the surface of his potential.

“He was a player with huge potential and just as I said (he passed) too young and too soon we’ve lost him because he was nowhere near his limits.

“He was going to be much much better and he was going to become a very big and great player for South Africa and it’s a pity he’s not here anymore.”

SAFA president Danny Jordaan also attended the funeral, using the occasion to reflect on the number of young South African footballers whose lives have been cut tragically short.

“We didn’t just lose Jayden, we lost Jayden’s friend as well Oswin (Andries), he was 19 at the time, we also lost Gift Leremi at 22 and a host of other players under 25,” Jordaan said.

Jordaan called on South African football to place greater emphasis on player welfare, saying the demands placed on footballers extend beyond what happens on the pitch.

“What we have to do as South African football is understand the pressures these players are under not just from the demands of the coach but also their issues beyond football. We have to provide a structure like we’ve done for Banyana, which comes in the forms of psychologists as well.”

Their tributes summed up the sense of loss felt across the football community, with Adams remembered not only as one of South Africa’s brightest midfield talents, but as a young man whose career and life ended long before reaching their full potential.

Banyana Banyana head coach Desiree Ellis has warned her players against underestimating Tanzania as South Africa prepare to launch their bid to reclaim the CAF Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON) title in Morocco.

South Africa open their Group B campaign against Tanzania on Monday before taking on Côte d’Ivoire and Burkina Faso, with Ellis knowing a positive start could prove crucial in a tournament where the stakes extend beyond continental glory. 

The four semi-finalists will secure automatic qualification for the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup in Brazil, making every group-stage point invaluable.

Banyana head into the tournament determined to return to the summit of African football after lifting their maiden continental title in 2022. 

Ellis believes that ambition starts with navigating what she expects to be another difficult encounter against Tanzania.

The wait is over. ✅🇿🇦

Meet the players ready to wear the badge with pride and chase continental glory.

Let's get behind our queens... they are #NtswembuNamanje!#SasolinSport @Banyana_Banyana @SasolSA pic.twitter.com/Q3OIiMIOZh

— Sasol in Sport (@SasolinSport) July 17, 2026

“We’re obviously start off with Tanzania and we’ve always had tight games against them so we’re not going to underestimate them, you underestimate a team at your own peril and the next thing you know you’re chasing the game,” she said.

The veteran coach believes the opening fixture could shape the remainder of Banyana’s campaign as they target another deep run on the continent.

“So it’s important to get a good start and set the tone for the rest of the tournament and after that we can focus on the main goal which is to qualify for the World Cup and then we take it from there.”

Ellis has retained the experienced core of the squad that has become one of Africa’s most consistent teams over recent years, while also introducing six players to their first WAFCON tournament as she continues to build for the future.

The blend of experience and youth, she believes, leaves South Africa well equipped to deal with the expectations that accompany representing one of the continent’s leading nations.

“Pressure is a privilege, the minute you come into this team there’s pressure but the team usually handles that well and the experience we’ve had having been here and done it before will help a lot especially for the six players that are coming into a WAFCON tournament for the first time.”

Having reached the latter stages of the tournament consistently under Ellis, Banyana once again travel to Morocco carrying the hopes of a nation.

But before thoughts turn to lifting another continental crown or securing a place at the World Cup, Ellis knows South Africa must first overcome Tanzania and lay the platform for a successful campaign.

For Banyana, reclaiming Africa’s biggest prize begins with getting the first 90 minutes right.

Some of South Africa’s biggest names in music once walked the halls of the National School of the Arts (NSA), and this weekend, a new generation of performers stepped into the spotlight as the school once again partnered with the Standard Bank Joy of Jazz Festival.

The collaboration returned with Jazz for Young People (J4YP), a one-day youth-led festival on Saturday, July 25, celebrating not only jazz but the country’s next wave of creative talent.

The festival transformed the NSA campus into a showcase of youth creativity, with live performances, fashion, photography, visual art exhibitions and food stalls - all driven by young people.

First launched in 2024, the event was inspired by award-winning jazz multi-instrumentalist and NSA alumnus Mpumi Dhlamini, who wanted to give back and help up-and-coming talent.

“Mpumi was the catalyst,” said NSA Artistic Director Brenda Sakellarides.

“What a maverick creator. He is a very proud alumnus of the school and always contributes. He opens his heart and gives us access to his phenomenal knowledge and his network.”

Sakellarides said the festival was about much more than showcasing students - it was about proving that the country’s future musicians were already waiting in the wings.

“We’re so proud that the school has nurtured so many of our leading jazz musicians,” she said.

“It is here where you’re going to find the new Zoe Modigas, Mandla Mlangenis or Afrika Mkhizes. It’s wonderful to have the recognition that we are seen as an incubator for the artists of tomorrow.”

The school’s impressive alumni include celebrated singer Langa Mavuso, violinist Samson Diamond and several acclaimed jazz performers who have shaped South Africa’s music industry.

Sakellarides believed today’s students possess a fearless creativity that sets them apart.

“These children are magnificent. They’re not restricted. They don’t have a box. They left that box a long time ago and will run to any horizon with the creativity that they have.”

This year’s festival also carries deeper significance, commemorating 50 years since the Soweto Uprising, drawing a connection between the sacrifices of young South Africans in 1976 and today’s generation, who are free to express themselves through music and art.

“It’s so important to salute those moments and say, in reference to that, here we are today freely making music,” Sakellarides said.

“I think it’s a touching and heartwarming connection.”

While audiences enjoyed the entertainment, the festival also served as an important fundraiser for campus maintenance, investment in production equipment, and ensuring students continue learning in an environment that matches their potential.

“I cannot express strongly enough how vulnerable our school is,” Sakellarides said.

“We need to show our children that they’re special. We need productions with skilled directors, good lighting and great sound because they deserve that.”

Founded in the 1960s, the National School of the Arts has become one of South Africa’s leading performing arts institutions, producing generations of musicians, actors, dancers and visual artists while balancing creative excellence with academic achievement.

Its students regularly perform in professional productions, including annual dance showcases, original theatre festivals and large-scale musicals staged at Johannesburg theatres.

For Sakellarides, nurturing young artists has become more than a profession.

“Being able to walk alongside a creative child during their five-year journey through school and help them realise their potential is one of the greatest privileges of my life,” she said.

As Jazz for Young People returns, the festival promises audiences a glimpse of tomorrow’s stars - long before they become household names.

anita.nkonki@inl.co.za

Saturday Star

Labour federations have identified the stabilisation of the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and the instituting of investigations into the affairs of the institution as a priority.

This comes after the wave of suspensions of senior officials and resignations by board members against the backdrop of calls by some commentators for the discontinuation of the practice of appointing a finance deputy minister as chairperson of the board.

The DA announced earlier this week a Pension Protection Bill that seeks to implement long-overdue reforms by ensuring that the PIC board chairperson is independent rather than a serving politician and that appointments be made on merit.

This week, the PIC experienced resignations by Finance Deputy Minister David Masondo and five other board members ahead of the Monday meeting scheduled by Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana to dissolve the board in the wake of the suspension of CEO Patrick Dlamini and Acting Chief Investment Officer August van Heerden.

Cosatu parliamentary coordinator Matthew Parks said the first step right now was the stabilisation of the PIC.

“They need to appoint a new board quickly. That will include a chair. That's the first thing, and we will expect the government to respond to comply with the PIC Act, which allows workers through the Public Service and Bargaining Council to select three representatives of workers,” Parks said on Saturday.

He also said the next step was to continue the investigations into corruption, including the investigations around Acapulco investments, the CEO, and other related matters at the PIC, so that those found to have committed an offence are dealt with.

“We would also want to see the president (Cyril Ramaphosa) task the Special Investigating Unit, the Hawks, and the Auditor-General to actually investigate all PIC investments to clear the air; otherwise, it (PIC) will forever be surrounded by allegations of corruption, state capture, and so forth,” he said.

South African Federation of Trade Unions (Saftu) general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said the current crisis at PIC reinforced the urgent need to strengthen governance within institutions entrusted with managing public wealth.

“Whether or not criminal corruption is ultimately established, governance failures, undisclosed conflicts of interest, weak oversight, and political interference can inflict enormous financial damage and erode public confidence in institutions responsible for safeguarding workers' pensions,” Vavi said.

He also said Saftu was calling for the immediate preservation of all documents, emails, electronic records, board minutes, recordings, and any other evidence relevant to the matters under investigation.

Saftu also called for the continuation of all ongoing investigations and “a genuinely independent investigation conducted by persons with no actual or perceived conflict of interest”.

It added that there should be full protection for whistle-blowers and an urgent public hearing by Parliament.

Vavi said there should be publication of the findings once investigations have been completed, and immediate referral to the appropriate law enforcement agencies should evidence emerge of corruption, fraud, theft, abuse of fiduciary duty, or any criminal conduct.

Both federations noted the need for reforms at the PIC, with Parks saying there has been a lot of discussion on the matter. 

“Amending the legislation would take a little bit of time. The critical thing is to help drive the current or the last amendments to the Act, which are quite critical,” he said.

“We would want to see further amendments that protect and retain those provisions, which include worker representation on the PIC board, clear criteria for the board itself, investment guidelines for PIC, which should be disclosed publicly, whether they're listed or unlisted,” Parks said.

He also stated that there should be checks and balances and what a minister can and cannot do, as well as the merits and demerits of who should chair the board.

“We should be moving forward and see how you further strengthen governance, how to further protect the institution from corruption, and how to further strengthen transparency and so forth. But I think right now is about stabilising it, having a new board, continuing investigations, actually expanding investigations, and then, yes, you can have discussions around what needs to be tweaked in the Act itself.”

Vavi said a number of recommendations were made to strengthen governance, transparency, accountability, and oversight within the PIC made by the Mpati Commission.

“South Africans are entitled to know whether those recommendations were fully implemented and, if not, why another governance crisis of this magnitude has emerged. This question must be answered regardless of who is ultimately found to have acted improperly,” he said, adding that a public report on the implementation of the recommendations of the Mpati Commission should be made available.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

UMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) President Jacob Zuma has allegedly stopped his party’s nomination of candidates for the local government elections and taken it upon himself to appoint them, including mayoral contenders, said the party's KwaZulu-Natal MPL. 

Political parties are currently busy identifying candidates for the November 4 elections, and online candidate list submission is open until the elections are proclaimed.

Former ANC eThekwini chairperson Zandile Gumede is seen as the trump card for the MKP, which she recently joined, as she might bring in traditional ANC voters. 

The MKP MPL said: “You know ubaba (Zuma) appoints and dismisses, and he does not have time for games.”

However, MKP Provincial Convener Willies Mchunu rejected the idea that Zuma would appoint candidates.

“Nowhere does it indicate that President Zuma will appoint candidates. Any insinuations in this regard are mischievous and misguiding.

“We have not yet been told what procedures will be used to appoint mayoral and other municipality officials candidates. No one as yet has therefore been appointed to any mayoral office, including in eThekwini,” said Mchunu.

The MKP MPL said that Zuma appointing candidates would stabilise the party.

“Zuma chooses to appoint and dismiss people because corruption is prevalent, which we cannot allow in this party,” the activist said.

He said Gumede will bring in much-needed traditional ANC voters into the MKP. 

“Yesterday I was speaking to some ANC leaders, and they all fear and are saying Zandile’s matter should have been dealt with internally in the ANC because she would take away many people from the ANC. 

“Bringing in Zandile is a good strategy, but anyway Zandile joined MKP a long time ago, and Zuma told her to wait for a while and not come up publicly because he was planning to be an election surprise.” 

He stated that MKP members are hopeful that many more senior ANC figures will join them ahead of the elections.

“There are lots more surprises as we are hoping that Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma will definitely join and Lindiwe Sisulu might also join us,” he said.

Mchunu said he did not know anything about “Cdes Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and/or Lindiwe Sisulu joining the MK Party”. 

Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu rejected the possibility of leaving the ANC.

“I am an ANC member. Why shouldn’t I campaign for it?” Dlamini-Zuma said. 

Sisulu said: “Were they (MKP members) talking from a pub? I was born in the ANC, which is my lifelong home, and when we voice criticism of one matter, it does not mean we are getting ready to pack up.

“Criticism is a way of ensuring we stick to what we have promised our people. I regret the circumstances that led to the breakaway into Cope, MKP, etc. But members of those newly formed organisations will come back,” she said.

MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu could not say whether there was a plan to bring Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu to the party.

“I cannot confirm anything right now. In the roundtable, which we are going to give you, we will sit down and have one-on-one with you and give you the scoop that you want. At the moment, I am not confirming or denying anything,” said Mahlangu.

He said the MKP would release the names of its candidates in a few days, adding that the party officials held an election workshop on Saturday. 

“We have a business and leaders’ session tonight; we have various leaders and instruments of governance structure at 3pm this afternoon (on Saturday), and in those discussions, we will provide a date for when the names will be given.” 

Mahlangu said the candidates are already known by the party leadership, but he could not say whether they were nominated or appointed.

“We will send you the details of how the nominations and democratic processes are conducted once we have completed the task,” said Mahlangu.

ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu has not responded to questions sent to her on Saturday morning.

An ANC eThekwini leader said the candidates for the metros’ mayoral positions would be released nationally, possibly on August 15, and that five people have been interviewed for eThekwini mayoral positions. 

He said interviewees are incumbent Cyril Xaba, the city’s Speaker Thabani Nyawose, former MEC Meggie Govender, ANC’s eThekwini task team member Mina Lesoma, and “an advocate whose name has just escaped my mind”.

He said the ANC was not worried about Gumede defecting to the MKP, as she had already been isolated in the leadership structures due to her controversies, including facing corruption charges.

“We are not worried because the ANC has never relied on an individual, and in fact, the ANC recalled Zandile Gumede because her image was dented in public.

“Her departure has removed the burden from the ANC,” the ANC activist said. 

He said the ANC in eThekwini was concerned about the MKP, but like any other party that would compete for the city.

“This is a local election about who is your ward candidate, and MKP is relying on Jacob Zuma, who is not going to contest, as the only credible person according to them, whereas the ANC relies on the strength of a collective. 

“They have crises of credible candidates, which is why we are not worried because even if you look at their community meetings, they are fighting and they have stopped those meetings because they cannot nominate and they are not going to appoint,” he said.

Economist Miyelani Mkhabela, CEO of Antswisa Capital Partners, said water and sanitation, electricity losses, roads, and the environment are core determining factors for attracting businesses and investors in eThekwini.

“eThekwini needs a seasoned mayor who understands the citizens and cultural framework of the KZN population. A purpose-driven and hardworking mayor such as James Nxumalo (former city mayor) can lead and revitalise the province better, with interventions that will inspire improved living conditions of the people.

“eThekwini needs an experienced economic hub leader, a reflective mayor who will assist with good governance and accountability principles,” said Mkhabela.

However, Sol Plaatje University economist Dr Simiso Msomi said a mayor does not need to be educated, as municipality officials are responsible for implementing service delivery. 

 bongani.hans@inl.co.za

The founder of the uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP), Jabulani Khumalo, was among the guests at the launch of a new political party, African Renaissance Unity (ARU), in Durban on Saturday. 

Khumalo said he was in attendance to support the leader of ARU, Siphephile Mahlaba, because they were together when the MKP was launched and throughout the process of getting the party into Parliament.

Khumalo said the legal battle to reclaim the MKP from former president Jacob Zuma is still on. 

“People must come out and vote with Mahlaba. We are not saying they must leave our membership, but they can vote with him and elect African Renaissance Unity councillors, and then in 2029, we can be together,” he said. 

Former and current councillors, activists, members of Parliament and provincial legislatures were among the guests. Recently, Mahlaba was the secretary-general of the Afrika Mayibuye Movement, a political organisation linked to Floyd Shivambu. 

Mahlaba said the country was blessed with mineral resources, but the people were not benefiting and were still stuck in poverty, which he hoped to change.

“Three decades after the dawn of democracy, many of our people are not truly free. Politicians departed from the path they were entrusted with. Too many leaders pursue personal wealth and power. People are tired of empty promises, talk shows, and leaders who think for themselves and their friends,” he said.  

He touched on free access to higher education, reducing VAT and taxes, housing, land use for farming, employment opportunities, immigration policies, and a multiracial party that served the needs of all citizens. 

He said the government has neglected the voice of the amakhosi and traditional leaders. He said ARU will convert district municipalities into sub-legislatures for better service delivery. 

“The current government has no feelings. People have been living in temporary shelters for 11 years. African Renaissance Unity will eradicate informal settlements. We will convert hijacked and abandoned buildings into low-cost housing units.” 

On health, Mahlaba called for nurses to be paid well and improvements in community clinic operating times. 

“Some nurses are earning the bare minimum and cannot afford medical aid, while those in Parliament have medical aid and blue light escorts doing nothing. It is time we changed the political system. We have failed to groom young leaders,” he added. 

He also called for agricultural and basic technical studies to be introduced at schools so people can learn to farm and fix a tap.

“Farming is something that needs to be done by every village. We have produced unskilled citizens in our country because of the education system. 

Anti-corruption activist and ARU member, Thabiso Zulu, described Mahlaba as a man of principle who is not guided by power and gains.

“His responsibility is to serve the people. We are not guided by microwave technology with quick-fix solutions,” he said. 

Zulu said some political parties only focus on certain racial groups, which the ARU would address. 

“People are tired of reactionary politics. Politicians who follow media trends. Parties have good policies but fail to implement them. There is no rainbow nation if people feel disenfranchised. We want to represent everyone,” he said. 

zainul.dawood@inl.co.za

For millions of South African children, the path to becoming tomorrow's engineers, artisans, teachers, and entrepreneurs begins with a simple challenge: finding somewhere to sit.

Across the country, pupils continue to share desks, balance exercise books on their laps, or write while seated on classroom floors because their schools do not have enough classroom furniture.

New figures from the Department of Basic Education (DBE) show public schools still require 1,896,402 pieces of learner furniture across 7,166 schools, highlighting that while the national backlog has narrowed, hundreds of thousands of pupils continue to learn in classrooms without adequate furniture.

The latest figures represent a reduction of more than 420,000 pieces of learner furniture compared with the backlog previously reported by the department, indicating progress even though thousands of schools still lack the basic resources needed to create effective learning environments.

Education experts warn the shortage extends far beyond classroom discomfort, undermining the literacy, numeracy, and problem-solving skills children need to succeed at school and, ultimately, in the workplace.

Organisations working in schools say the shortage continues to affect large numbers of pupils, particularly in overcrowded rural and township schools.

Behind the national figures are stark provincial differences that illustrate how unevenly the shortage is being felt. Gauteng has the country's greatest demand for learner furniture, requiring 544,693 units, followed by the Free State (374,456) and KwaZulu-Natal (235,100).

At the other end of the scale, the Northern Cape requires just 2,400 units, followed by North West (49,387) and Mpumalanga (84,323).

For the 2026/27 financial year, provinces have been allocated a combined R394.3 million for learner furniture, although procurement challenges continue to slow delivery in some areas.

Department of Basic Education spokesperson Terence Khala said providing learner furniture remained a continuous process because learner enrolment changes every year, while desks and chairs are regularly damaged or lost.

He said the department coordinates quarterly meetings with provincial Education departments through the Inter-Provincial Committee on School Furniture, where provinces submit progress reports, discuss procurement challenges, and share strategies to reduce the backlog.

"The Department of Basic Education has also sourced donors to assist provincial Education departments and has existing memorandums of understanding with the Department of Employment and Labour, as well as the Department of Correctional Services," Khala said.

He acknowledged that procurement remained one of the biggest obstacles to eliminating the backlog.

"Limpopo, Mpumalanga, and Gauteng do not have existing school furniture contracts in place. As an interim solution, Limpopo and Mpumalanga are participating in the North West contract, while Gauteng is participating in the DBE's memorandum of understanding with the Department of Employment and Labour," he said.

Why South Africa's classroom furniture shortage matters

While the department views learner furniture provision as an ongoing programme, organisations working directly with schools say the consequences are measured not in delivery targets but in lost learning opportunities.

Talita Boodhram, chief impact officer at MiDesk Global, said classroom furniture is often treated as a procurement issue when it should be recognised as one of the most important tools children need to learn.

For Boodhram, the national backlog came into sharp focus during a visit to a school in the Eastern Cape. Nearly 60 pupils were squeezed into a classroom designed for around 35.

Three or four children shared desks intended for two, while others balanced books on their laps because there was nowhere else to write.

"The teacher couldn't move between the rows because there weren't truly rows anymore," she recalled. "What stayed with me wasn't the overcrowding; it was how normal it had become for the children."

Boodhram said such conditions are most common in under-resourced rural and township schools, where overcrowded classrooms compound existing infrastructure challenges.

Without a stable surface on which to read, write, and complete schoolwork, pupils expend energy overcoming discomfort instead of engaging with lessons.

Khala said the department recognised that inadequate classroom furniture directly affected educational outcomes.

"Instances where learners share desks or use damaged furniture lead to learners struggling to maintain attention and participate effectively in classroom activities. This reduces learning time and classroom productivity," he said.

Added Boodhram: "A desk is about much more than comfort." 

"It gives children a dedicated space to learn, helping foster concentration, confidence, and a sense of dignity. While a desk alone won't solve South Africa's education challenges, it creates the conditions that allow teaching and learning to happen more effectively."

MiDesk's monitoring found improved learner focus and classroom comfort at every participating school. Nine out of 10 participating schools also reported better attendance and mathematics performance, while 70% recorded improvements in handwriting.

The impact on pupils and learning

For organisations advocating for equal access to education, the shortage is also a reminder that South Africa's classroom inequalities remain deeply entrenched despite years of investment in school infrastructure.

Equal Education said pupils in under-resourced public schools continue to bear the brunt of inadequate classroom infrastructure, with many forced to share desks or work without appropriate furniture while better-resourced schools offer vastly different learning conditions.

"The shortage of desks is one of the issues that most public schools are currently facing every day, and the people who pay the price are learners from marginalised communities," the organisation said.

Equal Education said desks are essential to pupils' constitutional right to basic education because they support literacy, numeracy, and classroom participation.

The organisation attributed the persistent shortages to a combination of poor infrastructure planning, rapid population growth in some provinces, corruption affecting infrastructure programmes, and budget constraints that have slowed the replacement of damaged furniture.

The South African Democratic Teachers' Union (SADTU) said the shortage places additional pressure on educators already working in overcrowded classrooms with limited resources.

"When learners have nowhere to place their books while reading or writing, effective learning is affected." 

The union added that desks promote dignity and help teachers manage overcrowded classrooms.

Building South Africa's future workforce

For education expert Professor Mary Metcalfe, the shortage of classroom furniture should be viewed as one part of a much broader challenge confronting South Africa's education system.

She cautioned against viewing the country's skills crisis only through the lens of unemployment.

"The skills crisis must not be confused with the limited labour absorption of the economy," Metcalfe said.

"The real issue is the wasted potential of so many young people who have not achieved strong foundational learning and limp through the system with poor achievement, grade repetition, and eventually drop out of school."

Metcalfe said children who fail to master literacy and numeracy in the early grades are more likely to repeat years, disengage from school, and leave without the skills needed for employment.

She said addressing South Africa's skills shortage requires sustained investment in the foundation phase, where literacy, numeracy, and critical thinking skills are first developed.

While adequate classroom furniture alone will not solve the country's education challenges, she said it forms part of the basic conditions required for effective teaching and learning, alongside qualified teachers, appropriate learning materials, manageable class sizes, and strong school leadership.

Metcalfe also called for improved management of infrastructure budgets and more equitable investment to ensure schools with the greatest need receive resources more quickly.

Khala said the department believed improving basic classroom infrastructure was essential to preparing South Africa's future workforce.

"A conducive learning environment, including well-equipped and furnished classrooms, is critical to fostering a positive and productive learning atmosphere. This environment supports the development of critical skills and knowledge needed for future workforce participation and economic growth," he said.

He added that refurbishing damaged school furniture through partnerships with the Department of Employment and Labour and the Department of Correctional Services was helping address shortages while creating jobs, supporting small, medium and micro enterprises, and providing skills development opportunities for young people and people with disabilities.

Although the national backlog has declined, education experts argue the remaining shortage still demands greater urgency if South Africa is serious about improving educational outcomes and preparing young people for an increasingly competitive economy.

South Africa's ambitions to produce more engineers, artisans, teachers, and entrepreneurs begin long before young people enter the labour market. They begin in classrooms, where children first learn to read, write, and solve problems.

Until every learner has the basic tools needed to participate fully in those classrooms, the country's efforts to build a skilled workforce will continue to be undermined by one of the simplest — and most preventable — barriers to education.

Have thoughts on this topic or other subjects you’d like us to explore? Want to share your experiences? Reach out to me at karen.singh@inl.co.za  

The infamous Ndimande brothers, together with one of their co-accused in the murder case of South African rapper Kiernan “AKA” Forbes, are set to appear for a pre-trial conference in a separate murder case relating to the fatal shooting of a taxi boss at Seadoone Mall in Amanzimtoti.

Lindokuhle Thabani Mkhwanazi, the first accused in the AKA matter, Philani Innocent Sikhosana, and brothers Siyabonga Gezani and Malusi Dave Ndimande are accused of conspiring with other unknown persons to murder William Kunene in November 2022. 

Kunene was a taxi owner and a member of the Folweni, Adams and Stanger Taxi Association.

According to the State, the accused became aware that Kunene would be shopping at the Checkers store at Seadoone Mall on November 9, 2022. Unaware that his movements were allegedly being monitored, Kunene completed his shopping and walked to his vehicle in the parking area.

After loading his groceries into the vehicle, he returned the shopping trolley to the trolley bay. It was then, the State alleges, that he was approached by armed assailants who shot him multiple times before fleeing the scene. Kunene died instantly.

Earlier this week, Mkhwanazi and Sikhosana briefly appeared in the Durban High Court. However, the Ndimande brothers, who were due to join them in the dock for the first time, were absent.

Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions Advocate Lawrence Gcaba told the court that Correctional Services had been unable to locate the J7 warrants required to bring the brothers to court. He explained that when the matter was last postponed in 2025 to this week, the Ndimande brothers were incarcerated in the Kingdom of Eswatini.

The brothers were later extradited to South Africa in November 2025 to stand trial for the murders of AKA and his friend, Tebello “Tibz” Motsoane.

“There is certain crucial evidence that was obtained while they were in the Kingdom of Eswatini, which is required for this trial,” Gcaba told the court as he requested a postponement.

He said that once the State has the evidence, it would be disclosed to the defence. Gcaba added that a further reason for the postponement was to allow Sikhosana, who is represented by Clinton Short, to pursue a fresh bail application based on new facts.

KwaZulu-Natal Judge President Thoba Poyo-Dlwati accepted the explanation for the Ndimande brothers’ absence and granted Sikhosana leave to approach the Magistrate’s Court with his new bail application.

She subsequently postponed the pre-trial conference to August 13.

The Ndimande brothers and Mkhwanazi are represented by attorney Sibusiso Dlamini, the instructing attorney for all seven accused in the AKA and Tibz matter.

nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za

Questions over the credibility of key witnesses and the legality of key investigative decisions dominated this week's Madlanga Commission hearings, with Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Advocate Andrea Johnson coming under sustained scrutiny before the inquiry concluded with arguments over North West businessman Suliman Carrim's fifth application to postpone his testimony.

Over four days, Johnson faced sustained questioning over decisions taken by IDAC, her interpretation of the law, and inconsistencies between evidence she gave before Parliament's Ad Hoc Committee on the SAPS inquiry and her testimony before the commission.

Commissioners also examined whether IDAC acted within its statutory powers when investigating and arresting Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

The week concluded on Friday with Commission Chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga reserving judgment after hearing competing arguments over whether Carrim should receive an open-ended postponement on medical grounds or return to testify on a fixed date following an independent medical assessment.

Appearing before the commission on Monday, Johnson rejected allegations that she formed part of a cabal involving SAPS Crime Intelligence and Major-General Feroz Khan, whom she described as "affable".

"It follows that if such a cabal exists, I am not a party to it. I have not authorised, encouraged, facilitated its existence," she told the commission.

She also rejected suggestions that Khumalo's arrest in June 2025 was linked to his role as coordinator of the Political Killings Task Team, maintaining the arrests were carried out professionally and lawfully.

Tuesday's proceedings shifted focus to Johnson's own legal position when she informed the commission she intended to invoke her constitutional right against self-incrimination because allegations of criminal conduct against her had been referred to the National Prosecuting Authority for a decision on whether she should face prosecution.

The allegations relate to claims that, while serving as a senior prosecutor, she improperly disclosed information from a police docket involving suspended Crime Intelligence deputy head, Major-General Feroz Khan.

"I hold the view that the commission's fact-finding mandate does not override my constitutional protection against self-incrimination under any circumstances," Johnson said.

Commissioners then turned their attention to IDAC's decision to investigate allegations raised by MP Fadiel Adams after suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu's office requested that the directorate consider the complaint.

Madlanga repeatedly challenged Johnson's interpretation of Section 27 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act when questioning her decision to pursue the investigation, taking issue with her contention that the legal test was subjective rather than objective.

"Law 101 says subjective: you look to the person's mind. Objective: you test that in accordance with how a reasonable person would view a situation. The two are totally different. You cannot want to compound them," Madlanga said.

He also questioned why IDAC had not advised the minister that it could not proceed without the statutory requirements being met.

"What stopped you from writing back to the minister that without a Section 27 referral we, as IDAC, can't do anything? Were you fearful of the minister?"

Johnson denied acting out of fear.

The commission's scrutiny intensified later in the week when Johnson was confronted with differences between evidence she gave before Parliament and her testimony before the commission.

Under questioning, Johnson acknowledged that parts of her earlier evidence before Parliament were incorrect and accepted criticism over authorising investigations into several individuals without an adequate factual basis.

"I accept the point," she said after Co-commissioner Advocate Sandile Khumalo criticised the decision to include 12 names in an annexure forwarded to prosecutors.

Johnson also apologised to Dineo Mokwele after withdrawing her description of the civilian's appointment to Crime Intelligence as "a token appointment", which Khumalo described as insulting. She further conceded that information she had relied on regarding Mokwele's qualifications was inaccurate.

With Johnson's evidence adjourned until Monday, attention turned to Carrim, one of the inquiry's key witnesses, whose testimony has been delayed repeatedly because of his medical condition.

On Thursday, the commission ruled that proceedings relating to Carrim's evidence would remain open but imposed restrictions on the disclosure of his medical information. Although he has been scheduled to appear on several previous occasions, he has yet to testify.

On Friday, Evidence leaders and Carrim's legal team presented sharply differing views on whether his latest postponement should be granted.

Evidence leader Advocate Adila Hassim SC reminded the commission that Carrim had now sought five postponements.

"I'd remind the commissioners that this is the fifth postponement that Mr Carrim seeks," Hassim said.

She argued that the periods during which Carrim had been said to be medically unfit to testify had become progressively longer and that any postponement should be subject to a fixed return date and an independent medical examination.

"Our opposition as evidence leaders is that the commission should not grant a postponement without requiring an independent medical examination," she submitted.

Representing Carrim, Advocate Kameel Premhid argued that the commission had already accepted that a postponement was appropriate and that the dispute centred on the conditions attached to that postponement.

"The commission has itself now conceded that a postponement is appropriate," Premhid argued.

Madlanga questioned whether the relief sought by Carrim could result in the commission never hearing his evidence.

"The effect of what we have before us would be that Mr Carrim never ever testifies, so that's a serious issue that needs to be dealt with," he said.

After hearing submissions from both sides, Madlanga reserved judgment, saying the commission would announce in due course when it would deliver its ruling.

A ruling on Carrim's fifth postponement application, which Madlanga said would be delivered in due course, is expected to determine when one of the inquiry's most anticipated witnesses will finally take the stand.

The commission resumes on Monday with Johnson expected to continue her testimony.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

The Eastern Cape High Court has ordered Port St Johns Local Municipality to reinstate its municipal manager, Mluleki Fihlani, after finding that the council unlawfully extended his precautionary suspension and then attempted to justify its actions with arguments that the judge described as "brazenly disingenuous" and a "seriously shocking disregard for the rule of law."

In a judgment delivered on July 8, with implications for municipalities across South Africa, Judge MS Jolwana also dismissed the municipality's constitutional challenge to Regulation 6(6) of the Local Government: Disciplinary Regulations for Senior Managers, ruling that councils cannot simply extend precautionary suspensions beyond three months if disciplinary hearings have not commenced.

Fihlani, who was appointed municipal manager in January 2023, was suspended on November 22, 2024, pending an investigation into allegations of serious misconduct relating to the appointment of a senior manager for engineering services. After the investigation was completed, the municipal council resolved on January 22, 2025, to extend his suspension until the conclusion of his disciplinary hearing.

Fihlani approached the High Court, arguing that the municipality had no legal authority to extend his precautionary suspension beyond the period prescribed in the regulations.

Instead of only opposing his application, the municipality launched a counter-application to declare Regulation 6(6) unconstitutional.

It argued that the regulation unlawfully restricted municipal councils' constitutional powers by preventing them from extending precautionary suspensions, where disciplinary hearings had not yet begun.

It further contended that forcing a suspended municipal manager to return to work could jeopardise disciplinary proceedings because witnesses could be influenced and evidence interfered with.

Jolwana rejected those arguments.

"In all the circumstances, Mr Fihlani must succeed in the main application as the extension of his suspension effected on 22 January 2025 was without any legal basis, it having been effected contrary to the clear provisions of Regulation 6(6) of the Regulations," the judge ruled.

One of the municipality's principal arguments was that there had been two separate suspensions, one pending an investigation and another pending the disciplinary hearing.

The judge was not convinced. "I do not understand the municipality's pleaded case for two suspensions. I am not aware of any legal basis for this proposition which, in any event, flies in the face of the entire processes as set out in the Regulations." 

He noted that the municipality's own council resolution expressly recorded that Fihlani's suspension had been extended, contradicting later attempts to characterise it as a new suspension.

"The resolution of council of the municipality was, in no uncertain terms, to extend the precautionary suspension," the judgment states.

The court reserved some of its strongest criticism for the municipality's explanation of what had happened.

"Mr Sicotho's bizarre averments about the suspension not having been extended... are him being brazenly disingenuous and, as a state functionary, deliberately misleading this court in an attempt to manipulate the council resolution," Jolwana said.

"It exercised self-help" instead of approaching the courts for relief and "came up with a theory of two distinct suspensions" because it knew it could not lawfully extend the precautionary suspension.

The judge was equally critical of a municipal council resolution authorising an appeal before judgment had even been delivered.

He said the municipality had effectively resolved that it "would not apply its mind to a judgment that the court would deliver in due course," but instead decided in advance that if it lost "for any reason", it would appeal.

"For an organ of state not to apply its mind to a judgment and orders issued by a court but pre-emptively authorise an appeal, cannot possibly be anything else but a seriously shocking disregard for the rule of law and even an abuse of court process," Jolwana wrote.

The court declared that Fihlani's precautionary suspension terminated on February 21, 2025, reviewed and set aside the council's decision to extend it.

It ordered that he return to work immediately, interdicted the municipality from unlawfully preventing him from performing his contractual duties, and ordered the municipality to pay the costs of both the main application and its unsuccessful constitutional challenge, including the costs of two counsel.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

The Impeachment Committee will push ahead with the preparations for the impeachment of President Cyril Ramaphosa after the Western Cape High Court granted an interim interdict to stay impeachment proceedings.

This was after the judgment, which was delivered on Friday, was received with disappointment by opposition parties, complaining about delays in holding Ramaphosa to account, and Build One South Africa even calling on Parliament to seek legal advice on whether to lodge an urgent appeal.

Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana said on Friday the committee will continue its preparatory work.

Gana said the part of the committee’s work that has been interdicted is the public hearings and oral testimonies pending Ramaphosa’s review application.

“I have studied the full judgment of the Western Cape High Court and consulted with the legal team. ⁠The preparatory work of the committee will continue with the meeting on Wednesday, July 29,” he said.

The committee is yet to appoint an evidence leader and finalise the terms of reference.

Gana had indicated at their meeting this week that they will seek legal advice on matters such as the options available to the committee should Ramaphosa exercise his right not to testify.

Political analysts and legal experts said the committee had no choice but to abide by the interim order; otherwise, it would have been contempt of court had it pushed ahead with the hearings.

Advocate Paul Hoffman said the committee has to await the outcome of the hearing in September because there is a court order that prevented it from getting on with the impeachment inquiry.

“The interdict is of a temporary nature. It doesn't extend beyond the hearing,” he said.

Hoffman said it was a correct move for the committee to do the preparations for the impeachment proceedings pending the finalisation of the hearings into the review application.

“Everything in Parliament will be kept on ice until after the verdict is given in the president's application for an order reviewing and setting aside the report of the internal committee.” 

University of North West Political Studies Professor Andre Duvenhage echoed Hoffman that the Impeachment Committee cannot continue with its work until after the court's decision.

“The process is still very much open, but we must take it into consideration that it's not a final judgment,” Duvenhage said.

Unisa political analyst Dirk Kotze said that while the committee in principle can appeal, the next court date about the review of the report is a month from now, a little bit, like five weeks from now.

“It means that that appeal will most possibly not even be heard before that other court case will commence. An appeal is the only option for a court judgment, but there's very little time to really effect it, and therefore, they might do it as a matter of principle, but it's not that it is not going to make really much of a difference, because this court case is actually only applicable until the review process has been finalised,” Kotze said.

Meanwhile, Hoffman clarified that there was no basis for those arguing that the Western Cape High Court should not have heard the interdict application.

“When they (Constitutional Court) gave the judgment on May 8, they said this position in relation to the impeachment stands unless and until the report of the Independent Panel is set aside for review. It is still open to the president to have the decision or the report set aside on review,” he said.

Duvenhage noted that many people were saying the interdict was part of Stalingrad strategies and tactics.

“If we assess the whole process, it's giving some breathing space for President Ramaphosa and the ANC entering the election campaign. Ramaphosa is not off the hook, but at least there will be some stability within the Government of National Unity,” he said.

However, Duvenhage said the arguments around Stalingrad need to balance the right of an individual to have a free and fair hearing and the many loopholes in the process.

“The Constitution gives you the right to be equal and a free and fair trial by an independent court process, but then on the other side, there are so many loopholes in the process using these Stalingrad tactics to buy time and to undermine the criminal justice system,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Questions over the credibility of key witnesses and the legality of key investigative decisions dominated this week's Madlanga Commission hearings, with Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Advocate Andrea Johnson coming under sustained scrutiny before the inquiry concluded with arguments over North West businessman Suliman Carrim's fifth application to postpone his testimony.

Over four days, Johnson faced sustained questioning over decisions taken by IDAC, her interpretation of the law, and inconsistencies between evidence she gave before Parliament's Ad Hoc Committee on the SAPS inquiry and her testimony before the commission.

Commissioners also examined whether IDAC acted within its statutory powers when investigating and arresting Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

The week concluded on Friday with Commission Chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga reserving judgment after hearing competing arguments over whether Carrim should receive an open-ended postponement on medical grounds or return to testify on a fixed date following an independent medical assessment.

Appearing before the commission on Monday, Johnson rejected allegations that she formed part of a cabal involving SAPS Crime Intelligence and Major-General Feroz Khan, whom she described as "affable".

"It follows that if such a cabal exists, I am not a party to it. I have not authorised, encouraged, facilitated its existence," she told the commission.

She also rejected suggestions that Khumalo's arrest in June 2025 was linked to his role as coordinator of the Political Killings Task Team, maintaining the arrests were carried out professionally and lawfully.

Tuesday's proceedings shifted focus to Johnson's own legal position when she informed the commission she intended to invoke her constitutional right against self-incrimination because allegations of criminal conduct against her had been referred to the National Prosecuting Authority for a decision on whether she should face prosecution.

The allegations relate to claims that, while serving as a senior prosecutor, she improperly disclosed information from a police docket involving suspended Crime Intelligence deputy head, Major-General Feroz Khan.

"I hold the view that the commission's fact-finding mandate does not override my constitutional protection against self-incrimination under any circumstances," Johnson said.

Commissioners then turned their attention to IDAC's decision to investigate allegations raised by MP Fadiel Adams after suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu's office requested that the directorate consider the complaint.

Madlanga repeatedly challenged Johnson's interpretation of Section 27 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act when questioning her decision to pursue the investigation, taking issue with her contention that the legal test was subjective rather than objective.

"Law 101 says subjective: you look to the person's mind. Objective: you test that in accordance with how a reasonable person would view a situation. The two are totally different. You cannot want to compound them," Madlanga said.

He also questioned why IDAC had not advised the minister that it could not proceed without the statutory requirements being met.

"What stopped you from writing back to the minister that without a Section 27 referral we, as IDAC, can't do anything? Were you fearful of the minister?"

Johnson denied acting out of fear.

The commission's scrutiny intensified later in the week when Johnson was confronted with differences between evidence she gave before Parliament and her testimony before the commission.

Under questioning, Johnson acknowledged that parts of her earlier evidence before Parliament were incorrect and accepted criticism over authorising investigations into several individuals without an adequate factual basis.

"I accept the point," she said after Co-commissioner Advocate Sandile Khumalo criticised the decision to include 12 names in an annexure forwarded to prosecutors.

Johnson also apologised to Dineo Mokwele after withdrawing her description of the civilian's appointment to Crime Intelligence as "a token appointment", which Khumalo described as insulting. She further conceded that information she had relied on regarding Mokwele's qualifications was inaccurate.

With Johnson's evidence adjourned until Monday, attention turned to Carrim, one of the inquiry's key witnesses, whose testimony has been delayed repeatedly because of his medical condition.

On Thursday, the commission ruled that proceedings relating to Carrim's evidence would remain open but imposed restrictions on the disclosure of his medical information. Although he has been scheduled to appear on several previous occasions, he has yet to testify.

On Friday, Evidence leaders and Carrim's legal team presented sharply differing views on whether his latest postponement should be granted.

Evidence leader Advocate Adila Hassim SC reminded the commission that Carrim had now sought five postponements.

"I'd remind the commissioners that this is the fifth postponement that Mr Carrim seeks," Hassim said.

She argued that the periods during which Carrim had been said to be medically unfit to testify had become progressively longer and that any postponement should be subject to a fixed return date and an independent medical examination.

"Our opposition as evidence leaders is that the commission should not grant a postponement without requiring an independent medical examination," she submitted.

Representing Carrim, Advocate Kameel Premhid argued that the commission had already accepted that a postponement was appropriate and that the dispute centred on the conditions attached to that postponement.

"The commission has itself now conceded that a postponement is appropriate," Premhid argued.

Madlanga questioned whether the relief sought by Carrim could result in the commission never hearing his evidence.

"The effect of what we have before us would be that Mr Carrim never ever testifies, so that's a serious issue that needs to be dealt with," he said.

After hearing submissions from both sides, Madlanga reserved judgment, saying the commission would announce in due course when it would deliver its ruling.

A ruling on Carrim's fifth postponement application, which Madlanga said would be delivered in due course, is expected to determine when one of the inquiry's most anticipated witnesses will finally take the stand.

The commission resumes on Monday with Johnson expected to continue her testimony.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

The Impeachment Committee will push ahead with the preparations for the impeachment of President Cyril Ramaphosa after the Western Cape High Court granted an interim interdict to stay impeachment proceedings.

This was after the judgment, which was delivered on Friday, was received with disappointment by opposition parties, complaining about delays in holding Ramaphosa to account, and Build One South Africa even calling on Parliament to seek legal advice on whether to lodge an urgent appeal.

Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana said on Friday the committee will continue its preparatory work.

Gana said the part of the committee’s work that has been interdicted is the public hearings and oral testimonies pending Ramaphosa’s review application.

“I have studied the full judgment of the Western Cape High Court and consulted with the legal team. ⁠The preparatory work of the committee will continue with the meeting on Wednesday, July 29,” he said.

The committee is yet to appoint an evidence leader and finalise the terms of reference.

Gana had indicated at their meeting this week that they will seek legal advice on matters such as the options available to the committee should Ramaphosa exercise his right not to testify.

Political analysts and legal experts said the committee had no choice but to abide by the interim order; otherwise, it would have been contempt of court had it pushed ahead with the hearings.

Advocate Paul Hoffman said the committee has to await the outcome of the hearing in September because there is a court order that prevented it from getting on with the impeachment inquiry.

“The interdict is of a temporary nature. It doesn't extend beyond the hearing,” he said.

Hoffman said it was a correct move for the committee to do the preparations for the impeachment proceedings pending the finalisation of the hearings into the review application.

“Everything in Parliament will be kept on ice until after the verdict is given in the president's application for an order reviewing and setting aside the report of the internal committee.” 

University of North West Political Studies Professor Andre Duvenhage echoed Hoffman that the Impeachment Committee cannot continue with its work until after the court's decision.

“The process is still very much open, but we must take it into consideration that it's not a final judgment,” Duvenhage said.

Unisa political analyst Dirk Kotze said that while the committee in principle can appeal, the next court date about the review of the report is a month from now, a little bit, like five weeks from now.

“It means that that appeal will most possibly not even be heard before that other court case will commence. An appeal is the only option for a court judgment, but there's very little time to really effect it, and therefore, they might do it as a matter of principle, but it's not that it is not going to make really much of a difference, because this court case is actually only applicable until the review process has been finalised,” Kotze said.

Meanwhile, Hoffman clarified that there was no basis for those arguing that the Western Cape High Court should not have heard the interdict application.

“When they (Constitutional Court) gave the judgment on May 8, they said this position in relation to the impeachment stands unless and until the report of the Independent Panel is set aside for review. It is still open to the president to have the decision or the report set aside on review,” he said.

Duvenhage noted that many people were saying the interdict was part of Stalingrad strategies and tactics.

“If we assess the whole process, it's giving some breathing space for President Ramaphosa and the ANC entering the election campaign. Ramaphosa is not off the hook, but at least there will be some stability within the Government of National Unity,” he said.

However, Duvenhage said the arguments around Stalingrad need to balance the right of an individual to have a free and fair hearing and the many loopholes in the process.

“The Constitution gives you the right to be equal and a free and fair trial by an independent court process, but then on the other side, there are so many loopholes in the process using these Stalingrad tactics to buy time and to undermine the criminal justice system,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Orlando Pirates concluded their Spanish pre-season tour with a narrow 1-0 defeat to Neom FC on Friday, but the camp provided Abdeslam Ouaddou with valuable preparation ahead of a season where the Buccaneers will be expected to compete on multiple fronts.

The defeat brought an end to a two-week training camp that saw Pirates test themselves against quality opposition from Spain and Saudi Arabia as they worked towards building a squad capable of defending their Betway Premiership title while also challenging for cup honours and continental success.

Pirates finished the tour with two victories, one draw and two defeats from their five friendly matches, with the results secondary to the technical team’s focus on fitness, tactical development and strengthening combinations within the squad.

The Buccaneers enter the new campaign with increased expectations after Ouaddou guided them to a historic domestic treble last season, winning the Betway Premiership, MTN8 and Carling Knockout Cup.

Maintaining that level of success will require more than simply relying on the squad that delivered silverware last season.

Pirates Fall to NEOM

💻 Read More : https://t.co/8WUGQPjqBc

⚫⚪🔴⭐#PreSeason#OrlandoPirates#OnceAlways pic.twitter.com/V8t8cwFCy7

— Orlando Pirates (@orlandopirates) July 24, 2026

With a demanding schedule ahead, including domestic cup competitions and the CAF Champions League, Ouaddou has used pre-season to assess his options, provide opportunities to younger players and integrate the squad’s returning internationals following Bafana Bafana’s FIFA World Cup campaign.

The Spanish camp also offered the coaching staff the chance to work on defensive organisation, attacking patterns and the tactical flexibility required for a season that will present different challenges.

The departure of key players has also increased the importance of rebuilding and ensuring there is enough depth across the squad to handle the demands of competing in South Africa and on the continent.

While pre-season results are rarely the ultimate measure of success, Pirates will take confidence from the progress made during their time abroad.

The performances against varied opposition gave Ouaddou a clearer picture of his squad’s strengths and areas requiring improvement before competitive football resumes.

The Moroccan coach will now turn his attention to finalising his plans ahead of the season opener, where Pirates begin the defence of their league crown against newly promoted Milford FC at Orlando Stadium.

However, the challenge extends far beyond the opening fixture.

Pirates will be aiming to retain the trophies they won last season while also improving their fortunes in the CAF Champions League, where they will compete against the continent’s best clubs.

The foundations built in Spain will now be tested when the Buccaneers return home, with the objective clear: remain South Africa’s leading force while proving they can compete consistently at the highest level.

US President Donald Trump’s brokered nuclear deal between the US and Saudi Arabia poses more danger to world peace at the behest of sectarian interests that propel the international community dangerously closer to a world war.

The news of this selfish and careless deal — replete with arrogance of power and might — will highly likely trigger an arms race not only throughout Asia and the Middle East but also across a world order so desperately thirsting for peaceful coexistence.

From the outset, the deal is shrouded in predictable controversy and anxiety alike. It is struck at a time of escalating conflict between the US and Iran and at a great cost to the global economy.

President Trump and his GOP base insist that their bombardment of Iran — happening this week for more than a dozen consecutive days — is premised on Washington’s unwavering stance that Iran must not, nay, will never have a nuclear weapon.

Paraphrased, Iran will never be allowed to develop nuclear power, not even for civilian use, as Tehran “cannot be trusted”.

Conversely, the US displays sheer arrogance in announcing the signing of a “civilian nuclear cooperation deal” with the Saudis, Iran’s adjacent neighbours that historically do not drink from the same well.

In my book, there can be too few occasions that can compete with this development in illustrating the self-serving nature of the powerful forces against their weaker adversaries.

Now, no one needs to be on the side of Iran to reach a worrying conclusion from the Trump’s latest diplomatic triumph. Washington’s only interest in the region is the insulation of Israel from all forms of harm — real or perceived.

Trump’s revelation of the “condition of sale” of a nuclear deal to the Saudis was as more telling as it was concerning.

The Saudis, insisted the notoriously transactional US president, will have to first join the “Abraham Accords” that normalises ties with Israel.

That’s the sting in the tail, the cost of the deal. Take it or leave it. And this stance of the US alone seeks to alter the path of history and map out the new route to destiny.

The Abraham Accords — a series of landmark normalisations of ties between Israel and a host of Middle Eastern, predominantly Muslim countries — is a fundamental objective of Washington’s foreign policy.

The overall strategic objective of the Abrahams Accords is to build “an integrated regional alliance to counter primarily threats like Iran”. However, more significantly, the goal of the pact is aimed at bolstering American geopolitical influence throughout the region.

Through the Abraham Accords, the US seeks to dismantle the already weakened Arab League and build Israel into an omnipotent nuclear power that it already is anyway.

The pact was first signed by the UAE and Bahrain in 2020, formalising ties with apartheid Israel and abandoning support for the liberation of Palestine. Morocco is also in this group, so is poor Sudan, who signed a “general declaration” whose implementation has been delayed by civil war.

“Steady but sure” appears to be the US strategic motto in systematically destroying Islamic opposition to Israel’s genocidal occupation of Palestine. Getting Riyadh as a signatory to the Abrahams Accords is a major coup for the Trump administration.

The Saudis are a regional power of note. To have Saudi Arabia abandoning support for the Palestinian revolution is no mean feat. It is therefore inconceivable to see meaningful opposition to Israel’s reign of terror in Gaza and the occupied territories.

Lebanon is a de facto territory of Israel. Hezbollah has been terribly weakened and poses minimal threat to the hegemony of Israel in the region.

With the Saudis finally in the back pocket of the US hook, line and sinker — the “Greater Israel” agenda of unfettered expansion is in full swing.

The influence of the US in the region is almost total. It is a complete takeover, a bloody coup of the region, as the annihilation of Iran shows.

Syria, one-time nemesis of the Jewish state, has long been put in its place. It would not be a surprise if Syria, too, append their signature to the Abraham Accords in exchange for an economic boom characterised by the erection of a US military base.

All members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), ie, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, are proud homes to the US military bases from where Iran is being attacked amid a relentless wave of wanton bombardment.

For the uninitiated, this is why Iran is retaliating by attacking these GCC countries in pursuit of US interests under a policy of “an eye for an eye”. Hypocritical Western nations condemning Iran’s retaliatory military fightback claim Iran “is attacking innocent countries not involved in the conflict”. Well, do the maths.

All of the GCC countries pay lip-service to the Palestinian cause for self-determination and statehood. Their membership in the GCC means the end of hostility to Israel and adoption of the “silence of the lambs” towards freedom for the beleaguered Palestinians. That is the price the GCC nations are prepared to pay for their spineless bilateral ties with the US.

Given Trump’s aggressive push for Israel’s uninterrupted dominance of the region, the bombardment of Iran — including nuclear facilities, as Trump warned this week — is a fait accompli.

Trump probably meant it when he warned several weeks ago that with Iran not signing Abrahams Accords-style deal to end the war, the US military will erase Iranian civilisation and wipe Tehran off the face of the earth.

Saudi Arabia’s signing up to the Abraham Accords is the final nail in the coffin of Palestinians. It is made more tragic by the fact that the Arab League is all but dead. New bodies such as the GCC and appetising bilateral relations with the US are the new normal.

A flurry of diplomatic ties with Israel by more Muslim-majority Middle Eastern nations looms ever so large under the supervision of the world’s leading superpower.

The lure of economics over politics or morality and principle has triumphed hands-down. And these developments mark a historic shift, particularly in regional but also generally in international diplomacy.

It paves a way for unprecedented cooperation with Israel, not so long ago a pariah across the Muslim as well as majority worlds. This will in due course be underscored by dramatically increased trade and tourism marked by people-to-people diplomacy.

Mark my words, these developments will soon be sealed with a greater, broader military cooperation. More willing Middle Eastern nations, feeling isolated by their economically performing neighbours that list the US as a “big brother”, will highly likely walk away from supporting Palestinians to demonstrate their embrace of Israel.

Theirs will be a script written in the White House. Its main theme will be politics of the stomach disguised as preparations against “imminent Iranian attack”.

It should therefore surprise no one that more Middle Eastern nations, like Saudi Arabia, will be lured to sign the Abraham Accords in return for “civilian nuclear cooperation” with the US. This will be cited as protection of their sovereignty against “imperial” Iran.

Through it all, Israel will grow truly omnipotent, arrogant and offensive, buoyed by the new status as the world’s new “mini-US”.

And then, countries such as South Africa and many across the Global South will continue to be isolated for taking a stance against Israel or for not signing the Abraham Accords that could soon be globalised with a threat of tariffs.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Mamelodi Sundowns chairman Thlopie Motsepe has paid an emotional tribute to the late Jayden Adams, describing the Bafana Bafana midfielder as a “special human being” whose legacy extends far beyond the football field.

Motsepe was among hundreds of mourners who gathered in Stellenbosch on Saturday to bid farewell to Adams, who passed away last week at the age of 25. 

Family, friends, teammates, coaches and football officials came together to celebrate the life of one of South African football’s brightest talents.

Speaking at the funeral service, Motsepe said it was important to remember Adams not only for his football ability but also for the person he was away from the game.

“Yes he was a footballer but first and foremost he was a son, brother and father, a very special human being. Of course he made a name for himself by bringing joy to everybody by playing the game he loves most and made us all so happy,” Motsepe said.

[WATCH] Coach Hugo Broos says Bafana Bafana and Mamelodi Sundowns midfielder Jayden Adams was a good player. #Newzroom405 pic.twitter.com/aT89R55UzN

— Newzroom Afrika (@Newzroom405) July 25, 2026

The Sundowns chairman reflected on the midfielder’s contribution to one of the club’s most successful periods, having helped Masandawana lift the CAF Champions League and several domestic honours during his time in Tshwane.

“We were just honoured as Mamelodi Sundowns to be able to achieve a very special moment in our club’s history with Jayden there beside us and that’s going to stay on the walls and memories of Sundowns.”

Motsepe also shared memories of Adams’ personality, describing him as someone who naturally brought warmth and humour into the dressing room despite his quiet nature.

“His presence, he had a special way of being seen and heard but without really saying much. I loved how he’d poke fun at some of the more serious guys in his own special way but of course on the pitch, Steve Barker last week mentioned he was a complete footballer.”

Adams’ rise from Stellenbosch FC to Mamelodi Sundowns and Bafana Bafana made him one of South African football’s most admired young midfielders. 

His performances earned him a place in the national team squad that reached the FIFA World Cup knockout stages for the first time in the country’s history.

CAF president Patrice Motsepe also attended the funeral service to pay his respects, joining representatives from across the South African and African football fraternity.

The CAF president said his role was simply to convey condolences on behalf of the continent’s football family.

“The families and community of Bafana Bafana, Stellenbosch and Mamelodi Sundowns are in a better position to speak today. I’m just here to pass on my condolences from the Motsepe family and of course the 54 nations in Africa whose member associations are part of CAF,” he said.

The funeral marked an emotional farewell to a player whose career had appeared destined for even greater heights, with tributes continuing to pour in from across the football world in honour of a life and career cut tragically short.

THE conversation around cryptocurrency is often dominated by stories of overnight millionaires, volatile price swings and speculative trading. While these headlines attract attention, they do not reflect how long-term wealth is typically created.

Digital assets represent one of the most significant financial innovations of our generation. Like any emerging asset class, they present both opportunities and risks. The difference between building sustainable wealth and simply gambling often comes down to education, discipline and a well-defined investment strategy.

As leaders within the fintech industry, our responsibility extends beyond developing innovative financial solutions. We also have a duty to promote financial literacy and encourage responsible participation in the digital asset economy.

At Indexa South Africa, we do not provide personalised financial or investment advice; however, we believe it is critical that our clients and the broader investing public understand the principles that underpin responsible investing.

Risk management comes before returns

One of the greatest mistakes investors make is focusing exclusively on potential profits while overlooking risk.

Every investment carries uncertainty, and cryptocurrencies are no exception. Responsible investors establish clear financial objectives, understand their risk tolerance, and invest only capital they can afford to commit over the long term.

The first rule of successful investing is not simply to generate returns—it is to protect your capital.

Consistency often outperforms perfect timing

Many investors spend considerable time trying to predict the perfect moment to buy or sell cryptocurrency. In reality, consistently timing the market is extremely difficult, even for experienced professionals.

A disciplined strategy such as dollar-cost averaging (DCA) — investing a fixed amount at regular intervals regardless of market conditions — helps reduce emotional decision-making and allows investors to build exposure over time.

Rather than attempting to predict every market movement, consistency has historically been one of the strongest foundations for long-term investing.

Diversification remains a timeless investment principle

Diversification is not a new concept, nor is it unique to cryptocurrency. It has long been recognised as one of the most effective ways to manage investment risk.

Concentrating an entire portfolio in a single asset increases exposure to market fluctuations. A diversified portfolio — constructed according to an individual’s financial objectives and risk profile — can help reduce concentration risk while creating greater resilience during periods of market uncertainty.

Successful investing has never been about finding one perfect investment. It has always been about building a balanced portfolio over time.

Education is the greatest investment

Technology continues to reshape the financial services industry, and digital assets are becoming an increasingly important part of global capital markets. Yet no investment should be made without understanding the underlying asset, its risks and its long-term potential.

Financial literacy empowers investors to make informed decisions rather than emotional ones. The more informed investors become, the better equipped they are to navigate market cycles with confidence.

Final Thoughts

Building wealth through cryptocurrency should never be approached as a game of chance. Sustainable financial growth is achieved through discipline, patience, sound risk management and continuous education — not by chasing headlines or attempting to get rich overnight.

As South Africa’s digital asset ecosystem continues to mature, investors who prioritise knowledge over speculation will be better positioned to benefit from the opportunities this emerging asset class presents.

This article is intended for educational purposes only and should not be construed as financial, investment, legal or tax advice. Readers should conduct their own research and, where appropriate, consult a licensed financial adviser before making investment decisions.

* Sebaga Manyeula is chief executive officer of Indexa South Africa, an FSCA Approved Key Individual, a European Money Awards nominee, and a FinTech & Digital Assets thought leader.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Kaizer Chiefs captain Brandon Petersen has thrown his support behind the signing of fellow goalkeeper Renaldo Leaner, insisting the new arrival will strengthen Amakhosi as competition for the number one jersey intensifies ahead of the 2026/27 season.

Leaner joined Chiefs on a free transfer after leaving Sekhukhune United, becoming one of several additions as Fernando Da Cruz continues to reshape his squad before the new Betway Premiership campaign.

For Petersen, however, the signing is about more than adding another quality goalkeeper to the squad. It also marks the reunion of two players whose football journeys have been closely intertwined from an early age.

The pair attended the same high school, where Petersen served as head boy while Leaner was still making his way through the ranks. They also graduated from the renowned Ajax Cape Town academy (Cape Town Spurs), which has produced a host of South African internationals over the years.

Although their careers later took different paths, Petersen says he has followed Leaner’s progress closely.

“I think it’s a good signing for the team. Renaldo is a phenomenal goalkeeper. I’ve known him since we were very young, I was his head boy in high school and we’ve always had a good relationship,” said Petersen.

Leaner endured a difficult start to his senior career after being part of the Ajax Cape Town side that suffered relegation from the Premiership in 2018.

Rather than allowing that setback to define him, the 28-year-old rebuilt his career through spells at the now-defunct Maritzburg United, before impressing at Sekhukhune United to earn another opportunity at one of South Africa’s biggest clubs.

Petersen believes that journey reflects Leaner’s character.

“It’s been great for me to see how he grow as a goalkeeper coming from the Ajax Academy and how he fought his way back into the PSL to be where he is today. It’s a great opportunity for him as well.”

The arrival of Leaner also increases competition in the Chiefs goalkeeping department, with Petersen making it clear he welcomes the challenge rather than fearing it.

The Chiefs skipper believes internal competition will ultimately benefit both the players and the club as Amakhosi look to return to competing for major honours.

“I think for us as a goalkeeping department, the competition is good and I don’t mind competition. If we can push each other to be the best, it doesn’t matter who gets the nod on the day, we know they’ll do well and I’m looking forward to working with him throughout the season and I know he’s going to do well.”

With Chiefs entering a new era under Da Cruz, Petersen’s endorsement of Leaner highlights the culture the club hopes to build.

Rather than viewing the battle for places as a source of division, the captain believes healthy competition will raise standards across the squad as Chiefs chase silverware and look to re-establish themselves among the country’s elite during the new campaign.

SO deeply systemic is the generalised crisis in South Africa that there is no lack of combustible issues in everyday life. The country is truly a tinderbox in so many respects.

That is largely why the ongoing migrant crisis has been so socially explosive across the country, but especially in Johannesburg and Durban. Though very complex and often confusing to many, the immigrant crisis, especially for those who were undocumented, has had international repercussions, especially the relations between South Africa and other African countries from which African migrants come.

But the explosive effects of the widespread marches and protests across the country have certainly been to deepen and worsen the crisis we have had for many years in South Africa. The crux of this crisis is undoubtedly socioeconomic.

As a result, unemployment, poverty and social inequalities are arguably worse today than they have ever been in South Africa. In fact, not only during the post-apartheid period, from 1994, when we had our Uhuru elections.

I think that the socioeconomic crisis in South Africa, especially in Black townships, is so bad that we can go as far back as 1910, when the whites-only Union of South Africa was formed. We have had the worst unemployment, arguably ever, in South Africa, and poverty and social inequalities are worse today than they were in apartheid times.

That is largely the social context within which March and March was formed in 2024 and took to the streets over the past few months, especially in the month of June. Black South Africans were struggling like hell to survive in Black townships.

But the biggest problem and weakness of the fight against African migrants was that it was largely misplaced. By far most of those people have been struggling too to survive in a cutthroat, competitive small-business or spaza-shop environment in highly impoverished Black townships.

That is why, in an article a few weeks ago, I tried to argue that it was effectively one section of the struggling Black working class attacking another section. In this case, struggling Black South Africans are attacking African migrant workers.

But these matters and the details of the concrete conditions and daily lives of Black South Africans, compared to those of migrants who either have informal jobs or run spaza shops, are very complex. However, there can be little doubt that all of them would have much more in common than any big and strong social differences between them.

And right there lies the tragedy of the violence and killings of migrants over the past few weeks. Undoubtedly, there was much scapegoating of migrants and opportunistic criminality by Black South Africans who looted many spaza shops of migrants, which created enormous damage to the interests and lives of migrants and their families.

While it will take a long time for the many deep wounds to heal, if it ever will, a sober reflection is urgently required by all parties concerned. The biggest and most painful lesson is that this terrible tragedy should never have happened.

Black South Africans, especially those who were involved in the killings, injuries and looting, have a great deal to be regretful for. To not feel any remorse would be deeply unconscionable, so heinous were the brutalities inflicted on African migrants, whether documented or undocumented.

I think of the many fleeing and terrified African migrants and their families who for several days had no shelter, food, or medicine in cold winter weather. All these terrible details spread through various social media platforms were probably the very worst developments I have seen in the post-apartheid period.

But what the anti-migrant crisis has now done is to deepen the multifaceted and generalised crisis we have had for over a decade. Huge questions have been raised about what has happened in South Africa since 1994, including why only Black African migrants were targeted, and no questions were raised about white migrants whose ancestry goes back to 1652.

However, I predict that the growing socioeconomic crisis, which the migrant crisis will further deepen, is probably going to lead to a radicalising effect on South African politics. This must be attributed to the fact that today there are greater levels of Black poverty, unemployment and social inequalities than what we had under apartheid.

The notion of radical economic transformation, propagated by parties such as the EFF and MK Party, will probably be much more actively put forward as solutions to the numerous crises we face. What specific policies and programmes will entail must still be very clearly spelt out by these parties.

But both these parties, especially the EFF, have repeatedly drawn attention to the more radical provisions of the Freedom Charter, such as the nationalisation of the mines, land and other commanding heights of the economy.

The key and critical question today is whether those parties will continue to propagate those radical policies in the future, especially in the run-up to and after the forthcoming local government elections. I suspect that this is going to happen, especially since the crisis in Black townships and in the municipalities is not only starkly evident but worsening all the time.

The biggest contributing factor to this most likely future is the indisputable fact that for at least a decade life has been getting harder for the Black working-class majority in Black townships.

Nothing shows this more than the present continuously soaring cost of living crisis and the fact that, 32 years since our 1994 elections, the vast majority of people are desperately seeking a better and brighter future. They gave the beleaguered ANC notice of this fact when, in 2024, for the first time, they lost the 2024 national elections.

There must be no doubt that South Africa is facing a very serious multifaceted crisis, including a blatant lack of strong leadership. In fact, we have for many years faced a leadership crisis.

This lack of leadership is a very serious problem, and I frankly cannot currently see strong and visionary leaders from among the existing political parties. This is probably why we have had a seriously declining voter registration, as has been the actual voter turnout on polling days.

Perhaps this lack of strong leadership is itself a big part of our generalised crisis. Will it be any different after the November local government elections? It is very difficult to see now how things will turn out after the elections.

Can the EFF and the MKP, with their emphasis on radical economic transformation, make a big difference and particularly make significant gains in the crucial areas of jobs, social inequalities and rising levels of poverty?

All we can do is wait and see, but there must be no doubt at all that we urgently require policies and programmes which are going to make a significant difference to the miserable lives of the Black working-class majority.

Today, conditions have never been as bad as they are in both Black townships and in our decaying cities and towns. Basic municipal infrastructure is in a dreadful mess across the country, including in our big cities, except to a considerable extent in Cape Town.

But the situation is very different and, in fact, bleak when we look at conditions in the Black townships and informal settlements of Cape Town. The actual conditions there are not much different from what they were when the DA took office in 2006 and, in fact, what they were like under apartheid.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst, and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

HalaalGoods Market

Food lovers are in for a treat as the HalaalGoods Market returns to Waterfall Park in Midrand. Visitors can sample a variety of local and international street food, including kimbap, pizzas, karak chai and brisket burgers, all prepared with halaal-friendly ingredients.

New this year is First Taste Friday, an exclusive opening experience offering early access to selected vendors, limited-edition menu items and product launches.

Where: Waterfall Park at the Mall of Africa.

When: From Friday, July 24, to Sunday, July 26, with different opening times each day.

Joburg Golden July

Horse racing, fashion and music come together at Joburg Golden July at Turffontein Race Course this Saturday.

The event features a day of thoroughbred racing, luxury car displays, premium hospitality experiences and fashion competitions, including the sought-after Best-Dressed awards.

Guests can also enjoy live music performances throughout the day and into the evening.

Where: Turffontein Race Course, Johannesburg South.

When: Saturday, July 25, from 9am.

702 Jozi My Jozi Walk the Talk

Thousands are expected to take part in the reimagined 702 Jozi My Jozi Walk the Talk on Sunday.

Participants can choose from 5km, 8km and 15km routes that take in some of Johannesburg's best-known landmarks, including the Nelson Mandela Bridge and Newtown precinct.

All routes are wheelchair- and pram-friendly, while food, entertainment and family activities will be available at the finish village.

Where: Ellis Park Stadium in New Doornfontein.

When: Sunday, July 26, with staggered start times.

"My breakthrough song ended up being an amapiano track, so I had to figure out how to bring both worlds together," said Coolpixie, reflecting on the turning point that shaped his career.

The artist has embraced a sound that blends hip hop, amapiano and afrobeat, proving that following instinct can sometimes lead to the biggest opportunities.

Although amapiano introduced him to a wider audience, Coolpixie said that hip hop remains at the heart of everything he creates. 

"I started as a hip hop artist. That was my first love. The bars, the storytelling and the energy," he explained.

When his breakout record found success in the amapiano space, he knew that he did not want to abandon the style that first inspired him.

"Genre-fluid just happened because I couldn't leave the old me behind. It's me mixing the hip hop foundation that I grew up on with the amapiano sound that opened new doors. Now the afrobeat sits in there too because rhythm is rhythm. I just follow what feels honest."

That honesty is at the centre of his latest project, “Love Land (Phase 1)”, an EP built around romance and emotional connection.

Unlike many love-themed projects that focus on heartbreak, Coolpixie wanted to celebrate affection, admiration and commitment.

"'Love Land' is all about love songs expressing love to someone, so I wrote from that space of admiration and softness. It's easy to write about the spark, butterflies and choosing someone every day. The EP pushed me to sit in that space."

His music often feels personal because many of the stories begin with real moments from everyday life.

Coolpixie said that inspiration can appear almost anywhere.

"Conversations I overhear at taxi ranks, hair salons and even late-night talks with friends. I'm always collecting those little moments. ‘Love Land’ came from all those everyday moments of love."

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by coolpixie_rsa (@coolpixie_rsa)

While he is comfortable writing about his own experiences, he wants listeners to make each song their own.

"I write for one person first, usually someone I love or my younger self. If it's real to me, someone else will feel it too. I try not to overexplain. I leave space for people to put their own person into the song."

That same approach carries into the recording studio, where collaboration plays a major role in his creative process.

For Coolpixie, the best partnerships happen when everyone brings something different to the table.

"Energy and creativity. If you walk into the studio and you're really listening, not just waiting for your turn, we'll make magic. I also look for people who have their own world. I don't want a copy of me. I want someone who brings a colour I don't have, then we mix it."

Away from the microphone, Coolpixie said that there is much more to him than fans may realise.

Music may be his first love, but it is not his only passion.

"Beyond the music, I'm just a versatile guy who wears a lot of hats. I've got different passions outside of music. I'm gentle, I move with energy, and I'm a man of my word."

He also enjoys working behind the scenes.

"People hear the music first, but there's more to me than that. I also love being behind the camera; that's where a lot of the magic happens for me."

AS South Africa observes National Savings Month this July, a stark reality is coming into focus: Financial inclusion must evolve beyond simply opening bank accounts.

True financial security requires treating financial literacy as critical national infrastructure, according to Yinka Yomi-Tokosi, Managing Executive: Strategy & Investments at Access Bank South Africa.

With households facing severe cost-of-living pressures, Yomi-Tokosi argues that access to financial systems only becomes meaningful when consumers understand how to use those systems safely, confidently, and to their own benefit.

“A customer can have a bank account and still feel excluded from the financial system,” says Yomi-Tokosi. “They may not understand why fees were charged, how interest accumulates, what a debit order means, why a credit score matters, or how to identify fraud. The product may be there, but confidence is missing.”

This call to elevate financial education arrives at a critical juncture of regulatory and market shifts in South Africa, underscored by three alarming trends. First, severe debt pressures: last year’s FinMark Trust FinScope findings reported that 75% of South African adults who borrowed used credit just to cover everyday essentials like food, with an estimated 12 million adults classified as over-indebted.

Second, escalating digital fraud: SABRIC statistics show that digital banking fraud skyrocketed from 31 612 incidents in 2023 to 64 000 in 2024, with losses exceeding R1.4 billion. Critically, SABRIC noted that these crimes are driven by social engineering, manipulating human behaviour, rather than technical breaches of bank security.

Third, new policy directions: The National Treasury’s draft National Consumer Financial Education Policy, released for consultation in 2026, explicitly recognises financial education as a core pillar for improving financial wellbeing and building digital trust.

Yomi-Tokosi stresses that banks must move away from treating financial literacy as a “once-a-year campaign or a brochure handed out in a branch”. When pressed on what concrete government actions, funding models, and accountability mechanisms would make financial literacy function as national infrastructure rather than an occasional programme, she is unequivocal.

“Treating financial literacy as infrastructure requires a national delivery system with sustained coordination, funding, and measurement,” Yomi-Tokosi explains. She outlines a clear roadmap: National Treasury should finalise an implementation plan with named owners, deadlines, priority audiences, and a public annual scorecard.

Funding, she proposes, can combine the Financial Sector Code’s existing requirement for financial institutions to allocate 0.4% of net profit after tax with public investment in schools, community delivery, and independent evaluation.

The National Consumer Financial Education Committee should coordinate standards and reduce duplication. Accountability must measure whether people understand costs and risks, seek help earlier when debt pressure rises, use recourse channels, and transact more safely. Crucially, results should be published by audience, language, income level, and delivery channel so weak performance is visible and can be corrected.

Regarding the National Treasury’s draft policy, Yomi-Tokosi supports its focus on financially capable households, MSMEs, digital literacy, stakeholder coordination, and stronger monitoring and evaluation.

However, she argues the implementation layer needs strengthening, proposing three practical changes: A funded plan assigning delivery owners and deadlines; minimum national standards for plain language, multilingual content, disability access, and low-data or offline delivery; and a shared outcomes framework allowing programmes to be compared using comprehension and behaviour measures alongside reach.

Complaints, fraud, arrears, and ombud data should guide priorities by showing where consumers encounter difficulty in real customer journeys.

To make this a reality, Yomi-Tokosi believes regulators must impose minimum measurable obligations on banks to embed financial education into everyday customer journeys.

This includes onboarding, credit applications, high-risk transactions, arrears, and complaints. The information must be plain, timely, multilingual, and relevant to the decision being made.

Banks should report reach alongside outcomes such as customer comprehension; use of support or recourse; repeat fraud; avoidable payment disputes; earlier engagement after missed repayments; and harmful borrowing patterns.

These results must be segmented by income, age, location, disability, and digital access, shifting the focus toward consistent customer outcomes across channels and away from counting brochures, messages, or training sessions as proof of impact.

When asked about real-world educational alerts or transaction-level interventions Access Bank has implemented to reduce fraud and predatory lending; Yomi-Tokosi points to concrete tools already in place. DebiCheck requires customers to authenticate new debit-order mandates electronically, helping prevent unauthorised collections.

Access Bank More uses biometric authentication for in-app authorisations and allows customers to block a lost or stolen card directly. On lending, Access Bank’s credit process includes affordability assessments and prescribed disclosures before credit is granted.

“We do not have verified early-result figures to share publicly, and I would avoid attaching an untested claim of success to these interventions,” she notes candidly. “The next opportunity lies in stronger contextual prompts before customers accept credit or complete unusually risky transactions.”

Designing warnings that reduce social-engineering fraud without creating alert fatigue is a delicate balance. Yomi-Tokosi asserts that warnings work best when they reflect the specific risk facing the customer at that moment. A generic message shown repeatedly becomes background noise.

Banks should reserve stronger interruptions for unusual beneficiaries, rapid changes in transaction behaviour, new devices, high-value payments, or patterns associated with scams. The warning must explain the specific risk, give the customer a clear action to take, and provide an immediate route to verify or report.

On the contentious issue of liability when targeted manipulation succeeds, Yomi-Tokosi argues it should follow the facts and the controls available to each party. Banks remain responsible for secure systems, proportionate detection, and clear communication.

Telecoms and digital platforms also carry responsibilities. While customers should protect their credentials, targeted manipulation should never automatically imply that the customer alone is at fault.

Financial literacy improves judgement when making consumer choices, but Yomi-Tokosi is careful to note its limits. Unaffordable products, weak affordability assessments, aggressive sales practices, and inadequate enforcement require stronger market interventions.

Responsible credit assessment, product governance, restrictions where harm is foreseeable, accessible debt support, and effective supervision must operate alongside education.

To avoid widening inequality, interventions must reach people through branches, community organisations, radio, USSD, WhatsApp, and zero-rated digital services. Content should be multilingual and designed for different levels of literacy, digital confidence, and disability.

Success must be measured separately for vulnerable groups. “An intervention that improves outcomes mainly for digitally confident, higher-income customers has not solved the national problem,” she warns.

Looking forward, Yomi-Tokosi issues three top time-bound asks. Within 12 months, National Treasury should publish a funded implementation plan with national targets and a public outcomes dashboard.

The Prudential Authority, working with the FSCA, should require bank boards to treat social-engineering exposure, fraud response, and digital trust as governance and operational-risk priorities. Within six months, the banking sector should adopt common standards for risk-based warnings, rapid account protection, and fraud reporting.

If she could prioritise a single fundable initiative, it would be a national, zero-rated “Pause, Verify, Report” service. Working through apps, USSD, WhatsApp, call centres, and community channels, it would give consumers a trusted way to verify a message or payment request and report suspected fraud quickly.

Ultimately, the vision is clear. “Digital trust is not built through technology alone,” Yomi-Tokosi adds. “It also depends on whether people understand the risks that surround the technology. Financial literacy is not a soft add-on to inclusion. It is what helps people turn access into control.”

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

SOME questions outlive the proceedings in which they are asked.

During the testimony of Colonel Brian Padayachee before the Madlanga Commission, Judge Mbuyiseli Madlanga posed a question that deserves to resonate far beyond the walls of the hearing room.

“Does suspecting make someone a suspect?”

It was a brief exchange, but it captured a dilemma that reaches into the heart of South Africa’s constitutional democracy. At first glance, the question seems almost philosophical.

On closer examination, it exposes one of the greatest risks confronting modern public life: The temptation to confuse suspicion with evidence, allegation with proof, and repeated assertion with established fact.

That temptation is hardly unique to commissions of inquiry. It is increasingly visible across politics, the media, corporate governance, and even everyday public debate.

We live in an age where information moves at extraordinary speed, where reputations can be damaged in a matter of hours, and where public opinion often settles long before the facts have been fully examined.

Against that backdrop, Madlanga’s question serves as a timely reminder that the rule of law is built upon a discipline that is both simple and demanding. We are entitled to suspect. We are obliged to investigate. But we are not entitled to treat suspicion as though it were proof.

The distinction is fundamental.

Every investigation begins with unanswered questions. An investigator notices inconsistencies. A whistleblower raises concerns. Financial records reveal anomalies. Witnesses tell conflicting stories.

These circumstances create a reason to investigate further. They justify curiosity. They justify scrutiny. They may even justify a formal investigation. But they do not, by themselves, settle the matter.

To suspect someone is an act of human judgment. People draw inferences every day based on the information available to them. Some suspicions prove justified. Others do not. The purpose of an investigation is precisely to determine which is which.

Evidence exists to test suspicion, not merely to confirm it.

That principle lies at the heart of every society governed by the rule of law.

South Africa’s constitutional order was deliberately designed to prevent power from resting on assumption alone. Our legal system requires allegations to be tested, witnesses to be questioned, documents to be scrutinised, and competing versions to be examined before conclusions are reached.

Due process is not an administrative inconvenience. It is the mechanism through which justice distinguishes itself from arbitrary power.

This is particularly important in a society carrying the scars of both state capture and systemic corruption.

The public’s demand for accountability is entirely understandable. Years of institutional failure have created understandable impatience. Citizens want answers. They want consequences. They want those who have abused public office to face justice.

Those expectations are legitimate. Yet they also create a subtle danger.

The greater the public appetite for accountability, the greater the temptation to lower the evidentiary threshold required to satisfy it. When that happens, the pursuit of justice risks becoming driven by confidence rather than proof.

Constitutional democracy demands more of us.

It insists that the search for accountability be conducted according to principles that protect everyone, including those against whom suspicion is ultimately proven unfounded. Those safeguards are not obstacles placed in the path of justice. They are the very conditions that make justice possible.

History repeatedly demonstrates what happens when societies abandon that discipline.

Throughout the world, reputations have been destroyed by allegations later shown to be false. Careers have ended because suspicion became indistinguishable from guilt. Political opponents have been neutralised not through evidence, but through carefully cultivated perception.

Once public discourse accepts that suspicion alone is sufficient, the line separating democratic accountability from arbitrary accusation begins to disappear.

That erosion seldom happens dramatically. It occurs gradually. Each untested allegation is accepted as fact. Each rumour is repeated without verification. Each assumption is presented as a certainty.

Over time, the distinction between investigation and condemnation quietly fades.

The digital age has accelerated this process. Social media rewards speed over verification. Algorithms favour outrage over nuance. A claim can travel across the country before anyone asks whether it is supported by evidence.

Corrections rarely receive the same attention as the original accusation. By the time the truth emerges, public judgement has often already been passed.

This reality places even greater responsibility on our institutions.

Commissions of inquiry occupy a distinctive constitutional role. They are not courts deciding criminal guilt, nor are they political theatres designed simply to satisfy public anger. Their legitimacy depends upon careful examination of evidence, rigorous questioning, and intellectual independence. They strengthen democracy when they illuminate facts rather than amplify assumptions.

It is in this context that Madlanga’s question assumes broader significance.

Whether directed at a particular answer or intended to probe a particular line of reasoning, it reflected a judicial instinct that deserves wider appreciation: Careful distinctions matter. Precision matters. The difference between what someone believes and what can be established matters.

Those distinctions have implications beyond the courtroom.

In boardrooms, allegations can influence executive appointments before investigations conclude. In politics, accusations often become campaign weapons irrespective of their evidentiary foundation. In the media, the pressure to publish first can sometimes compete with the obligation to verify thoroughly.

Even in ordinary conversation, we can find ourselves repeating claims because they sound plausible rather than because they have been demonstrated. These are not merely communication failures. They are governance failures.

For years, I have argued that South Africa risks confusing the performance of accountability with accountability itself. Public hearings, dramatic revelations, and forceful rhetoric all have their place. But none of them is a substitute for the painstaking work of establishing facts, testing evidence, and reaching conclusions that can withstand scrutiny.

This is the difference between governance and governance theatre.

Governance theatre thrives on appearances. It values dramatic moments, compelling narratives, and immediate public reaction. Governance, by contrast, values something less spectacular but infinitely more durable: credibility. Credibility is earned through evidence, consistency, and fairness. It cannot be manufactured through repetition.

Perhaps that is the enduring lesson of Madlanga’s question.

It reminds us that constitutional democracy demands intellectual humility. It asks us to acknowledge the difference between what we suspect and what we know. It requires institutions to resist the pressure to convert public expectation into premature certainty.

It challenges citizens to recognise that justice is not measured by the speed with which conclusions are reached, but by the integrity of the process through which they are reached.

South Africa does not need fewer investigations. It needs investigations that remain steadfastly committed to evidence. It does not need less accountability. It needs accountability that is credible because it is built on proof rather than presumption.

Most importantly, it needs institutions willing to ask uncomfortable questions, even when those questions interrupt an apparently compelling narrative.

Perhaps that is why Madlanga’s simple question deserves to be remembered. Not because it settled a controversy. But because it reminded us that the strength of a constitutional democracy lies not in how quickly it reaches conclusions but in how carefully it earns them.

The distance between suspicion and proof may sometimes feel frustratingly long. Yet that distance is where the rule of law lives. And it is a distance that no democracy can afford to shorten.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

PERCHED on Pretoria’s Muckleneuk Ridge, the University of South Africa (Unisa) has grown into one of the world’s largest universities, providing higher education to more than 370 000 students across South Africa, the African continent and beyond.

According to the university’s published figures, Unisa awards nearly 13% of all degrees conferred by South Africa’s 26 public universities and universities of technology, making it the country’s largest producer of graduates.

As Africa’s leading Open Distance and e-Learning (ODeL) institution, Unisa has transformed access to higher education through a network of seven regional campuses, 28 learning centres across South Africa and an international campus in Ethiopia.

Its story stretches back more than 150 years.

Founded in 1873 as the University of the Cape of Good Hope (UCGH), Unisa is South Africa’s oldest dedicated distance education institution and one of the pioneers of correspondence education worldwide.

Established through an Act of the Cape Colony Parliament and modelled on the University of London, the institution initially functioned as an examining body rather than a teaching university. It set academic standards and conducted examinations for affiliated colleges, laying the foundations for a higher education system that would evolve dramatically over the following century.

Over time, the institution transformed from a colonial examining authority into a university committed to expanding access to learning for students from every corner of South Africa and, eventually, the rest of the continent.

Retired Research Professor Andrew Manson says the institution’s transformation into the University of South Africa in 1916 marked one of the defining moments in its history.

Following the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the university became a federal examining body supporting teaching colleges across the country before relocating to Pretoria in 1918 under its new name.

Manson notes that the university reflected the realities of colonial South Africa, having been established to meet the Cape Colony’s growing educational and economic needs.

“Numerous colleges, such as the South African College and Stellenbosch Gymnasium, laid the foundations for higher learning in the region, ultimately leading to the establishment of a university that could respond to an evolving educational landscape,” Manson says.

Although Unisa was established to broaden educational opportunities, its history is closely intertwined with South Africa’s political and social evolution.

Many institutions that it once examined, including what later became the University of Cape Town and Stellenbosch University, eventually gained independence, prompting Unisa to redefine its own role as a teaching institution.

A watershed moment came in 1946 with the establishment of the Division of External Studies. The move made Unisa the first public university in the world to teach exclusively through distance education, revolutionising access to higher learning by enabling students to study regardless of where they lived.

The milestone, however, unfolded during the apartheid era, adding complexity to the university’s legacy. During this period, Unisa regulated syllabi and examinations for racially segregated colleges, reflecting the contradictions of operating within an unequal education system while simultaneously expanding access through distance education.

Despite these constraints, historians point out that Unisa remained one of the few South African universities to enrol students of all races throughout apartheid, largely because its distance-learning model operated outside the traditional residential university system.

Over the decades, Unisa continued to adapt as South Africa underwent profound political change, from colonial rule and apartheid to democracy and the transformation of the country’s higher education sector.

One of the institution’s most significant milestones came on January 1, 2004, when it merged with Technikon South Africa and incorporated the distance education campus of Vista University.

The merger created the modern comprehensive university known today, bringing together three distinct institutional traditions: a traditional university, a technically focused technikon and a distance-learning institution that had primarily served Black township communities.

Manson says the university was also shaped by nationwide student movements demanding affordable and accessible higher education.

“These movements culminated in former President Jacob Zuma’s 2017 announcement introducing fee-free higher education for qualifying students. That decision reignited debate about the history of South African universities and the role they should play in a democratic society,” he says.

Announced on December 16, 2017, shortly before the ANC’s 54th National Conference, the policy committed the government to funding tuition, accommodation, meals and study materials through grants for qualifying students from households earning less than R350 000 annually.

The decision followed years of #FeesMustFall protests that swept across university campuses from 2015 and came despite the Heher Commission concluding that South Africa did not yet have the fiscal capacity to provide free higher education for all.

Today, Unisa remains one of South Africa’s most influential higher education institutions under the leadership of Principal and Vice-Chancellor Professor Puleng LenkaBula, who became the first woman to hold the position when she assumed office in January 2021.

In December 2024, the university's council reappointed her for a second five-year term, effective from January 1, 2026.

The university’s continental footprint also continues to expand. Its Ethiopia Regional Learning Centre in Addis Ababa, established in 2007, will have produced more than 1 160 graduates, including more than 600 doctoral graduates, by the end of 2025. Unisa has identified the centre as a strategic hub for further growth across Eastern Africa.

More than 150 years after its establishment, Unisa’s history mirrors South Africa’s own journey through colonialism, apartheid, democracy and transformation. From its beginnings as an examining body to its emergence as one of the world’s largest distance-learning institutions, the university has continually reinvented itself to meet changing educational needs.

As it looks to the future, Unisa faces the challenge of preserving its remarkable heritage while responding to the demands of a rapidly evolving higher education landscape.

For millions of alumni whose qualifications have unlocked careers, leadership opportunities and social mobility across Africa and beyond, the university’s enduring legacy is one of resilience, transformation and the life-changing power of education.

Sipho Jack is a journalist in the Department of Institutional Advancement.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

“Words & Nightmares” at Theatre on the Square is a highly recommended choice for anyone seeking a poignant show.

This production is written and performed by Seiphemo Motswiri, the multi-award-winning and internationally acclaimed theatre maker, and is directed by the inimitable Themba Mkhoma.

The narrative revolves around a journalist gathering accounts for his upcoming book on geopolitical conflicts. Throughout this process, he grapples with his personal demons while deeply empathising with the war victims whose stories he documents.

Through this journey, he confronts the devastating reality of conflict and the widespread helplessness it leaves behind. Ultimately, he must separate himself emotionally from the narratives to preserve an objective viewpoint.

This hard-hitting production invites the audience on an emotional rollercoaster, fostering deep empathy and encouraging thought-provoking narratives.

Where: Theatre on the Square.

When: Runs until July 26, 7.30pm. 

The Big Bad Musical

In this bold family courtroom musical comedy, young audiences witness the infamous Big Bad Wolf being hauled into the dock to face a class-action lawsuit brought by a collection of legendary storybook figures.

As such, a collection of legendary characters - including the Three Little Pigs, Little Red Riding Hood and her grandmother - unite in a legal quest to finally establish that the Big Bad Wolf is a public danger.

In the grandest legal proceeding the fairy-tale realm has ever witnessed, Judge Wise Old Man is tasked with hearing testimony from a series of witnesses, while the Fairy Godmother spearheads the prosecution.

Where: Roodepoort Theatre.

When: Runs until July 30. Times vary from 11am, 3pm and 7pm.

The Rocky Horror Show

If you are looking for a show that is pure escapism and a fun night out, then this iconic cult classic is for you. 

Under the direction of the incomparable Steven Stead, this production is brought to life by Pieter Toerien Productions in partnership with the Luitingh Alexander Musical Theatre Academy (LAMTA).

Stead expertly captures the untamed spirit, sharp wit, and rock 'n' roll defiance that have defined the show's international legacy for more than half a century.

Craig Urbani, an award-winning performer, returns to his celebrated role as Frank-N-Furter. The principal cast features Léa Blerk as Janet, Robert Everson as Riff, and Jasmine Minter as Magenta.

They are joined by Anna Olivier as Columbia, Anna Power as the narrator, Micah Stokajovic as Rocky, and Zak Hendrikz as Eddie and Dr Scott.

The production also boasts a distinguished ensemble, which includes Miguel de Sampaio, Tjaart van der Walt, Cleo Wesley, Alessia Gironi, Taya Pearson, Gabi Knight, and Sasha Duffy.

Theatregoers are in for a treat with this high-energy, polished production that combines a cast of eccentric characters with a legendary soundtrack for an evening of pure, uninhibited entertainment.

The show carries a PG16 age restriction. 

Where: Pieter Toerien’s Montecasino Theatre.

When: Runs until August 16, 7.30pm. Weekend times vary.

AFRIFORUM Youth has challenged Barbara Creecy, Minister of Transport, to retake the learner’s licence test given that the new computerised tests have seemingly made it impossible for young people to obtain a learner’s licence.

According to reports, the national pass rate for this test has dropped by almost 30% while some provinces have reported pass rates as low as 17%. AfriForum Youth believe the Minister should put her own knowledge of the rules of the road to the test to prove that this system is indeed fair.

Moreover, AfriForum Youth will take this test alongside the Minister to provide insights into the experiences of thousands of young people with the new system.

Hanno Koster, Youth Leader of AfriForum Youth, said any initiative aimed at eliminating corruption and improving the integrity of this testing process was a welcome development. However, the system must still ensure that a candidate’s knowledge of the rules of the road is genuinely tested, rather than testing their ability to interpret complicated or ambiguous questions.

Numerous young people who have approached AfriForum Youth about this issue claim that some questions are ambiguous and that, as a result, they had to take the learner’s licence test several times before eventually passing it.

“It is undoubtedly in the public interest to ensure that drivers have a thorough knowledge of the rules of the road. However, the alleged decline in pass rates raises valid questions about whether the current system is achieving its objectives without creating a range of obstacles for prospective drivers,” Koster said. “It is therefore important that the reasons for this apparent decline are clearly communicated, as well as the measures in place to ensure that the current system is fair, transparent and accessible.”

In its letter to the Minister, AfriForum Youth asked, among other things, about the updating and translation of the current study material; whether an independent investigation into the fail rates had been conducted; and whether the wording of certain questions might be unfairly disadvantaging competent candidates.

“For many young people, a learner’s licence is the first step they take towards accessing further training, pursuing employment opportunities and gaining independence.

“While we welcome measures that strengthen the integrity of the system, the public also deserves assurance that the system is fair, that the study material is adequate and that candidates are assessed within reasonable limits on the basis of their knowledge of the rules of the road,” Koster said.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

SOUTHERN Africa’s wine industry is one of the region’s most celebrated economic and cultural success stories. Yet behind its global accolades lies an uncomfortable truth: While women are central to the industry’s success, they remain largely excluded from its ownership, leadership, and wealth creation.

That imbalance is not only unjust — it is bad economics, especially for a region that urgently needs broader participation, stronger household incomes, and more inclusive engines of growth.

South Africa produces more than 960 million litres of wine annually, contributing between R55 billion and R60bn to the economy and supporting more than 270 000 jobs across agriculture, logistics, tourism, hospitality, exports, and retail. Across the broader Southern African region, the industry drives trade, jobs, and rural development.

Despite this immense value, women — particularly Black women — remain significantly under-represented in the boardrooms, ownership structures, and decision-making spaces that determine the industry’s future.

Across Southern Africa, women are central to the informal and formal economies: They run small businesses, sustain agricultural production, anchor families, and drive community resilience. When women are excluded from ownership in high-value industries such as wine, the region loses more than representation; it loses productivity, innovation, tax revenue, job creation, and the full economic power of half its population.

As the founder of LucMo Wines, a Black woman-owned wine brand based in Johannesburg with Afrocentric luxury wine dining experiences in Midrand and Muldisdrift, I have witnessed both the challenges and opportunities firsthand. Women’s participation in wine is not new. What remains rare is women’s ownership of wine businesses, vineyards, brands, and distribution networks.

That distinction matters.

Present in production, absent from power

Visit almost any vineyard or winery in Southern Africa and you will find women throughout the value chain. Women cultivate vines, manage harvests, oversee quality control, and contribute significantly to production.

Yet ownership remains concentrated elsewhere.

Ownership determines who controls resources, influences production decisions, benefits from exports, and builds generational wealth. Without greater ownership, women remain confined to the lower-value segments of the wine economy, regardless of how much they contribute to its success.

This is not a question of ability. Women have repeatedly demonstrated their capability as entrepreneurs, innovators, and business leaders.

The issue is access. Access to land. Access to finance. Access to distribution channels. Access to markets.

These are structural barriers that continue to limit women’s advancement within an industry that depends heavily on their labour and expertise.

The business case is clear

Expanding women’s ownership in the wine sector is not an act of charity or corporate goodwill. It is a sound economic investment — and part of the broader work of growing Southern Africa’s economies from the ground up.

Research consistently shows that women entrepreneurs are more likely to reinvest earnings into their families, communities and businesses. Women-led enterprises often place greater emphasis on sustainability, long-term value creation, and inclusive growth.

Women’s economic participation has a multiplier effect. When women earn more, own more, and lead more, income circulates through households, education, local suppliers, and community enterprises. In rural and agricultural economies, this can mean stronger food security, more stable livelihoods, and new opportunities for young people who might otherwise be excluded from formal economic pathways.

They also bring fresh perspectives to branding, consumer engagement, product innovation, and market development — precisely the qualities needed for a globally competitive industry.

Imagine the impact if even 10% more women became vineyard owners, wine producers, or brand founders. The result would be new businesses, expanded export opportunities, greater innovation and broader economic participation.

The benefits would extend far beyond the wine sector itself.

For Southern Africa, this is the deeper opportunity: Women’s leadership in wine can become a model for how the region unlocks growth across agriculture, tourism, manufacturing, exports, and creative industries.

The question is not whether women can contribute to economic growth. They already do. The question is whether our industries are willing to let women own, scale, and shape that growth.

The power of Representation

When I founded LucMo Wines in 2019, my vision was larger than producing exceptional wine.

I wanted to tell African stories through wine — stories of heritage, resilience, identity and ambition.

For too long, wine has been marketed primarily through a European lens. African producers have often been viewed only as suppliers rather than storytellers and brand builders. LucMo Wines seeks to challenge that narrative by placing African identity and excellence at the centre of the consumer experience.

Our mission rests on three pillars: reclaiming African storytelling in wine, creating pathways for women entrepreneurs, and building a globally competitive African wine brand.

Our journey demonstrates what becomes possible when women are given the opportunity to lead.

It should not be viewed as the exception. It should become the norm.

A moment for transformation

Southern Africa is actively pursuing inclusive economic growth, gender equality, and meaningful transformation. The wine industry cannot remain on the sidelines of that conversation.

If the sector is serious about inclusion, it must support practical measures that remove barriers to women’s participation as owners and leaders.

That means expanding access to financing for women entrepreneurs, accelerating land reform initiatives, strengthening procurement opportunities for women-led suppliers, creating mentorship networks, and providing greater visibility for women-owned brands in local and international markets.

Transformation cannot happen through rhetoric alone. It requires deliberate action.

The future tastes better when women lead

Women have always helped sustain Southern Africa’s wine industry. Now they must be empowered to help shape it.

The next chapter of the region’s wine story should include women not only as workers, but as founders, investors, exporters and industry leaders.

Because when women own more of the industry they help build, the benefits ripple through communities, economies and future generations.

The future of Southern African wine will be stronger, more innovative, and more inclusive when women are given a seat at the table — and ownership of what’s on it.

* Mmatlali Lucia Motloung, Founder & Group CEO, LucMo Wines. Motloung will be a guest speaker at the upcoming Women’s Month thought leadership event, on August 8 in Eswatini and August 22 in Johannesburg, on the role of women in growing Southern Africa’s economies, curated by The African Storyteller.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

There were winning starts for the Boland Kavaliers, Cheetahs, Sharks and Stormers XXIII in the opening round of the latest edition of the Currie Cup.

While the oldest domestic competition in South Africa had to take a back seat to the final Nations Championship Springbok Test in Durban, a number of impressive victories signalled that it will be a fiercely contested tournament this season.

On Sunday, in a muddy Wellington, the Kavaliers were almost their own worst enemies as they triumphed 24-10 over the visiting Bulls in an error-strewn encounter. While the home side, cheered on by a vociferous crowd in the Winelands, enjoyed plenty of possession and territory, they failed to make the most of it to put the Bulls away.

The rainy conditions did little to help, but both sides were also guilty of sloppy play in an ill-tempered match where referee Griffin Colby had his hands full. Knock-ons halted several promising opportunities, while poor discipline from both teams prevented the game from finding any real rhythm.

Both sides reverted to a forward-oriented battle, but the experience of the Boland pack ultimately carried them through. A powerful rolling maul at the death, one that will be spoken about for a while, resulted in a penalty try that sealed the victory.

“I have to give credit to our forwards for biting the bullet and they did well in the set piece and pick-and-go carries and those two maul tries we scored against a good Bulls team,” Boland head coach Hawies Fourie said afterwards

“The important thing was to maintain our discipline and we did not let other things affect us. It was important to concede less penalties than the Bulls. The conditions were difficult, but I am really proud of the efforts. We were maybe a bit overeager in the first half with risky passes but we can learn from that.”

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by The Currie Cup (@curriecupofficial)

In Bloemfontein, the Cheetahs XV had to dig deep against the Lions, with the lead changing hands several times before the hosts eventually emerged with a 29-27 win in a highly entertaining, albeit error-filled, contest.

Double World Cup winner Faf de Klerk starred for the Cheetahs with his quick service at the breakdown and trademark sniping runs. His livewire performance will certainly have caught the attention of the Springbok coaches.

It was a strong Lions side they faced, and visiting head coach Mziwakhe Nkosi will not have been pleased with his team’s opening performance. There will be plenty of introspection from the visitors ahead of their second outing.

“The result wasn’t what we wanted,” Nkosi said afterwards.

“But there is lots to take out of this game. In the second half, we fought back well, and our defence also improved. However, our ill-discipline was probably our downfall towards the end. We also missed a few opportunities to finish off entries into their 22m area.”

The Stormers XXIII were the surprise package on Friday evening as they beat reigning champions Griquas 25-19 in Cape Town. A last-gasp try sealed a famous victory for the Cape side, who will be delighted with the perfect start to their campaign. Their next assignment is a tough away clash against neighbours Boland in Wellington.

In the opening match of the weekend in Mbombela, the Sharks XV also produced an impressive display, beating the Pumas 26-24 to get their campaign off to a winning start.

Kurt-Lee Arendse put in another fine performance against Wales on Saturday to take another step closer to cementing his place in the Springbok starting XV ahead of Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry series next month.

The pacey winger scored a try in the 43-0 victory at Kings Park, underlining his eye for the tryline, but his overall play, especially under the high ball, was equally impressive.

With the race for places heating up among the Bok wingers, and perhaps only Cheslin Kolbe assured of his spot, Arendse knows it will take more strong performances to stay in contention for the Greatest Rivalry. Canan Moodie, Edwill van der Merwe, Ethan Hooker and Jaco Williams are the other speedsters contesting for a place.

“The Greatest Rivalry will be massive and to be part of it will be special,” the Paarl-born World Cup winner said.

“But to be honest, I still have a lot of work to do in terms of my game; under the high balls, on the attack, so that is what I will focus on. If I get the opportunity, I will look to grab it with both hands. Even if I am not part of it, I will still cheer the boys on. However, we will prepare well for it and ensure we are ready for the All Blacks.”

According to Arendse, the conditions were tough against Wales with the slippery ball, but they prepared well for what Durban threw at them.

While the Boks scored seven tries, their handling let them down, and a few good chances were squandered by dropped balls on the attack. Despite that, it was still a top performance considering they changed the team again and four players made their debuts.

“We adapted to what the conditions asked of us. It wasn’t ideal, though. We prepared well and made the ball wet during training sessions.

“Vusi (Moyo, flyhalf) also controlled the game really well, with Cobus (Reinach) on his inside and Damian (de Allende) and Jesse (Kriel) on his outside. They also helped him during the week. I am happy for him; he is a Springbok now and can take things further from this.”

The speedster has scored 25 tries in 32 Tests since making his debut and is one score away from equalling former Bok winger Breyton Paulse, who scored 26 in 64 matches. However, Arendse said he is not keeping track of his tries or chasing records.

He is happy whenever he can contribute to the side and will look to continue doing so whenever he is selected.

Siya Kolisi, Eben Etzebeth and Lood de Jager could all be back for the final Test against Argentina in a couple of weeks before the Springboks begin Rugby's Greatest Rivalry against the All Blacks.

With a few rest weekends ahead following an undefeated opening three rounds in the Nations Championship, Springbok head coach Rassie Erasmus and his management team will have the opportunity to reflect on a successful campaign while planning for the trip to South America in August.

The Boks defeated Wales 43-0 at Kings Park in Durban as four rookies made their Test debuts, and they all put their hands up for selection ahead of the New Zealand series. However, some stalwarts are expected to return for the Argentine clash, aiming to prove their readiness for international rugby after recovering from injury.

In the absence of Kolisi, Etzebeth, De Jager, Ox Nché, Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu and a host of other senior players through injury, the world champions still collected victories over England, Scotland and Wales to finish the opening block of the tournament at the top of the Southern Hemisphere log.

The focus will now shift to the Test against Los Pumas and the Greatest Rivalry series, with the Nations Championship scheduled to resume in November.

“If you look at the Championship, we collected 15 points, and we are at the top of the table after playing against England and Scotland, who are in the top five in the world,” Erasmus said.

“I have to be honest, we tried to build our player depth more than going for outright wins in the tournament. Obviously, we’ll park the tournament now and only play it in November again. A lot will happen between now and then. But we know we have plenty to fix.

“But to be honest, in the last few games, we haven’t selected our best 23 yet, and I’ve found out from experience that a year from a World Cup you must ensure you have depth until a fourth player per position. In that respect, we are happy with the three Tests and where we are.”

According to Erasmus, they managed to give every player in the squad, apart from those sidelined by injury, valuable game time against England, Scotland and Wales. Before that, the Barbarians also provided the Boks with a stern examination to open the international season.

The focus will now be on getting the returning players back up to Test-match intensity before the Greatest Rivalry Tour arrives on South African soil. Erasmus said several players seized their opportunities and that he was pleased with the talent the coaching staff had uncovered.

Paul de Villiers produced three outstanding performances at flank in the absence of Kolisi, while flyhalf Vusi Moyo, tighthead Carlu Sadie and winger Jaco Williams all impressed against Wales on Saturday.

“We managed to give every player some good opportunities (over the last three games),” Erasmus added.

“Yes, I said we are building towards the World Cup (in 2027), but we still have the Greatest Rivalry, and hopefully if the plans come together and we do well against Argentina, we will see some more players come through in that game.

“Siya will be back, Eben, Lood and Sacha as well. Ox won’t be back yet. Cobus (Reinach) played a good 40-plus minutes after his knee injury. Ethan Hooker and Morné van den Berg will also be back against Argentina, and we will put them to the test then.”

The South African Football Association (SAFA) constitution has been “weaponised” by those in power and must be overhauled to protect the integrity of the organisation, presidential candidate Sandile Zungu has claimed.

Speaking at the launch of his presidential campaign at Emperors Palace in Johannesburg on Saturday, the AmaZulu FC owner accused the current SAFA leadership of using the constitution against regions perceived to support rival factions.

“At the moment it is used as a weapon by those who are in charge, it is not right that on the eve of elections, certain regions are afraid of being dissolved or disbanded simply because they are seen to be aligned with a certain faction,” said Zungu.

The businessman said reviewing the association’s constitution would be one of his key priorities if elected president, arguing that it should serve South African football rather than the interests of those occupying office.

“We’ve got to revisit the constitution of SAFA, it may not be overnight but it needs to be revisited and ensure that the refined constitution lives beyond any incumbent,” he said.

Zungu stressed that constitutional reform would form part of a broader governance agenda aimed at making SAFA more transparent, accountable and stable.

His comments come as campaigning gathers pace ahead of SAFA’s elective congress, where delegates will choose the association’s next president and executive committee.

The AmaZulu FC boss has centred his campaign on improving governance, reviving school football and expanding opportunities in the women’s game, arguing that South African football needs structural reform to realise its full potential.

His latest criticism of the constitution is likely to intensify debate ahead of the elections, with Zungu maintaining that no region should fear sanctions or dissolution because of its perceived political alignment.

If elected, he says, his administration would begin reviewing the constitution to ensure it safeguards the organisation’s democratic processes and remains relevant long after the current leadership has left office.

If you’d like, I can also make it punchier in the style typically used for Independent Media’s online sports stories.

All eyes will be on the newly appointed Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) Ombudsman, led by retired Judge Takalani Raulinga, today as he outlines the steps he intends to take in response to the growing controversies surrounding the directorate.

Raulinga is expected to address the media following the latest revelations involving IDAC that emerged at the Madlanga Commission.

The commission heard this week that the entity, which falls under the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), allegedly exceeded its mandate by laying criminal charges against Crime Intelligence (CI) senior officials over matters that should have been dealt with through the South African Police Service's human resources (HR) processes.

Another controversy is that IDAC abandoned charging CI head General Dumisani Khumalo and Major-General Nosipho Madondo, Intelligence Analysis and Coordination head, after they had submitted themselves at the Brooklyn police station in Pretoria on June 27. 

Responding to questions about Raulinga's plans regarding allegations that IDAC has been using state resources to settle scores against CI, the Ombudsman's spokesperson, Max Mpuzana, said the matter would be addressed during the media briefing today.

He said the briefing, scheduled for 12.30pm in Pretoria, would be Raulinga's first opportunity to address the nation since assuming office.

“We don’t want to pre-empt ourselves, as it would not be prudent for him to speak even before that briefing,” said Mpuzana.

Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development (DoJCD) announced that the Ombudsman will investigate allegations of abuse of power, improper conduct, maladministration, and related complaints against IDAC.

IDAC’s alleged misconduct relates to laying criminal charges against Khumalo and Madondo for the employment of Brigadier Dineo Mokwele as CI’s technical support services head.  

NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago said the Ombudsman’s establishment, which was in March, had nothing to do with the controversies involving IDAC and CI. 

“On July 10, we announced where the public can find it; therefore, at that time, there was nothing at the Madlanga.

“People must not think we are doing this to respond to what is happening now,” he said.

He said NPA head Advocate Andy Mothibi said on July 10 that he was reviewing all cases related to CI. 

Those who might have damaged IDAC’s reputation include its head Advocate, Andrea Johnson, and its senior investigator, Brian Padayachee. Padayachee testified this week at the Madlanga Commission.

Johnson is yet to testify after her appearance was delayed due to her hospitalisation. 

The alleged IDAC’s misconduct was exposed when the Madlanga Commission was probing Padayachee regarding Mokwele’s employment. 

IDAC charged Mokwele with allegations that she was employed in the position without police experience.

Khumalo and Madondo, together with other senior police officers, were also charged with the same matter, but the Pretoria Magistrate's Court released them on bail on June 27, 2026, after concluding that the NPA had no convincing case against them. 

Police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe told the media that CI employed Mokwele after the police’s human resources management had verified her qualifications, which are a National Diploma in Mega mechatronics engineering and a B-Tech Degree in industrial engineering, with the South African Qualifications Authority.  

After scrutinising Padayachee over Mokwele’s appointment, the commission remarked that this matter should have been handled by the SAPS HR.   

The Police Portfolio Committee expressed concern over the alleged IDAC misbehaviour, but it said it will remain neutral. 

“The committee takes the allegations raised before the Madlanga Commission seriously,” said Chairperson Ian Cameron.

The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development Chairperson Xola Nqola did not respond.

Cameron said the issues raised in the commission would be addressed as soon as Parliament returns from its recess.

President Cyril Ramaphosa, Mothibi, and Kubayi have expressed concern about IDAC’s alleged misconduct. 

Cameron said it would be premature to conclude that IDAC acted in a rogue manner in laying the charges, as these would be serious characterisations that need verified evidence, “and tested through the appropriate legal and institutional processes”. 

“Any concerns raised by the National Director of Public Prosecutions, the Minister of Justice, the Presidency, or other institutions should be properly documented and placed before the relevant oversight, judicial, or disciplinary processes. Conflicting accounts must be tested objectively,” said Cameron.

In a joint statement released Friday, Kubayi and Mothibi, who met Johnson over the Madlanga issue on Friday afternoon, urged the public to continue supporting IDAC, whose reputation has already been tainted, “as no one is bigger than the organisation they serve”. 

“This has raised serious credibility concerns and has visibly impacted public trust in the IDAC operations. This has compelled the Minister and the NDPP to meet urgently with the IDAC Investigating Director to address these concerns and formulate practical solutions that will build public trust in institutions of government that are entrusted to deal with criminality,” read the statement.

Kganyago declined to reveal what Kubayi and Mothibi discussed with Johnson on Friday.

Kubayi and Mothibi said they would address the IDAC matter without interfering with the commission’s processes.

A few months ago, KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi told the Ad Hoc Committee that IDAC arrested Khumalo and other CI senior members to thwart a police investigation into R90 million corruption in Gauteng, but disguised it as a matter related to Mokwele’s employment.  

Crime and security expert Mike Bolhuis expressed concern about division among state law enforcement agencies.

In the allegations that IDAC was trying to prevent an investigation against its members, Bolhuis said: “If you have a concern to be investigated, you should be an open book.

“Whether it is an investigation or a lifestyle audit, it must be under scrutiny because the public needs to see an open book and transparency. I have no problem with IDAC, as I see them as a solution, but they must be open for any form of scrutiny.” 

Thousands of migrant workers have allegedly lost their jobs, businesses are reporting growing shortages of skilled labour, and parts of the country's transport and agricultural sectors say they are beginning to feel the economic effects of South Africa's anti-illegal immigration campaign, weeks after protests demanding the removal of undocumented foreign nationals swept across the country.

What started as isolated demonstrations in May gathered momentum ahead of the self-imposed June 30 deadline set by anti-illegal immigration groups such as March and March and the Labour and Civic Organisation (LACO), which demanded undocumented foreign nationals leave South Africa.

Since then, protests have continued across parts of Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, and the Western Cape, with Cape Town becoming a focal point for demonstrations targeting foreign-owned spaza shops, traders, and businesses accused of employing undocumented migrants.

While LACO has maintained that its campaign aims to create employment opportunities for unemployed South Africans, there is little independent evidence that the jobs vacated by foreign nationals are being filled by locals.

Recent fact-checking by Africa Check also found no evidence to support claims that removing undocumented migrants would automatically reduce unemployment or create jobs on a significant scale.

Instead, labour organisations say employers have increasingly used the anti-illegal migrant climate to dismiss workers, while businesses are now grappling with shortages of experienced labour.

The Casual Workers Advice Office (CWAO) said dismissals began before the nationwide protests reached their peak. Through its Simunye Workers Forum, the organisation documented cases involving workers at Harvest Fresh Farms, Sunshine Plastics, Fortune Plastics, ZGG Farms, and Guard Master/Wire Ventures, where migrant workers from Malawi, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, and Mozambique allegedly lost their jobs or were told not to return to work.

CWAO organiser Andile Nyembezi said the organisation has now received an estimated 3,000 reports of dismissals, intimidation, and workplace discrimination, up from about 1,500 cases reported earlier this month.

"As we speak, we are still receiving new dismissals. Workers come into our offices every day. We estimate the number has now doubled to around 3,000," he said.

Nyembezi said agriculture, plastics, and recycling had emerged as some of the hardest-hit sectors.

"The farming industry has been heavily affected because workers live where they work. When they lose their jobs, they also lose their homes."

He accused some employers of using immigration enforcement as an excuse to remove workers after employing them for years.

"Instead of helping workers regularise their status after benefiting from their labour, employers are simply dismissing them. If someone has worked for you for 15 years and you suddenly call the police because they don't have papers, then both the employer and employee should be held accountable."

He said the impact extended beyond workplaces, with migrant workers facing eviction from homes and communities.

"Women, including pregnant women, children, and migrant workers, have been tied up with ropes and dragged from homes and workplaces. It has been a rough period for African migrant workers."

Some sectors now say they are beginning to feel the economic consequences of the departures.

The impact of the campaign is also being felt in farming communities and townships, where some South Africans say the departure of migrant workers and business owners has had unintended consequences.

Patricia Jansen, not her real name, a seasonal farm worker from De Doorns in the Western Cape, said several foreign nationals who lived and worked alongside her decided to leave the area despite having valid documentation because they feared becoming targets.

"They were scared. Even those who had the correct papers no longer felt safe staying here," she said.

Jansen said many of the workers had become part of the community over the years and their departure had affected both households and local businesses.

"They are our brothers and sisters. We worked together and looked after one another. I'm disappointed by what has happened."

KwaZulu-Natal sugarcane farmers have warned publicly that experienced cane cutters are becoming increasingly difficult to replace, while organisations representing women farm workers have cautioned that agriculture has long depended on migrant labour.

SANTACO KwaZulu-Natal office manager Sfiso Shangase said some taxi operators had already reported lower passenger numbers.

"The departure of foreign nationals has had an economic impact on the transportation industry because some of them used our vehicles to travel to their respective destinations," he said.

Shangase added that operators were also struggling to find skilled artisans to repair vehicles.

"Many foreign nationals had these skills. There are still some available, but prices are now higher and turnaround times are longer because there are fewer people."

CODETA chairperson Nceba Enge said commuter numbers in Cape Town had remained largely unchanged but acknowledged the shortage of specialist skills.

"There were people making seat covers for taxis and others who were skilled auto electricians. We now struggle to find someone to repair our vehicles immediately," he said.

The campaign has continued to evolve across several provinces. In Gauteng, anti-illegal immigration groups have targeted factories, farms, and businesses accused of employing undocumented foreign nationals, while labour organisations say many of the dismissals they have documented have occurred in the province.

In KwaZulu-Natal, protests have spread through parts of Durban and the North Coast, where some sugarcane farmers have warned that the loss of experienced migrant workers is beginning to affect harvesting operations.

In the Western Cape, demonstrations have focused largely on undocumented traders and foreign-owned spaza shops.

LACO has staged a series of protests outside businesses and public facilities, arguing that employment opportunities should be reserved for South Africans and calling for tighter controls over informal trading permits issued by the City of Cape Town.

The developments come as the government is trying to increase support for South African-owned township businesses through the Department of Trade, Industry and Competition's R500 million Spaza Shop Support Fund.

The fund, launched earlier this year, is intended to help qualifying South African-owned spaza shops and convenience stores expand through grants, loans, infrastructure improvements, business training and wholesale partnerships.

By the end of May, more than 2,300 applications had been approved, with support valued at almost R180 million, although officials have acknowledged that much of the funding has yet to be disbursed.

The government has argued that the programme forms part of a broader strategy to strengthen township economies while ensuring that local businesses become more competitive.

At the same time, the Department of Home Affairs and the Border Management Authority have continued nationwide operations targeting undocumented foreign nationals.

Thousands of people have been processed through the Musina Repatriation Centre and returned to neighbouring countries in recent weeks as immigration enforcement has intensified.

Authorities have repeatedly stressed that while immigration laws will continue to be enforced, communities should not take the law into their own hands or target people based on nationality.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

AmaZulu FC owner Sandile Zungu has launched his campaign to become the next president of the South African Football Association (Safa), promising to restore ambition, improve governance and rebuild the foundations of South African football.

He will rival Danny Jordaan, who will be running for his fourth term, in the elections set to take place in September.

Zungu officially launched his campaign at Emperors Palace on Saturday, with leaders from various Safa regions attending the event in Johannesburg.

The businessman believes South African football has lost its ability to dream and needs a clear vision for the future.

“For me it’s important to sell a vision for the future of Safa because that’s where the biggest challenge is, that we’ve stopped dreaming and we’ve been sucked into the present fighting over things that don’t build us,” Zungu said.

Zungu identified the revival of school football, the growth of women’s football and improved governance as the key pillars of his campaign.

“There is no doubt in my mind that the future of South African football lies in reviving school football, it lies in understanding the full potential of women in football and supporting their endeavours and it also lies in us fixing governance and becoming a lot more accountable,” he added.

Former Bafana Bafana captain Lucas Radebe was among those present at the launch after withdrawing from the presidential race and backing Zungu’s campaign.

Radebe’s support has added further credibility to Zungu’s challenge, with the former Leeds United defender regarded as one of South Africa’s most respected football figures.

Zungu believes football legends have an important role to play in restoring belief and reconnecting the game with supporters.

“The importance of legends is very important because these are people that have played the game, inspired communities and a lot of the players that are playing now, they’re a huge part of restoring enthusiasm and therefore cannot be left behind,” he said.

“The presence of Lucas Radebe embodies us, it’s a shot in the arm because when I spoke to him he said he only supports the best and for him to regard our administration as that fills us with humility and spirit.”

Safa Cape Town chairperson Bennett Bailey, who had also entered the presidential race before stepping aside, explained why he decided to support Zungu.

Bailey said he initially entered the race because he believed change was needed within the association, but was convinced by Zungu’s vision.

“I picked my hand up because I thought we needed change and I have a track record that proves I can with my own region, but when Zungu came through, I felt that was a man I can support,” he said.

“He spoke about the importance of schools football amongst other things and that’s one thing I firmly believe in as well because it covers various other factors as well in football.”

Zungu’s campaign has received further momentum following the backing of Bailey and Radebe, with the businessman now tasked with convincing Safa delegates that his vision represents the change required to take South African football forward.

All ears will be on the newly appointed Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) Ombudsman, led by Retired Judge Takalani Raulinga, on Sunday, to hear what steps will be taken on IDAC’s multiplying controversies.

Raulinga will address the media following IDAC’s latest controversy, revealed at the Madlanga Commission.

The commission heard this week that the entity, which falls under the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), has overstepped its mark by laying criminal charges against Crime Intelligence (CI) bosses for matters that should have been handled by the police’s human resources (HR). 

Another controversy is that IDAC abandoned charging CI head General Dumisani Khumalo and Major-General Nosipho Madondo, Intelligence Analysis and Coordination head, after they had submitted themselves at the Brooklyn police station in Pretoria on June 27. 

Raulinga's spokesperson, Max Mpuzana, responded to enquiries about what Raulinga was doing regarding what appears to be IDAC utilising state resources to settle scores against CI by saying that all will be discussed during the media briefing.

He said the briefing, which would be Raulinga’s first platform to address the nation about his new responsibility, would be in Pretoria at 12.30 pm. 

“We don’t want to pre-empt ourselves, as it would not be prudent for him to speak even before that briefing,” said Mpuzana.

Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development (DoJCD) announced that the Ombudsman will investigate allegations of abuse of power, improper conduct, maladministration, and related complaints against IDAC.

IDAC’s alleged misconduct relates to laying criminal charges against Khumalo and Madondo for the employment of Brigadier Dineo Mokwele as CI’s technical support services head.  

NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago said the Ombudsman’s establishment, which was in March, had nothing to do with the controversies involving IDAC and CI. 

“On July 10, we announced where the public can find it; therefore, at that time, there was nothing at the Madlanga.

“People must not think we are doing this to respond to what is happening now,” he said.

He said NPA head Advocate Andy Mothibi said on July 10 that he was reviewing all cases related to CI. 

Those who might have damaged IDAC’s reputation include its head Advocate, Andrea Johnson, and its senior investigator, Brian Padayachee, who testified this week at the Madlanga Commission.

Johnson is yet to testify after her appearance was delayed due to her hospitalisation. 

The alleged IDAC’s misconduct was exposed when the Madlanga Commission was probing Padayachee regarding Mokwele’s employment. 

IDAC charged Mokwele with allegations that she was employed in the position without police experience.

Khumalo and Madondo, together with other senior police officers, were also charged with the same matter, but the Pretoria Magistrate's Court released them on bail on June 27, 2026, after concluding that the NPA had no convincing case against them. 

Police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe told the media that CI employed Mokwele after the police’s human resources management had verified her qualifications, which are a National Diploma in Mega mechatronics engineering and a B-Tech Degree in industrial engineering, with the South African Qualifications Authority.  

After scrutinising Padayachee over Mokwele’s appointment, the commission remarked that this matter should have been handled by the SAPS HR.   

The Police Portfolio Committee expressed concern over the alleged IDAC misbehaviour, but it said it will remain neutral. 

“The committee takes the allegations raised before the Madlanga Commission seriously,” said Chairperson Ian Cameron.

The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development Chairperson Xola Nqola did not respond.

Cameron said the issues raised in the commission would be addressed as soon as Parliament returns from its recess.

President Cyril Ramaphosa, Mothibi, and Kubayi have expressed concern about IDAC’s alleged misconduct. 

Cameron said it would be premature to conclude that IDAC acted in a rogue manner in laying the charges, as these would be serious characterisations that need verified evidence, “and tested through the appropriate legal and institutional processes”. 

“Any concerns raised by the National Director of Public Prosecutions, the Minister of Justice, the Presidency, or other institutions should be properly documented and placed before the relevant oversight, judicial, or disciplinary processes. Conflicting accounts must be tested objectively,” said Cameron.

In a joint statement released Friday, Kubayi and Mothibi, who met Johnson over the Madlanga issue on Friday afternoon, urged the public to continue supporting IDAC, whose reputation has already been tainted, “as no one is bigger than the organisation they serve”. 

“This has raised serious credibility concerns and has visibly impacted public trust in the IDAC operations. This has compelled the Minister and the NDPP to meet urgently with the IDAC Investigating Director to address these concerns and formulate practical solutions that will build public trust in institutions of government that are entrusted to deal with criminality,” read the statement.

Kganyago declined to reveal what Kubayi and Mothibi discussed with Johnson on Friday.

Kubayi and Mothibi said they would address the IDAC matter without interfering with the commission’s processes.

A few months ago, KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi told the Ad Hoc Committee that IDAC arrested Khumalo and other CI senior members to thwart a police investigation into R90 million corruption in Gauteng, but disguised it as a matter related to Mokwele’s employment.  

Crime and security expert Mike Bolhuis expressed concern about division among state law enforcement agencies.

In the allegations that IDAC was trying to prevent an investigation against its members, Bolhuis said: “If you have a concern to be investigated, you should be an open book.

“Whether it is an investigation or a lifestyle audit, it must be under scrutiny because the public needs to see an open book and transparency. I have no problem with IDAC, as I see them as a solution, but they must be open for any form of scrutiny.” 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za   

All ears will be on the newly appointed Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) Ombudsman, led by Retired Judge Takalani Raulinga, on Sunday, to hear what steps will be taken on IDAC’s multiplying controversies.

Raulinga will address the media following IDAC’s latest controversy, revealed at the Madlanga Commission.

The commission heard this week that the entity, which falls under the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), has overstepped its mark by laying criminal charges against Crime Intelligence (CI) bosses for matters that should have been handled by the police’s human resources (HR). 

Another controversy is that IDAC abandoned charging CI head General Dumisani Khumalo and Major-General Nosipho Madondo, Intelligence Analysis and Coordination head, after they had submitted themselves at the Brooklyn police station in Pretoria on June 27. 

Raulinga's spokesperson, Max Mpuzana, responded to enquiries about what Raulinga was doing regarding what appears to be IDAC utilising state resources to settle scores against CI by saying that all will be discussed during the media briefing.

He said the briefing, which would be Raulinga’s first platform to address the nation about his new responsibility, would be in Pretoria at 12.30 pm. 

“We don’t want to pre-empt ourselves, as it would not be prudent for him to speak even before that briefing,” said Mpuzana.

Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development (DoJCD) announced that the Ombudsman will investigate allegations of abuse of power, improper conduct, maladministration, and related complaints against IDAC.

IDAC’s alleged misconduct relates to laying criminal charges against Khumalo and Madondo for the employment of Brigadier Dineo Mokwele as CI’s technical support services head.  

NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago said the Ombudsman’s establishment, which was in March, had nothing to do with the controversies involving IDAC and CI. 

“On July 10, we announced where the public can find it; therefore, at that time, there was nothing at the Madlanga.

“People must not think we are doing this to respond to what is happening now,” he said.

He said NPA head Advocate Andy Mothibi said on July 10 that he was reviewing all cases related to CI. 

Those who might have damaged IDAC’s reputation include its head Advocate, Andrea Johnson, and its senior investigator, Brian Padayachee, who testified this week at the Madlanga Commission.

Johnson is yet to testify after her appearance was delayed due to her hospitalisation. 

The alleged IDAC’s misconduct was exposed when the Madlanga Commission was probing Padayachee regarding Mokwele’s employment. 

IDAC charged Mokwele with allegations that she was employed in the position without police experience.

Khumalo and Madondo, together with other senior police officers, were also charged with the same matter, but the Pretoria Magistrate's Court released them on bail on June 27, 2026, after concluding that the NPA had no convincing case against them. 

Police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe told the media that CI employed Mokwele after the police’s human resources management had verified her qualifications, which are a National Diploma in Mega mechatronics engineering and a B-Tech Degree in industrial engineering, with the South African Qualifications Authority.  

After scrutinising Padayachee over Mokwele’s appointment, the commission remarked that this matter should have been handled by the SAPS HR.   

The Police Portfolio Committee expressed concern over the alleged IDAC misbehaviour, but it said it will remain neutral. 

“The committee takes the allegations raised before the Madlanga Commission seriously,” said Chairperson Ian Cameron.

The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development Chairperson Xola Nqola did not respond.

Cameron said the issues raised in the commission would be addressed as soon as Parliament returns from its recess.

President Cyril Ramaphosa, Mothibi, and Kubayi have expressed concern about IDAC’s alleged misconduct. 

Cameron said it would be premature to conclude that IDAC acted in a rogue manner in laying the charges, as these would be serious characterisations that need verified evidence, “and tested through the appropriate legal and institutional processes”. 

“Any concerns raised by the National Director of Public Prosecutions, the Minister of Justice, the Presidency, or other institutions should be properly documented and placed before the relevant oversight, judicial, or disciplinary processes. Conflicting accounts must be tested objectively,” said Cameron.

In a joint statement released Friday, Kubayi and Mothibi, who met Johnson over the Madlanga issue on Friday afternoon, urged the public to continue supporting IDAC, whose reputation has already been tainted, “as no one is bigger than the organisation they serve”. 

“This has raised serious credibility concerns and has visibly impacted public trust in the IDAC operations. This has compelled the Minister and the NDPP to meet urgently with the IDAC Investigating Director to address these concerns and formulate practical solutions that will build public trust in institutions of government that are entrusted to deal with criminality,” read the statement.

Kganyago declined to reveal what Kubayi and Mothibi discussed with Johnson on Friday.

Kubayi and Mothibi said they would address the IDAC matter without interfering with the commission’s processes.

A few months ago, KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi told the Ad Hoc Committee that IDAC arrested Khumalo and other CI senior members to thwart a police investigation into R90 million corruption in Gauteng, but disguised it as a matter related to Mokwele’s employment.  

Crime and security expert Mike Bolhuis expressed concern about division among state law enforcement agencies.

In the allegations that IDAC was trying to prevent an investigation against its members, Bolhuis said: “If you have a concern to be investigated, you should be an open book.

“Whether it is an investigation or a lifestyle audit, it must be under scrutiny because the public needs to see an open book and transparency. I have no problem with IDAC, as I see them as a solution, but they must be open for any form of scrutiny.” 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za   

The release of the 2026 Judiciary Conference’s resolutions that magistrates should migrate to the Office of the Chief Justice (OCJ) has been welcomed, as stakeholders feel that, under the Department of Justice (DoJ), magistrates are not completely independent of the Cabinet. 

Currently, magistrates report to the DoJ, which provides them with administrative support, budgets, and staffing. They have been complaining about inferior treatment compared to judges. 

During their conference held in Durban between Monday and Thursday, the officers resolved that there should be a speedy creation of a single judiciary system in which magistrates would join judges in reporting directly to the OCJ. 

The recommendations were first adopted by the 2023 conference. 

Judges Action Group (JAG) welcomed the resolution, saying this would enhance institutional independence. 

JAG coordinator Rohan Roopnarian said although magistrates exercise their authority under Section 165 of the Constitution, they are still dependent on DoJ administrative support, budgets, staffing, and many employment matters. 

“This creates the perception that magistrates are part of the public service rather than an independent branch of government,” said Roopnarian. 

Section 165 states that courts have judicial power to function entirely independently and must apply the law impartially, without fear, favour, or prejudice.

According to JAG, magistrate court buildings lack maintenance, court rooms, and magistrates’ offices have no air-conditioners and libraries are outdated while the Information Technology (IT) system is “useless”. 

“This hampers our ability to conduct research, and we literally have to beg the DoJ for anything we require,” Roopnarian said.

A few months ago, magistrates in some parts of the country picketed against their working conditions and remuneration, and raised concerns about being deprived of benefits enjoyed by their senior colleagues, such as official vehicles, petrol cards, tax rebates, spousal benefits, travel, housing, entertainment, and medical aid. 

Roopnarian said if magistrates were moved to the OCJ, they would reasonably expect to enjoy “greater” judicial independence, have improved research support, better judicial training, greater input into court administration, access to judicial Information and Communications Technology systems, and more consistent judicial governance support services. 

However, JAG is not optimistic that moving magistrates to the OCJ would automatically improve their salaries and give them benefits similar to those of judges because “those matters are governed by different constitutional and legislative frameworks”.  

Magistrates expect that under a single judiciary system, all judicial officers would enjoy the same salary scales, pension benefits, medical aid arrangements, leave benefits, vehicle allowances, housing, and relocation benefits. 

JAG said moving magistrates to the same stable as judges would require amendments to the Magistrates Act and possible amendments to the Judges' Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Act or the creation of new legislation covering all judicial officers. 

“Establishment of an independent remuneration commission for the judiciary (as contemplated in Resolution 2.1 of the 2026 Judiciary Conference), reform of pension and medical aid arrangements, decisions on security of tenure, and other conditions of service,” said Roopnarian. 

Resolution 2.1 states that the salaries, allowances, and benefits of judicial officers should be dealt with through an independent statutory body specifically suited to the constitutional position of the judiciary. 

“The judiciary should continue engagement with the Executive on the establishment of such a body,” read the resolution.  

Roopnarian said magistrates would potentially benefit under a genuinely single judiciary in which all judicial officers are governed under a unified constitutional and legislative framework. 

“However, the current draft does not expressly provide that magistrates will receive the same remuneration and benefits as judges. That would require additional policy decisions and legislative changes beyond the transfer itself,” he said.

DoJ spokesperson Palesa Rammitlwa has not responded despite acknowledging questions sent to her on Friday.

Judicial Officers Alliance of South Africa (JASA) President Neelan Karikan said moving the magistrates from the DoJ would strengthen judicial independence. 

“Integration under the Chief Justice would foster unified governance, norms, and standards across all courts.  

“Enhance accountability mechanisms while protecting judicial officers from undue external influence and improving resource allocation, training, and operational efficiency, directly benefiting the thousands of cases magistrates handle daily,” said Karikan.

He said this possible reform aligns with JASA's longstanding advocacy for systemic change. 

“The transition represents a progressive step toward a judiciary-led administration model that better serves the public by bringing justice closer to communities,” he said.

JASA is unhappy with the decision to place entry-level magistrates’ annual salaries at approximately R1.2 million and senior magistrates’ between R1.3 million and R1.7 million per annum while working under demanding conditions, including managing high caseloads in often under-resourced courts. 

Karikan said magistrates deal with criminal, civil, family, and regional matters. “Benefits typically include pension contributions, medical aid subsidies, and limited allowances, but these fall short of those enjoyed by superior court judges,” he said.

In the resolution, which Deputy Chief Justice Dunstan Mlambo read during a media briefing on Thursday afternoon, judicial officers want the issue of their salaries, allowances, and benefits to be dealt with through an independent statutory body specifically suited to the constitutional position of the judiciary.

The “judiciary should continue engagement with the Executive on the establishment of such a body,” read the resolutions. 

Judicial officers also called for the modernisation of their operations, including being equipped with artificial intelligence (AI) to enhance access to justice.

They said to mitigate the risk of AI in justice administration, its development and use must be governed by the judiciary “to safeguard judicial independence, constitutional values, and public confidence”. 

They have called for the Judiciary Administration and Information Technology Steering Committee to finalise the Draft Policy on AI. 

“The Draft AI Policy should clearly define the distinction between administrative and adjudicative functions by articulating, with greater specificity, the permissible and prohibited uses of AI, to safeguard confidentiality, the integrity of the administration of justice, and provide certainty to judicial officers. 

“The judiciary should retain ownership and governance over the development, procurement and use of AI systems to ensure that human oversight, judicial reasoning and judicial determination remain central to their use, and that training data and data inputs reflect South Africa's constitutional values and transformative jurisprudence,” read the resolution.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

Professional bodies of medical practitioners have expressed serious concerns about the questionable medical certificates presented to the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry.

This comes after the medical certificate submitted by Investigative Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Andrea Johnson was scrutinised when she did not make a scheduled appearance on Monday after she was reportedly rushed to hospital, prompting the postponement of her hearing.

The commission also heard that businessman Suliman Carrim, who was meant to appear this week, was reportedly seen at a Western Cape shopping mall despite submitting medical certificates.

Other witnesses who submitted medical certificates when they were due to appear included alleged political fixer Brown Mogotsi and Crime Intelligence’s Feroz Khan, among others.

The commission’s Chairperson, Mbuyiseli Madlanga, expressed concern that the medical certificates provided no meaningful details.

“I notice that this is one of those medical certificates, the nature of which, I previously said, is useless in the sense that they give no information whatsoever,” he said this week when commenting on Johnson’s.

The commission has previously indicated that it may subpoena doctors to come and explain whether a witness was ill.

The Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA) spokesperson, Priscilla Sekhonyana, said on Saturday that they noted the public discourse around medical certificates.

Sekhonyana said concerns around dubious medical certificates were not new, as about 2% of all complaints lodged against medical practitioners arise from allegations of fraudulent or insufficiently detailed medical certificates.

“However, the conduct of most registered practitioners is overwhelmingly professional and ethical, and consistent with the professional practice guidelines and ethical standards approved by council in terms of its mandate to protect the public and guide the professions,” she said.

The HPCSA’s annual report for 2024/25 shows that out of 2,255 complaints received in the year under review, only 31 (1.4%) related to medical certificates.

South African Medical Association Chairperson, Mvuyisi Mzukwa, said they were not happy to see incidents where their profession was dragged down because of certain individuals in the profession.

“It is a serious matter we don't take lightly. We also recognise there might be isolated incidents where you find that there are abuses of medical certificates, which is unfortunate.

“We know that a majority of doctors in South Africa do their work professionally and do their work ethically,” he added.

HPCSA head of Core Operations, David Mametja, said practitioners registered with the council were meant to conduct themselves ethically and professionally with a level of satisfactory integrity.

Mametja stated that before a certificate was issued, there must be consultation, diagnosis, and determination of the health condition of the patient, whether he or she was unfit to go to work.

“That certificate has to reflect important information about the practitioner himself or herself, not just the names but the registration number with the council that confirms they are legitimate practitioners and assist in weeding out bogus practitioners,” he said.

Mametja also said a recipient of a medical certificate has the right to reject it, but the rejection has to be based on justifiable reasons.

“We believe that there is no harm in the employer or recipient requesting the patient to indicate to the practitioner that that kind of information should be provided, although it is always subject to the patient's consent.”

Mzukwa said they respected the concerns raised by the Madlanga Commission and that they supported accountability across sectors, including the medical profession.

“SAMA is a voluntary medical association and is not a regulatory body. Our responsibility as SAMA is really to promote ethics and professionalism within our members,” he said.

Sekhonyela said the HPCSA has a well-established process for investigating and adjudicating all complaints alleging unethical conduct.

“It also has a framework for disciplining practitioners found guilty of contravening the applicable professional and ethical guidelines.”

She also said they noted public discussion regarding the potential issuance of subpoenas to registered health practitioners, requiring them to give evidence in legal proceedings and commissions of inquiry concerning medical certificates they have issued to patients.

“Registered practitioners are expected to comply with lawful subpoenas and other legal processes,” she said, adding that practitioners may be legally required to confirm authenticity without necessarily requiring disclosure of that clinical information. 

“However, where disclosure of clinical information is lawfully required, it should be limited to what is necessary and relevant to the proceedings, with the patient's dignity and privacy preserved. In the absence of informed consent, practitioners may only disclose confidential patient information when directed to do so by a court order or pursuant to a lawful order issued by a competent authority,” said Sekhonyela.

The South African Medical Association Trade Union (SAMATU) said patient confidentiality is a cornerstone of good medical practice. 

SAMATU President Tshilidzi Sadiki said the correct approach was to respect the legal process while ensuring that patient privacy was protected as far as the law permits.

“That balance is very important or is essential to maintaining both the public confidence in the justice system and in our belief, the important factor, the trust in the doctor-patient relationship,” Tshilidzi said. 

Warrant Officer Mbongeleni Felix Mpangase came under sustained questioning at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry on Friday as commissioners accused him of making false or misleading entries in official records linked to the seizure of 27kg of cocaine.

Mpangase, who was attached to the Hawks' Serious Organised Crime Investigation Unit in Durban during the June 2021 operation and is now investigating cold cases in Pietermaritzburg, denied deliberately misleading the commission, insisting that any omissions or inaccuracies in his statements were mistakes rather than intentional misrepresentations.

The afternoon session followed his earlier evidence in which he admitted he had no previous experience of large-scale container drug interceptions, despite being assigned to the June 2021 operation that uncovered the cocaine concealed in a shipping container.

The commission is investigating the disappearance of cocaine from the Hawks' evidence store in Port Shepstone after the drugs were seized at the CHS depot in Isipingo.

One of the sharpest exchanges centred on an entry Mpangase made when the cocaine was booked out of the SAPS 13 register at Isipingo police station.

The register recorded that the exhibits were being removed "for investigation", yet commissioners pointed out that Mpangase already knew the drugs were not leaving for forensic analysis; instead, they were being transported to the Hawks' offices in Port Shepstone for storage.

Co-Commissioner Sesi Baloyi said the entry created a misleading record. "You took them out. You signed them out. You say they are going for analysis. We know that was not true. They were going somewhere else for storage," she told the witness.

Mpangase maintained that he completed the register as he normally would. "There was no reason for me to put that. It was the way we normally do things. Just take them out and write 'for investigation'," he said.

Chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga was unconvinced. "The effect of that, or the essence of that, is that you made a false entry, knowing it to be false," Madlanga said.

Commissioners also scrutinised Mpangase's investigation diary after it emerged that it contained an inspection entry apparently written and signed by Lieutenant Colonel Gavin Jacob on June 23, 2021, despite both officers maintaining Jacob had resumed leave and was not at work that day.

Asked how Jacob could have written in his diary while on leave, Mpangase responded: "I don't have a clue."

He later suggested Jacob may have backdated the entry after returning from leave, a possibility Madlanga questioned because the dates did not align with the chronology of other entries in the diary.

The questioning then widened to include several contradictions between Mpangase's evidence and that of Jacob and other officers involved in the operation.

Baloyi challenged Mpangase's claim that three police officers observed the search of the shipping container, pointing out that their own affidavits, as well as Jacob's evidence, indicated they arrived only after the cocaine had already been discovered to assist with transporting the exhibits.

"You then recorded a falsehood. You recorded something that did not happen," Baloyi said after reading portions of Sergeant Govender's statement.

"I dispute that," Mpangase replied.

Further inconsistencies emerged over who held the inquiry file after the seizure. Mpangase initially testified that he had retained it while Jacob was on leave, but later suggested he may have handed it to Warrant Officer KG Sibiya on June 24 because he no longer wished to act as investigating officer.

Baloyi questioned why he would hand over the file while still carrying out work on the exhibits. "Why would your diary or the file be with Sibiya if you are doing that job?" she asked.

The commission also highlighted omissions in Mpangase's statements concerning the collection of forensic bags, which formed part of the chain of custody for the seized cocaine.

Mpangase later claimed he had spoken to Isipingo exhibit clerk Warrant Officer Jayanathan Perumal about obtaining the bags, but that interaction was absent from the statement he made while the events were still fresh in his memory.

"I would say it was mistakenly left out," he said.

He also accepted that another statement incorrectly suggested Jacob had instructed him to collect forensic bags on the day after the seizure, despite his own investigation diary indicating that samples had already been taken the previous day.

"Yes, it is possible," Mpangase conceded when the inconsistency was put to him.

Baloyi said the cumulative effect of the conflicting versions raised serious concerns about the reliability of the records before the commission.

"Your statements contain falsehoods or misrepresentations, in fact," she observed, noting that the investigation diary, witness statements, and oral evidence frequently contradicted one another.

Mpangase denied deliberately misleading the commission.

"What I put there was what I could recall. If I omitted anything, that could have been a mistake. There is nothing untrue in what I have written," he said.

The commission will resume on Monday with a new witness.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

Professional bodies of medical practitioners have expressed serious concerns about the questionable medical certificates presented to the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry.

This comes after the medical certificate submitted by Investigative Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Andrea Johnson was scrutinised when she did not make a scheduled appearance on Monday after she was reportedly rushed to hospital, prompting the postponement of her hearing.

The commission also heard that businessman Suliman Carrim, who was meant to appear this week, was reportedly seen at a Western Cape shopping mall despite submitting medical certificates.

Other witnesses who submitted medical certificates when they were due to appear included alleged political fixer Brown Mogotsi and Crime Intelligence’s Feroz Khan, among others.

The commission’s Chairperson, Mbuyiseli Madlanga, expressed concern that the medical certificates provided no meaningful details.

“I notice that this is one of those medical certificates, the nature of which, I previously said, is useless in the sense that they give no information whatsoever,” he said this week when commenting on Johnson’s.

The commission has previously indicated that it may subpoena doctors to come and explain whether a witness was ill.

The Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA) spokesperson, Priscilla Sekhonyana, said on Saturday that they noted the public discourse around medical certificates.

Sekhonyana said concerns around dubious medical certificates were not new, as about 2% of all complaints lodged against medical practitioners arise from allegations of fraudulent or insufficiently detailed medical certificates.

“However, the conduct of most registered practitioners is overwhelmingly professional and ethical, and consistent with the professional practice guidelines and ethical standards approved by council in terms of its mandate to protect the public and guide the professions,” she said.

The HPCSA’s annual report for 2024/25 shows that out of 2,255 complaints received in the year under review, only 31 (1.4%) related to medical certificates.

South African Medical Association Chairperson, Mvuyisi Mzukwa, said they were not happy to see incidents where their profession was dragged down because of certain individuals in the profession.

“It is a serious matter we don't take lightly. We also recognise there might be isolated incidents where you find that there are abuses of medical certificates, which is unfortunate.

“We know that a majority of doctors in South Africa do their work professionally and do their work ethically,” he added.

HPCSA head of Core Operations, David Mametja, said practitioners registered with the council were meant to conduct themselves ethically and professionally with a level of satisfactory integrity.

Mametja stated that before a certificate was issued, there must be consultation, diagnosis, and determination of the health condition of the patient, whether he or she was unfit to go to work.

“That certificate has to reflect important information about the practitioner himself or herself, not just the names but the registration number with the council that confirms they are legitimate practitioners and assist in weeding out bogus practitioners,” he said.

Mametja also said a recipient of a medical certificate has the right to reject it, but the rejection has to be based on justifiable reasons.

“We believe that there is no harm in the employer or recipient requesting the patient to indicate to the practitioner that that kind of information should be provided, although it is always subject to the patient's consent.”

Mzukwa said they respected the concerns raised by the Madlanga Commission and that they supported accountability across sectors, including the medical profession.

“SAMA is a voluntary medical association and is not a regulatory body. Our responsibility as SAMA is really to promote ethics and professionalism within our members,” he said.

Sekhonyela said the HPCSA has a well-established process for investigating and adjudicating all complaints alleging unethical conduct.

“It also has a framework for disciplining practitioners found guilty of contravening the applicable professional and ethical guidelines.”

She also said they noted public discussion regarding the potential issuance of subpoenas to registered health practitioners, requiring them to give evidence in legal proceedings and commissions of inquiry concerning medical certificates they have issued to patients.

“Registered practitioners are expected to comply with lawful subpoenas and other legal processes,” she said, adding that practitioners may be legally required to confirm authenticity without necessarily requiring disclosure of that clinical information. 

“However, where disclosure of clinical information is lawfully required, it should be limited to what is necessary and relevant to the proceedings, with the patient's dignity and privacy preserved. In the absence of informed consent, practitioners may only disclose confidential patient information when directed to do so by a court order or pursuant to a lawful order issued by a competent authority,” said Sekhonyela.

The South African Medical Association Trade Union (SAMATU) said patient confidentiality is a cornerstone of good medical practice. 

SAMATU President Tshilidzi Sadiki said the correct approach was to respect the legal process while ensuring that patient privacy was protected as far as the law permits.

“That balance is very important or is essential to maintaining both the public confidence in the justice system and in our belief, the important factor, the trust in the doctor-patient relationship,” Tshilidzi said. 

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Questions over the credibility of police evidence, the handling of a 27kg cocaine seizure, and the medical absence of North West businessman Suliman Carrim dominated proceedings at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry this week, as commissioners intensified their scrutiny of witnesses and the evidence underpinning key aspects of the inquiry.

Over five days of hearings, the commission examined conflicting police records linked to the disappearance of cocaine from a Hawks evidence store, questioned the legal basis of high-profile corruption investigations, and set strict disclosure deadlines ahead of Carrim's bid to postpone his testimony.

Much of Friday's proceedings centred on Hawks Warrant Officer Mbongeleni Felix Mpangase, whose two-day testimony focused on the June 2021 seizure of 27kg of cocaine from a shipping container at the CHS depot in Isipingo.

The inquiry is investigating what happened to the drugs after their transfer to the Hawks' evidence store in Port Shepstone, where they subsequently disappeared.

Mpangase, who was attached to the Hawks' Serious Organised Crime Investigation Unit in Durban at the time and is now investigating cold cases in Pietermaritzburg, acknowledged that despite more than a decade of investigating street-level drug offences, he had never participated in a large-scale container interception.

"I have never attended a drug interception of this magnitude from start to finish, either at the harbour or container terminal," he told the commission.

He said he had asked Lieutenant Colonel Gavin Jacob to accompany the operation because he lacked experience with that type of intelligence-driven seizure.

"I stated that the information required someone who was experienced and well versed in these types of operations," Mpangase said.

Chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga repeatedly questioned why Jacob had bypassed experienced narcotics investigators in favour of officers with no container interception experience.

Mpangase replied that Jacob was 'not on good terms' with two specialist narcotics teams, but he could not explain why other experienced members of Jacob's own unit were also not deployed.

As his evidence continued, the focus shifted from his lack of experience to the accuracy of official records documenting the operation.

Commissioners challenged discrepancies between Mpangase's investigation diary, SAPS registers, witness statements, and oral testimony, raising concerns about whether some records were false or misleading.

One of the sharpest exchanges centred on an SAPS 13 register entry stating that the cocaine had been booked out "for investigation", although commissioners heard it had instead been transported directly to the Hawks' offices in Port Shepstone for storage.

"You took them out. You signed them out. You say they are going for analysis. We know that was not true," Co-Commissioner Sesi Baloyi told the witness.

Madlanga went further.

"The effect of that... is that you made a false entry, knowing it to be false," he said.

The commissioners also questioned conflicting versions about who attended the container search, when forensic evidence was collected, who retained the inquiry file, and how entries appeared in Mpangase's investigation diary while Jacob was officially on leave.

While Mpangase accepted that he had omitted some information from earlier statements, he denied any intention to mislead the commission.

"If I omitted anything, that could have been a mistake. There is nothing untrue in what I have written," he said.

Another major development this week involved Carrim, whose expected testimony was delayed after he submitted a medical certificate stating that he was unfit to appear before the commission.

The issue took a dramatic turn after evidence leader Advocate Matthew Chaskalson SC disclosed that whistle-blower reports alleged Carrim had been seen having lunch with an entourage at a Western Cape shopping centre and attending a separate social gathering while claiming to be too ill to testify.

Chaskalson said the shopping centre allegations had subsequently been corroborated through independent eyewitness accounts, prompting the commission to subpoena CCTV footage, hospital records, and information from Carrim's treating doctor.

The commission also noted that Carrim had yet to provide information previously requested under Regulation 10.6 notices, including details of auditors and financial records relating to several of his companies.

On Friday, Carrim's application to postpone his testimony was itself postponed until next week after commissioners agreed they required time to respond to papers filed only hours before the scheduled hearing.

Under the ruling, the commission must disclose cellphone geolocation records, call data, and any other investigative material it intends relying on before next Friday's hearing.

Carrim is also seeking to have the postponement proceedings heard in camera, arguing that the application contains confidential information relating to his health, family security, and private affairs.

Earlier in the week, attention turned to the Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC), where senior investigator Brian Padayachee defended investigations that resulted in the arrests of Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

Padayachee maintained that the appointment of civilian Dineo Mokwele to a senior Crime Intelligence post was intended to "capture" the unit.

Commissioners, however, repeatedly questioned his legal reasoning and whether investigators had sufficient evidence when corruption charges were formulated.

He also defended IDAC's decision to investigate criminal complaints lodged by National Coloured Congress leader Fadiel Adams despite a SAPS Legal Services opinion that the allegations were too vague and largely based on hearsay.

Padayachee argued that investigators had a duty to pursue further inquiries rather than dismiss the complaints because they contained leads that warranted investigation.

The commission is expected to resume on Monday with a new witness.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

SOUTH Africa’s Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) is in full swing preparing for local government elections in November.

Theirs is a fundamental pillar of the country’s nascent democracy, replete with its imperfections. As I will highlight below, theirs can also be a thankless job.

At every interval in our country’s democratic trajectory, the IEC causes all of us to pause and take stock of the performance of our political parties inside and outside of parliament. Subsequent to such appraisal, the electorate decides which party to entrust with their mandate for public office.

It is a system that is fraught with loopholes and shortcomings. But then again, thus far it remains the most viable, embraced by the electorate.

One of the reputable characteristics of the IEC is the organisation’s humility and civility in dealing with electoral matters of our nation, including in moments of great differences of political opinion.

Methinks that humane face of the IEC is derived largely from the personalities of its recognisable public faces, such as Chief Electoral Officer Sy Mamabolo, IEC Chairperson Mosotho Moepya and the IEC’s official spokesperson, Kate Bapela, among others.

The collective electoral management of the IEC is a stunner. They pull and push together in evident harmony. This kind of leadership among one of democratic South Africa’s Chapter 9 institutions is highly commendable and deserves nothing but praise.

Our nation is littered with examples of wrongdoing across our public governance system. Based on available evidence, the IEC represents a semblance of green shoots amid a shrub-infested field.

Several weeks ago, in Kempton Park, the IEC launched a special issue in the Journal of Africa Elections (JAE). It was a continuation of a dialogue that had started last year during a symposium that looked at the “complexities, dynamics, challenges and opportunities relating to the funding of political parties in the national and provincial legislatures in South Africa”.

According to the IEC, the dialogue “unpacked critical issues relating to transparency in political funding, regulation and management, accountability and pertinent reforms for equitable and transparent political funding”.

In addition, other topics discussed included “corporate funding of politics, vote buying in Africa (what the law says and what is being practised), public funding and legal frameworks”.

Now, for the uninitiated, see — the IEC is not myopically seized with the straitjacket staging and management of elections every five years and continuously through by-elections.

The IEC makes a bold effort to tackle a myriad of challenges emanating from their autoethnographic work to lessons learnt from elsewhere, particularly in Africa, where similarities abound.

I quite like shining the torch on the “role of money in African politics”. This is not a uniquely African or SA problem. We see this phenomenon in the US electoral system in particular. In US politics, “money talks”, and as they say, balderdash walks.

It sounds and reads like an idiom from a Mafia playbook. However, it has been practised cowboy-style in US politics and copied elsewhere in the developed and developing world alike.

The tragedy for Africa has been to mimic this immoral approach to elections and politics in quite self-harming ways.

The beginning of wisdom in elections is not necessarily possession of higher education. Steve Biko argued this factor persuasively during the 1975-76 SASO-BPC Trial in Pretoria.

Presiding Judge Piet Boshoff challenged Biko’s demand for one man, one vote by claiming the bulk majority of uneducated Blacks would not be able to make informed choices during an election due to their lack of education.

Biko, who believed in an “open society” with “no reference to colour”, argued that if complex issues were explained to Blacks in their own languages, they would make informed choices even “better than an average Afrikaner”.

Although the intense political discourse took place at the height of apartheid by two thinkers at opposing ends of the equation, Biko’s logic about the role of mother tongue in dialogue still rings true.

However, I must hasten to add that Biko – the erudite philosopher, who studied both medicine and law at universities in KZN and Pretoria, did not mean to downplay the importance of education, least of all higher education, in society.

He was strictly opposed to the politics of exclusion based on the dangerous assumption that inability to converse in English or any other domineering language represented political fair play.

The IEC carries out its work, especially campaigns, in all of South Africa’s official languages. In fact, the drafters of SA’s Constitution must have had Biko in mind when they declared all spoken languages as equal before the law and all of them official.

The IEC carries the declaration to the depths of its meaning, thereby benefiting all people regardless of the language they speak. In any language, the IEC shows that the electorate can grapple with complex issues and reach informed decisions of their own.

But back to that role of money in our politics: In South Africa, responding to great public pressure, the Political Funding Act was enacted in order to safeguard the vulnerable and gullible alike from being taken advantage of by political sharks with deep pockets.

The Act mandates the disclosure of all private donations exceeding R100 000. According to the law, donors are capped at a maximum of R15 million “per single donor, per party, per financial year”.

Big business will always support their own choice of political party for their own nefarious objectives. Business supports no party for any reason other than control and ultimately making more money. Economic 101 teaches us that the role of business is to make business.

Ruling parties are generally the biggest beneficiaries of big-business donors who want to influence legislation and political direction of a nation, often circumventing the will of the people.

South Africa is littered with political parties. There are currently over 400 registered political parties, and only 18 are represented in the National Assembly.

All of them without fail enjoy generous financial backing from declared and undeclared donors. In most cases, the size of financial backing to a political party is reflected in the size of seats in parliament. Indeed, money talks.

We should be thankful to have a hugely credible IEC at the centre of our electoral management and control. We need not look too far outside of our borders to know how fortunate we are as South Africans.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

IF your cybersecurity strategy is built around buying Managed Detection and Response (MDR), deploying an Endpoint Detection and Response (EDR) agent, and calling it “done”, then someone has sold you a story, not a strategy.

There is a growing trend in the industry that is becoming difficult to ignore: organisations believe that once the tools are in place, the job is complete. Buy MDR, deploy EDR, tick the cybersecurity box, and move on. Job done. Except it isn’t.

The uncomfortable truth is that cyber criminals are not measuring your security posture by the number of tools you’ve purchased. They are measuring how easily they can move through your business once they get in. And that movement rarely starts where most organisations are looking.

MDR is not the problem; it’s a valuable capability and, when implemented properly, it improves visibility and response. We recommend it, but it is not a cybersecurity strategy. It is one layer in a much larger attack surface that many organisations still do not fully grasp.

Attackers do not care whether you have an MDR platform watching your endpoints. They care about finding the weakest entry point into your environment. That could be a compromised Microsoft 365 account, a reused password from a breach years ago, a phishing email that looks convincing enough to trust, or a misconfigured cloud application.

It could also be a privileged account that was never reviewed or a supplier connection that has been quietly forgotten. None of these are endpoint problems, which means none of them are solved by endpoint monitoring alone.

Cyber security as an industry has become very good at selling products. EDR, MDR, XDR, NDR, SIEM, SOAR — every year a new acronym arrives with the promise of better detection, better visibility, and better response. But businesses do not buy acronyms; they buy confidence.

Confidence that attacks will be detected early, confidence that suspicious activity will not go unnoticed, confidence that identity compromise will be picked up before damage is done, and confidence that someone is watching when no one else is. That confidence does not come from another tool, it comes from integration.

According to Gartner’s 2026 cybersecurity research, the industry is shifting away from fragmented toolsets toward resilience-led security models driven by identity, AI governance, and operational integration.

Gartner highlights that AI is expanding the attack surface through agentic systems and automation, that identity has effectively become the new perimeter, and that organisations must move from tool-centric security to resilience-centric operating models. The message is clear: security is no longer about stacking products; it is about managing systemic risk across the entire digital environment.

The reality is that most organisations still think in terms of tools, while attackers think in terms of access. Every modern attack moves across five interconnected domains: users, email, data, machines, and internet. These are not theoretical categories or product silos. They are live attack paths, and a weakness in one quickly becomes an entry point into the others.

AI has only accelerated this problem. Attackers are now using AI to automate reconnaissance, create highly convincing phishing campaigns, and scale identity-based attacks at speed. At the same time, defenders are also using AI for detection and response. But speed without context creates noise, and noise without integration creates blind spots. That is exactly where modern breaches thrive.

The real issue is that many organisations believe they are protected because they have coverage. MDR gives a sense of coverage. EDR gives a sense of coverage. But coverage is not the same as resilience. Coverage is fragmented visibility. Resilience is connected to visibility, and the difference between the two is often measured in how quickly a breach is detected and contained.

Cyber resilience is not another product you can buy; it’s a design principle. It is the ability to see across all attack surfaces, correlate behaviour across systems, detect identity-based anomalies early, and respond before business impact escalates. MDR can and should be part of that model, but it cannot be the model itself.

If your strategy still begins and ends with “we have MDR in place”, then the real question is simple: what parts of your business are still invisible? Because attackers already know. And they are not starting where you are looking. They are starting everywhere else.

* John Mc Loughlin is a cybersecurity expert and J2 Software chief executive.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

IF governance theatre encourages us to mistake policy for performance, nowhere is that confusion more visible than in South Africa’s procurement system.

Public procurement is one of the state’s most powerful instruments. Every democratic government relies upon it to translate policy into tangible outcomes. Roads are built through procurement. Hospitals are equipped through procurement.

Schools, water infrastructure, housing developments, transport networks and public health programmes all depend on procurement systems functioning with integrity. Properly governed, procurement is not merely an administrative process.

It is one of the principal mechanisms through which governments pursue economic development, social justice, and improved public services.

It is also one of the area’s most vulnerable to corruption.

This vulnerability is neither uniquely South African nor unique to BEE. Wherever governments spend large sums of public money, exercise administrative discretion, and engage private contractors, corruption inevitably seeks entry.

That is why countries across the world devote enormous resources to strengthening procurement governance through transparent bidding systems, independent auditing, digital monitoring, whistle-blower protections, conflict-of-interest rules and effective prosecution.

They understand that procurement itself is not the problem. Weak governance is. South Africa should approach BEE with precisely the same analytical discipline.

Whether one supports, opposes, or wishes to reform Black Economic Empowerment, it remains a public policy intended to address one of the defining legacies of apartheid. The systematic exclusion of the majority of South Africans from meaningful participation in the formal economy.

Citizens are entirely entitled to debate whether the policy has succeeded, whether it has fallen short of its objectives, whether it has unintentionally entrenched elite enrichment, or whether alternative approaches might better promote inclusive growth.

Those debates are both necessary and healthy. But none of those questions establishes that corruption is an inherent feature of the policy itself. Policies possess objectives. Institutions determine outcomes.

That distinction lies at the heart of good governance.

When politically connected individuals manipulate procurement processes under the banner of transformation, the immediate failure is not the existence of a transformation policy. The failure is that governance systems allowed procurement rules to be circumvented, oversight bodies to remain ineffective, conflicts of interest to go unmanaged, and accountability mechanisms to fail.

The language of empowerment became the disguise. The governance failure made the disguise effective.

Corruption is remarkably adaptable. It does not care whether it hides behind transformation, environmental protection, industrial policy, infrastructure investment, or economic stimulus. It simply seeks the path of least resistance.

Wherever institutional controls weaken, corruption adjusts its methods and exploits the opportunity. Change the policy, and corruption changes its strategy. Strengthen the institutions, and corruption finds the environment far less hospitable.

This is why the belief that abolishing one policy will eliminate corruption is ultimately an illusion. It mistakes the symptom for the disease.

History repeatedly demonstrates that institutional quality, not ideological preference, determines whether public policy succeeds. Countries with robust institutions routinely implement complex and politically contested policies while maintaining comparatively low levels of corruption.

Countries with weak institutions struggle to administer even the simplest programmes honestly. The difference lies not in the policy but in the quality of governance surrounding it.

That insight should reshape how South Africans approach reform.

Too often, our political debates resemble competing scriptwriters arguing over the next act of a play while the theatre itself quietly collapses around them. Each election introduces new promises, new slogans, and new policy proposals. Governments announce task teams.

Opposition parties promise sweeping legislative changes. New commissions investigate old failures. White papers become green papers before becoming revised frameworks. Strategies replace strategies. Plans replace plans.

Yet ordinary citizens continue to experience the same frustrations. Municipalities remain dysfunctional. Public trust continues to decline. Infrastructure deteriorates.

Economic growth disappoints. Corruption adapts. The actors change. The costumes change. The script changes. The stage remains broken.

That is governance theatre in its most dangerous form.

It persuades society that visible political activity is equivalent to institutional progress. It conditions citizens to measure success by announcements rather than outcomes, legislation rather than implementation, and political rhetoric rather than administrative capability.

Over time, expectations become so diminished that the announcement of another commission or another reform strategy begins to feel like progress, even when previous recommendations remain largely unimplemented.

The tragedy is that genuine institutional reform is neither dramatic nor politically glamorous.

Professionalising the public service does not generate headlines. Strengthening internal audit functions rarely dominates public debate. Improving procurement systems, modernising digital oversight, protecting whistle-blowers, ensuring merit-based appointments, and increasing prosecutorial capacity seldom inspire passionate political rallies.

These reforms require patience, technical expertise, and sustained political commitment. Their benefits emerge gradually rather than immediately.

Yet these are precisely the reforms that determine whether corruption flourishes or fails.

Strong institutions make corruption expensive. Weak institutions make corruption profitable.

This distinction matters because South Africa's constitutional democracy was never designed to depend upon perfect leaders or flawless policies. It was designed to depend upon institutions capable of constraining human behaviour through accountability, transparency and the rule of law.

Constitutions cannot prevent corruption by themselves. Policies cannot guarantee ethical conduct. Institutions translate constitutional principles into everyday administrative reality.

When those institutions weaken, corruption expands regardless of the governing ideology.

This explains why corruption repeatedly survives political transitions. Governments change. Parties rotate in and out of power. Legislative priorities evolve. Economic strategies are revised. Yet unless institutional capability improves, corruption simply migrates into whichever programmes carry the greatest financial opportunity.

It follows opportunity. Not ideology.

This reality should encourage greater humility across South Africa’s political spectrum.

Those who defend BEE should acknowledge that implementation failures have damaged the credibility of transformation and that meaningful reform is essential if public confidence is to be restored.

Equally, those who oppose BEE should recognise that removing one policy cannot, by itself, repair procurement systems, strengthen oversight institutions or rebuild public administration. Unless those governance failures are addressed, corruption will simply discover new opportunities within whatever policy framework replaces it.

Neither side benefits from confusing governance failure with policy failure. More importantly, South Africa does not benefit.

Our greatest national challenges, inequality, unemployment, poverty, economic exclusion, and declining institutional trust, cannot be solved through ideological certainty alone.

They require capable municipalities, ethical leadership, independent regulators, professional civil servants, competent boards, effective law enforcement agencies, and a justice system willing to apply the law consistently regardless of political affiliation or economic influence.

These are not glamorous ambitions. They are the foundations upon which every successful democracy is built.

Perhaps, then, the most important question confronting South Africa is not whether BEE causes corruption.

The more important question is why corruption repeatedly succeeds in capturing institutions entrusted with implementing public policy, regardless of what that policy happens to be.

That question is more difficult because it requires us to examine ourselves rather than our slogans. It forces us to ask uncomfortable questions about political appointments, administrative competence, organisational culture, ethical leadership and institutional resilience.

It demands that we move beyond ideological comfort zones and confront the less visible architecture of governance itself. That is the conversation South Africa urgently needs.

Governance Theatre warns us that societies often become captivated by appearances while neglecting the institutions that determine outcomes. The danger is not merely that governments perform accountability instead of delivering it.

The greater danger is that citizens begin analysing public failure through the same theatrical lens. We become so absorbed by the visible performance that we mistake the costume for the character, the script for the institution, and the policy for the governance failure.

Corruption’s greatest strength has never been its ability to steal public money. Its greatest strength has been its ability to redirect public attention.

It persuades societies to blame the instrument rather than the hands that misuse it, to condemn the policy rather than the institutions that failed to safeguard it, and to seek salvation in legislative change while governance itself continues to decay.

South Africa has reached a point where that distinction is no longer an academic exercise. It is a national imperative.

We can continue rewriting policies while leaving institutions weak, hoping that the next legislative framework will somehow succeed where every previous one has struggled. Or we can confront the harder, slower, and ultimately more consequential task of rebuilding the institutions upon which every democratic policy depends.

The choice will determine far more than the future of BEE.

It will determine whether South Africa remains trapped in an endless cycle of governance performed for public consumption or begins the difficult work of building a state capable of governing with integrity.

Until that happens, new policies will continue to replace old ones. New administrations will promise fresh beginnings. Different slogans will dominate political debate. Different actors will take centre stage.

The audience will believe the production has changed.

But behind the curtain, the same governance failures will continue to direct the performance. And corruption, as it always has, will simply arrive wearing a different costume.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

The release of the 2026 Judiciary Conference’s resolutions that magistrates should migrate to the Office of the Chief Justice (OCJ) has been welcomed, as stakeholders feel that, under the Department of Justice (DoJ), magistrates are not completely independent of the Cabinet. 

Currently, magistrates report to the DoJ, which provides them with administrative support, budgets, and staffing. They have been complaining about inferior treatment compared to judges. 

During their conference held in Durban between Monday and Thursday, the officers resolved that there should be a speedy creation of a single judiciary system in which magistrates would join judges in reporting directly to the OCJ. 

The recommendations were first adopted by the 2023 conference. 

Judges Action Group (JAG) welcomed the resolution, saying this would enhance institutional independence. 

JAG coordinator Rohan Roopnarian said although magistrates exercise their authority under Section 165 of the Constitution, they are still dependent on DoJ administrative support, budgets, staffing, and many employment matters. 

“This creates the perception that magistrates are part of the public service rather than an independent branch of government,” said Roopnarian. 

Section 165 states that courts have judicial power to function entirely independently and must apply the law impartially, without fear, favour, or prejudice.

According to JAG, magistrate court buildings lack maintenance, court rooms, and magistrates’ offices have no air-conditioners and libraries are outdated while the Information Technology (IT) system is “useless”. 

“This hampers our ability to conduct research, and we literally have to beg the DoJ for anything we require,” Roopnarian said.

A few months ago, magistrates in some parts of the country picketed against their working conditions and remuneration, and raised concerns about being deprived of benefits enjoyed by their senior colleagues, such as official vehicles, petrol cards, tax rebates, spousal benefits, travel, housing, entertainment, and medical aid. 

Roopnarian said if magistrates were moved to the OCJ, they would reasonably expect to enjoy “greater” judicial independence, have improved research support, better judicial training, greater input into court administration, access to judicial Information and Communications Technology systems, and more consistent judicial governance support services. 

However, JAG is not optimistic that moving magistrates to the OCJ would automatically improve their salaries and give them benefits similar to those of judges because “those matters are governed by different constitutional and legislative frameworks”.  

Magistrates expect that under a single judiciary system, all judicial officers would enjoy the same salary scales, pension benefits, medical aid arrangements, leave benefits, vehicle allowances, housing, and relocation benefits. 

JAG said moving magistrates to the same stable as judges would require amendments to the Magistrates Act and possible amendments to the Judges' Remuneration and Conditions of Employment Act or the creation of new legislation covering all judicial officers. 

“Establishment of an independent remuneration commission for the judiciary (as contemplated in Resolution 2.1 of the 2026 Judiciary Conference), reform of pension and medical aid arrangements, decisions on security of tenure, and other conditions of service,” said Roopnarian. 

Resolution 2.1 states that the salaries, allowances, and benefits of judicial officers should be dealt with through an independent statutory body specifically suited to the constitutional position of the judiciary. 

“The judiciary should continue engagement with the Executive on the establishment of such a body,” read the resolution.  

Roopnarian said magistrates would potentially benefit under a genuinely single judiciary in which all judicial officers are governed under a unified constitutional and legislative framework. 

“However, the current draft does not expressly provide that magistrates will receive the same remuneration and benefits as judges. That would require additional policy decisions and legislative changes beyond the transfer itself,” he said.

DoJ spokesperson Palesa Rammitlwa has not responded despite acknowledging questions sent to her on Friday.

Judicial Officers Alliance of South Africa (JASA) President Neelan Karikan said moving the magistrates from the DoJ would strengthen judicial independence. 

“Integration under the Chief Justice would foster unified governance, norms, and standards across all courts.  

“Enhance accountability mechanisms while protecting judicial officers from undue external influence and improving resource allocation, training, and operational efficiency, directly benefiting the thousands of cases magistrates handle daily,” said Karikan.

He said this possible reform aligns with JASA's longstanding advocacy for systemic change. 

“The transition represents a progressive step toward a judiciary-led administration model that better serves the public by bringing justice closer to communities,” he said.

JASA is unhappy with the decision to place entry-level magistrates’ annual salaries at approximately R1.2 million and senior magistrates’ between R1.3 million and R1.7 million per annum while working under demanding conditions, including managing high caseloads in often under-resourced courts. 

Karikan said magistrates deal with criminal, civil, family, and regional matters. “Benefits typically include pension contributions, medical aid subsidies, and limited allowances, but these fall short of those enjoyed by superior court judges,” he said.

In the resolution, which Deputy Chief Justice Dunstan Mlambo read during a media briefing on Thursday afternoon, judicial officers want the issue of their salaries, allowances, and benefits to be dealt with through an independent statutory body specifically suited to the constitutional position of the judiciary.

The “judiciary should continue engagement with the Executive on the establishment of such a body,” read the resolutions. 

Judicial officers also called for the modernisation of their operations, including being equipped with artificial intelligence (AI) to enhance access to justice.

They said to mitigate the risk of AI in justice administration, its development and use must be governed by the judiciary “to safeguard judicial independence, constitutional values, and public confidence”. 

They have called for the Judiciary Administration and Information Technology Steering Committee to finalise the Draft Policy on AI. 

“The Draft AI Policy should clearly define the distinction between administrative and adjudicative functions by articulating, with greater specificity, the permissible and prohibited uses of AI, to safeguard confidentiality, the integrity of the administration of justice, and provide certainty to judicial officers. 

“The judiciary should retain ownership and governance over the development, procurement and use of AI systems to ensure that human oversight, judicial reasoning and judicial determination remain central to their use, and that training data and data inputs reflect South Africa's constitutional values and transformative jurisprudence,” read the resolution.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

PUBLIC Service and Administration Minister Mzamo Buthelezi has pushed back against proposals for the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to conduct comprehensive lifestyle audits across all government departments.

This move follows a direct request to President Cyril Ramaphosa from the DA, seeking to authorise the SIU to team up with the State Security Agency in conducting lifestyle audits across the public service.

Buthelezi asserted that such audits across all departments, state-owned entities, and other organs of state were not financially viable and had legislative limitations.

“Mandating the SIU to perform lifestyle audits for all departments, including low-risk entities, would be financially unsustainable,” he said.

Buthelezi pointed out that the lifestyle audits were an annual compliance requirement for approximately 11,000 public servants, including senior management services, supply chain management officials, finance officials, and ethics officers.

The SIU, he said, has indicated that it charges an average of R25,000 per individual case, with an investigation taking a minimum of six months.

“Many departments lack the budgetary allocations to sustain these costs on an annual scale,” he said.

Buthelezi was responding to DA MP Eleanore Spies, who asked whether he had found that the involvement of the SIU would lower costs incurred in conducting lifestyle audits and improve efficiencies from contracting external service providers to probe complex financial disclosures.

According to Buthelezi, the cost of corruption must be balanced against the cost of prevention and enforcement.

“In high-risk departments, outsourcing complex financial investigations to specialised bodies represents a justifiable business expense.”

He added that the SIU was currently in the process of seeking amendments to its enabling Act.

“This reform aims to grant the unit independent authority to conduct lifestyle audits without requiring a prior presidential proclamation or secondment agreement,” he said.

Buthelezi’s response came as the DA wrote to Ramaphosa, requesting that he authorise the corruption-busting unit to work alongside the State Security Agency in conducting lifestyle audits.

DA MP Lisa Schickerling said South Africans were tired of watching politically connected officials accumulate unexplained wealth while corruption, organised crime, and state capture continued to steal taxpayer money.

“If President Ramaphosa does the right thing, this would empower the SIU to apply its extensive forensic, financial, and investigative expertise to verify lifestyle audit findings, investigate unexplained wealth, recover state losses where appropriate, and refer matters for prosecution,” Schickerling said.

She said her party has consistently argued that lifestyle audits must become a meaningful anti-corruption instrument rather than another administrative exercise.

“While the State Security Agency already conducts certain lifestyle audits within government, these processes have failed to produce the decisive accountability that South Africans were promised. 

“Too many officials continue to live lifestyles that bear no resemblance to their declared income, yet few are ever called to account.”

However, Buthelezi clarified existing legislative limitations, explaining that the SIU was only mandated to conduct lifestyle audits when authorised by a presidential proclamation or via a secondment agreement.

“For the SIU to perform lifestyle audits across the public service and municipalities, individual heads of departments (HoDs) must formally request their services and pay for them based on agreed cost estimates.

“This remains an independent departmental decision determined by institutional affordability, as the Minister for the Public Service and Administration does not have the legal authority to prescribe external providers to HoDs.”

The minister revealed that a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) is in the pipeline between his department and the SIU to build capacity within departments to improve internal investigation capabilities.

“This strategic partnership will include a targeted referral framework for departments reporting low or zero lifestyle audit investigations.”

The task team established by the Public Administration Ethics, Integrity and Disciplinary Technical Assistance Unit is currently developing regulations to standardise and implement lifestyle audits across all three spheres of government.

“All relevant stakeholders, including the SIU, were given until the end of July 2026 to submit proposed amendments to the current guide. The department aims to finalise and introduce the revised guide by October 2026.”

Questions over the credibility of police evidence, the handling of a 27kg cocaine seizure, and the medical absence of North West businessman Suliman Carrim dominated proceedings at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry this week, as commissioners intensified their scrutiny of witnesses and the evidence underpinning key aspects of the inquiry.

Over five days of hearings, the commission examined conflicting police records linked to the disappearance of cocaine from a Hawks evidence store, questioned the legal basis of high-profile corruption investigations, and set strict disclosure deadlines ahead of Carrim's bid to postpone his testimony.

Much of Friday's proceedings centred on Hawks Warrant Officer Mbongeleni Felix Mpangase, whose two-day testimony focused on the June 2021 seizure of 27kg of cocaine from a shipping container at the CHS depot in Isipingo.

The inquiry is investigating what happened to the drugs after their transfer to the Hawks' evidence store in Port Shepstone, where they subsequently disappeared.

Mpangase, who was attached to the Hawks' Serious Organised Crime Investigation Unit in Durban at the time and is now investigating cold cases in Pietermaritzburg, acknowledged that despite more than a decade of investigating street-level drug offences, he had never participated in a large-scale container interception.

"I have never attended a drug interception of this magnitude from start to finish, either at the harbour or container terminal," he told the commission.

He said he had asked Lieutenant Colonel Gavin Jacob to accompany the operation because he lacked experience with that type of intelligence-driven seizure.

"I stated that the information required someone who was experienced and well versed in these types of operations," Mpangase said.

Chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga repeatedly questioned why Jacob had bypassed experienced narcotics investigators in favour of officers with no container interception experience.

Mpangase replied that Jacob was 'not on good terms' with two specialist narcotics teams, but he could not explain why other experienced members of Jacob's own unit were also not deployed.

As his evidence continued, the focus shifted from his lack of experience to the accuracy of official records documenting the operation.

Commissioners challenged discrepancies between Mpangase's investigation diary, SAPS registers, witness statements, and oral testimony, raising concerns about whether some records were false or misleading.

One of the sharpest exchanges centred on an SAPS 13 register entry stating that the cocaine had been booked out "for investigation", although commissioners heard it had instead been transported directly to the Hawks' offices in Port Shepstone for storage.

"You took them out. You signed them out. You say they are going for analysis. We know that was not true," Co-Commissioner Sesi Baloyi told the witness.

Madlanga went further.

"The effect of that... is that you made a false entry, knowing it to be false," he said.

The commissioners also questioned conflicting versions about who attended the container search, when forensic evidence was collected, who retained the inquiry file, and how entries appeared in Mpangase's investigation diary while Jacob was officially on leave.

While Mpangase accepted that he had omitted some information from earlier statements, he denied any intention to mislead the commission.

"If I omitted anything, that could have been a mistake. There is nothing untrue in what I have written," he said.

Another major development this week involved Carrim, whose expected testimony was delayed after he submitted a medical certificate stating that he was unfit to appear before the commission.

The issue took a dramatic turn after evidence leader Advocate Matthew Chaskalson SC disclosed that whistle-blower reports alleged Carrim had been seen having lunch with an entourage at a Western Cape shopping centre and attending a separate social gathering while claiming to be too ill to testify.

Chaskalson said the shopping centre allegations had subsequently been corroborated through independent eyewitness accounts, prompting the commission to subpoena CCTV footage, hospital records, and information from Carrim's treating doctor.

The commission also noted that Carrim had yet to provide information previously requested under Regulation 10.6 notices, including details of auditors and financial records relating to several of his companies.

On Friday, Carrim's application to postpone his testimony was itself postponed until next week after commissioners agreed they required time to respond to papers filed only hours before the scheduled hearing.

Under the ruling, the commission must disclose cellphone geolocation records, call data, and any other investigative material it intends relying on before next Friday's hearing.

Carrim is also seeking to have the postponement proceedings heard in camera, arguing that the application contains confidential information relating to his health, family security, and private affairs.

Earlier in the week, attention turned to the Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC), where senior investigator Brian Padayachee defended investigations that resulted in the arrests of Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

Padayachee maintained that the appointment of civilian Dineo Mokwele to a senior Crime Intelligence post was intended to "capture" the unit.

Commissioners, however, repeatedly questioned his legal reasoning and whether investigators had sufficient evidence when corruption charges were formulated.

He also defended IDAC's decision to investigate criminal complaints lodged by National Coloured Congress leader Fadiel Adams despite a SAPS Legal Services opinion that the allegations were too vague and largely based on hearsay.

Padayachee argued that investigators had a duty to pursue further inquiries rather than dismiss the complaints because they contained leads that warranted investigation.

The commission is expected to resume on Monday with a new witness.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

EVERY Mandela Day, South Africans give 67 minutes of their time in honour of Nelson Mandela’s 67 years of public service.

This Mandela Month, Binance is going further by contributing $40 000 to the Falling Forward Foundation’s Mandela Day Healthcare Initiative, delivered in partnership with The Impilo Project, to help reach the people who need it most.

The funding closes the final gap needed for all 670 community members expected at this year’s Community Health Day on 18 July, providing them with access to medical, dental, mental health and social support services under one roof.

Binance found the Falling Forward Foundation through social media. What caught the team’s attention wasn't a big campaign or a well-known name; it was the foundation's track record of creating meaningful impact in the communities it serves.

In a corporate social investment space that can feel repetitive, backing a smaller, grassroots organisation felt like the more meaningful choice and a fitting one for a month built around service, not visibility.

The Falling Forward Foundation was established to do exactly this by connecting corporates, individuals and community organisations with initiatives that are already making a difference but don’t always get the visibility or funding they deserve.

Its first major campaign supports the Impilo Project, which has run more than 11 integrated Community Health Days across South Africa to date.

Rachel Kolisi, founder of the Falling Forward Foundation, said: “One thing I have learnt is that we can never create lasting impact alone. Binance stepping in to bridge this gap is a powerful reminder of what is possible when purpose and generosity come together. When we stop working in silos and start working together, we create meaningful change for the communities that need it most.”

“Mandela Day is a reminder that service doesn’t have to be complicated; it just has to be consistent,” said Larry Cooke at Binance. “The Falling Forward Foundation and the Impilo Project have been supporting communities across South Africa for years. Helping close this funding gap means 670 people get the healthcare treatment they desperately need.”

The contribution builds on Binance’s ongoing work across Africa supporting education, financial inclusion, digital skills and community empowerment programmes.

This Mandela Month, that commitment extends to something more immediate: making sure healthcare reaches the people who need it most, on the one day set aside each year to remember that everyone has the power to change a life.

As one of the world’s leading blockchain ecosystems with a growing presence across Africa, Binance hopes more companies will back the often-overlooked organisations already doing the work on the ground, in July and beyond.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Mandela had university degrees and championed education throughout his life. But his greatest qualification was character - compassion, courage, an unwavering sense of justice, and an almost unfathomable capacity to forgive.

Here's the truth no university prospectus will tell you: academic credentials open doors. Values determine what you build once you're inside.

DEGREES are multiplying. Humanity is dwindling. We measure education by certificates instead of character. Mandela Day reminds us of a truth we've forgotten.

We live in a world sprinting after titles, diplomas and doctorates. And yet, the most transformative leader of the 20th century didn't change the world with his academic credentials. He changed it with his character.

The decision that healed a nation

Twenty-seven years in prison. Hard labour. Isolation. Every instrument of oppression deployed to break him. They couldn't break what lived inside him.

He didn't stare at prison bars. He looked through them and saw a free South Africa.

When he walked out of Robben Island in 1990, he didn't carry hatred. He carried forgiveness. In his own words: "I knew if I didn't leave my bitterness and hatred behind, I'd still be in prison."

That one decision didn't just free a man. It healed a nation. It stunned a world that had forgotten what moral courage looks like.

And then came a gesture that said everything. At his inauguration, Mandela invited Christo Brand - his former prison guard - as an honoured guest. Not dominance. Grace. Reconciliation. Forgiveness. Radical humanity.

No textbook teaches that. No degree confers it. That is the education of the soul.

Freedom had a price: he refused to buy it

During his imprisonment, as international pressure mounted, the apartheid regime made Mandela an offer: walk free, but stop fighting.

His response was unequivocal: "Only free men can negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts. I cannot and will not sell my birthright, nor am I prepared to sell the birthright of the people just to be free."

In other words - if my freedom comes at the cost of my people's freedom, keep it.

That is not intelligence. That is integrity. That is what values look like under pressure, when the stakes are highest, and the temptation is real. That moment didn't just define Mandela. It defined what leadership is supposed to mean.

The world's most dangerous graduate

Mandela famously said: "Education is the most powerful weapon you can use to change the world." 

But his life revealed an even deeper truth: education without values becomes a dangerous weapon.

Mandela was highly educated. Yet what made him extraordinary was not his education, but his deep values.

Prison did not make him bitter; it made him wiser. Power did not make him arrogant; it made him humble. Freedom did not make him vengeful; it made him forgiving. Suffering did not harden his heart; it deepened his compassion. Oppression did not silence his voice; it strengthened his conviction.

His education was governed by integrity, compassion, and humanity.

Knowledge without human values can produce brilliant minds that exploit, deceive, manipulate, and destroy. Knowledge guided by values heals, serves, uplifts, and transforms. Mandela's greatness lay not in what he knew, but in the values that directed what he knew.

Education without ethics and values is a weapon without a conscience. And a weapon without a conscience is dangerous.

 When character graduates, nations rise

On this Mandela Day, the important question is: What kind of nation are we becoming?

Your qualifications may build a career. Your character builds a nation. It determines whether you lead with courage or cave under pressure, whether you uplift others or exploit them, whether you stand by your principles or trade them for comfort.

Mandela's life answers the question we've stopped asking: what is education truly for? It is not merely to earn a degree, secure a job, or negotiate a bigger salary. It is to build character, shape wise choices, and leave a legacy that outlives you.

So pursue knowledge - relentlessly. But don't stop there. Graduate in forgiveness. In courage. In compassion. In integrity.

Your degree will fade. Your humanity will endure. Become a graduate in character. Nelson Mandela didn't just teach that. He lived it.

* Through decades of news, features and photographs, we tell Nelson Mandela's story the way our journalists actually lived it, from the day he walked free to the tributes still being written today. Our Madiba Archives celebrate Mandela Month.  More than repeating the headlines everyone already knows. It means remembering the man, not just the myth: the runaway, the boxer, the lawyer, the prisoner, and the president, all captured in real time by the titles that were there to report it.

*This article was first published on the IOL platform https://thepost.co.za/

MOST businesses can measure what they spend on artificial intelligence, but few can quantify what they get back.

Cape Town AI systems developer Paul Domanski, founder of Domanski.AI believes that has become the AI industry’s biggest credibility gap.

Rather than selling generic AI subscriptions or one-size-fits-all training, Domanski has launched In-Seat AI — a business methodology that installs bespoke AI systems into existing employee roles, enabling organisations to recover productive capacity, retain institutional knowledge and, critically, own the resulting AI systems and intellectual property.

“Too many companies are renting AI instead of building business assets,” says Paul Domanski, founder of Domanski.AI. “Our model is simple. We install AI into people, not in place of them. The repetitive work becomes automated while human judgement remains firmly in control. Most importantly, the client owns the AI workflow we've built specifically for their business.”

The financial implications are measurable.

One early implementation identified a single recurring workflow consuming between 128 and 240 staff hours annually within a seven-person organisation. Based on a representative annual employment cost of R600 000 per employee, that equates to approximately R37 000 to R69 000 in annual salary cost committed to one repetitive business process.

Rather than replacing staff, Domanski.AI focuses on returning that time to higher-value work, enabling experienced employees to concentrate on revenue generation, strategic decision-making and customer relationships instead of repetitive administration.

Unlike traditional AI consultancies or software vendors, Domanski.AI transfers ownership of every bespoke AI system to the client. Businesses continue using their preferred AI platform, but the workflow architecture, business logic, institutional knowledge and role-specific intelligence remain their intellectual property — not another vendor’s subscription product.

“This changes AI from a recurring operating expense into a long-term business asset,” says Domanski. “Companies shouldn't become dependent on someone else's proprietary system to access their own organisational knowledge.”

The methodology has already been tested in live business environments.

During a four-hour implementation workshop with Mack Brands, an AI system built using the company’s own files produced a tailored distributor presentation of 10 to 15 slides, successfully rejected deliberately seeded false information through evidence-gating, and enabled the team to build a second operational AI agent during the same workshop.

Emma Kendrick Cox, Global Marketing Director at Mack Brands, said: “By lunch, three of my department heads had already asked Paul for one-on-one sessions to build AI around their own workflows.”

A second implementation for LiquidGold, a three-person direct-to-consumer business, transformed a marketing process that had stalled for two years. Following a 72-minute remote implementation, the company had a functioning Facebook Ads Planner, multiple advertising copy variations, campaign imagery, video creative and a complete campaign deployment checklist, with advertising variants generated in under five minutes.

Domanski is careful to distinguish measurable productivity from exaggerated AI claims.

“We don’t promise miracle returns,” he says. “We measure workflow time before and after implementation, correction rates, quality improvements and whether the recovered capacity is redeployed into productive work. Those are the metrics executives and finance directors can verify.”

The process begins with a four-hour Founding Workshop, during which Domanski works alongside leadership teams to identify high-value repetitive workflows, build a functioning AI prototype using the company’s own data and processes, and produce an implementation roadmap. Organisations that proceed with a full deployment receive credit for the workshop as part of the implementation programme.

While the first documented implementations have focused on marketing and creative teams, the methodology is designed for any repeatable, knowledge-intensive workflow across finance, HR, operations, customer service, compliance and sales.

As South African organisations move beyond AI experimentation, Domanski believes competitive advantage will increasingly belong to businesses that can demonstrate measurable productivity gains and retain ownership of the systems that generate them.

“The future won’t belong to the companies buying the most AI subscriptions,” he says. “It will belong to those that own the intelligence embedded inside their own businesses.”

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

AS cryptocurrency adoption accelerates in South Africa, industry leaders are warning new investors against the pitfalls of emotional trading, social media hype, and a lack of due diligence.

With digital assets gaining significant traction among local investors, many are entering the market with enthusiasm but insufficient knowledge. To help the public navigate the risks and opportunities within the crypto ecosystem, the Sunday Independent spoke with Sebaga Manyeula, chief executive of Indexa South Africa.

Manyeula, an FSCA-approved key individual, European Money Awards nominee, and recognised FinTech and digital assets thought leader, identified emotional decision-making as the primary trap for newcomers.

“Without question, emotional investing,” Manyeula said. “Many people buy because they fear missing out when prices are rising and then panic when markets correct. Cryptocurrency is a volatile asset class, and volatility should never dictate your investment decisions.”

She noted that longevity in the market requires a methodical approach. “The most successful investors are those who remain disciplined, invest according to a well-defined strategy, and avoid making decisions based solely on emotion or social media sentiment.”

This sentiment extends to the pervasive influence of online communities, where trending coins and viral investment stories dominate timelines. According to Manyeula: “Hype should never replace due diligence.”

“Every market cycle introduces trending coins and viral investment stories,” she said. “While innovation is happening every day, investors should ask important questions before committing their capital: Does this project solve a real-world problem?

“Is the leadership team credible? Is there genuine adoption? Does the project have sustainable long-term value? If you cannot answer those questions confidently, you may not fully understand what you’re investing in.”

Beyond evaluating a project’s fundamentals, safeguarding capital is paramount. With security breaches continuing to make global headlines, Manyeula stressed that personal vigilance is non-negotiable.

“Security is absolutely fundamental,” she said. “Unlike traditional banking, digital assets require investors to take greater responsibility for protecting their investments. Strong passwords, multi-factor authentication, recognising phishing scams, and using reputable platforms are all essential practices.”

She further said: “Protecting your assets is every bit as important as selecting the right investment.”

Another area where enthusiasm frequently outpaces understanding is the use of leverage. Manyeula cautioned that while borrowed funds can boost profits, they carry severe downsides.

“Leverage can magnify returns, but it can also magnify losses just as quickly,” she cautioned. “Many new investors are attracted by the prospect of amplified gains without fully understanding the associated risks. During periods of heightened market volatility, leveraged positions can be liquidated rapidly.”

She advised that unless investors fully understand how leverage works and the risks involved, “it is generally a feature that requires significant caution.”

Given these complexities, Manyeula emphasised that established industry players have a duty to guide the public. “Education is one of our greatest responsibilities,” she said. “As leaders within the fintech and digital assets industry, our responsibility extends beyond technology and innovation. We have a duty to promote financial literacy and help consumers understand both the opportunities and the risks associated with digital assets.”

Manyeula clarified the boundaries of his company’s role, noting: “At Indexa South Africa, we do not provide personalised financial or investment advice. However, we firmly believe it is critical that our clients and the broader investing public understand the fundamentals of cryptocurrency, market risks, security best practices, and responsible investing.”

Ultimately, she believes that “an informed investor is ultimately a more confident and responsible investor”.

For those considering their very first crypto purchase, Manyeula’s final advice is both practical and grounding: “Invest in education before you invest in cryptocurrency.”

“Take time to understand the technology, appreciate the risks, diversify appropriately, and never invest money you cannot afford to lose,” she concluded. “Digital assets are transforming global finance, but long-term success comes through patience, continuous learning, and disciplined decision-making—not chasing overnight wealth.”

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

SOUTH Africans are being sold a dangerous illusion. We are told that seedless fruit is simply a matter of convenience: easier to eat, easier to package, easier to sell.

But in a country where millions struggle to put food on the table, we should be asking a much more serious question: Who benefits when ordinary people can no longer reproduce what they eat?

For poor communities, a seed has never been a nuisance; it has been an asset.

Across rural villages, townships and informal settlements, families have always stretched food beyond a single meal. A pumpkin was not only dinner. Its seeds could be planted. Tomatoes could be replanted. Maize kernels could become the next harvest.

That ability to save and replant food has been one of the few forms of economic power available to people with very little money.

That is why the growing corporate control of seeds should leave us shaking in our boots!

A handful of multinational agribusinesses now dominate large sections of the global commercial seed market. Through patents, licensing agreements and proprietary genetics, they increasingly decide what can be planted and how farmers access seeds.

When farmers are forced to buy new seeds every season instead of saving them, rampant dependence on corporations only increases.

This is not a conspiracy theory. It is a documented shift in global agriculture, one that is deeply affecting our modern society.

Look at Mexico, the birthplace of maize. Indigenous communities have spent years fighting to protect traditional corn varieties from genetic contamination by commercial GMO crops. They understand that once local seed systems are weakened, communities lose not only biodiversity but also control over their food supply.

Africa has similar concerns. Across the continent, farmers have relied for generations on informal seed-sharing networks that preserve locally adapted varieties. These seeds are often more resilient to local conditions than imported commercial varieties.

Yet those systems are under increasing pressure from commercial seed markets that favour corporate ownership over community control.

To be clear, not all seedless fruit is genetically modified. Many seedless varieties are produced through conventional breeding and can be propagated through cuttings or grafting. Farmers have grown some of these crops successfully for decades. But that certainly does not mean the broader trend is harmless.

When consumers become accustomed to food that cannot simply be replanted from what they buy, the culture of seed-saving begins to disappear. And once communities lose the habit of saving, sharing and preserving seed, they become more dependent on commercial suppliers.

In a wealthy country, that may be an inconvenience. In South Africa, it can become a crisis.

We already face extreme unemployment, rising food prices and deep rural poverty. The last thing we should be doing is moving towards a food system in which the poorest households have fewer opportunities to produce their own food.

Food sovereignty matters. Communities should have the right to save seeds, exchange seeds and plant seeds without being locked into permanent dependence on large corporations. That means protecting indigenous seed varieties, supporting smallholder farmers and strengthening local seed banks before they disappear.

South Africa does need agricultural innovation. Climate change and drought demand better farming technologies. But innovation must not become a gateway to greater corporate control over the food system.

History has taught us that dependence is rarely accidental. Colonialism did not begin by asking Africans what they wanted to eat. It dismantled indigenous farming systems, replaced diverse local crops with export agriculture and convinced generations that imported methods were inherently superior.

Today, although the methods have changed, the consequences are strikingly familiar. Indigenous knowledge continues to disappear while commercial agriculture becomes increasingly dominant.

The debate about seedless fruit is ultimately not about whether people enjoy seedless grapes. It is about whether food remains something communities can reproduce for themselves or whether it becomes something that must constantly be purchased from companies that increasingly control the genetics of what we grow.

We simply cannot continue measuring food security by the number of products on supermarket shelves. That is a dangerous mistake. A supermarket is not food sovereignty. A supermarket is a supply chain. And supply chains break.

Our government should be treating seed sovereignty as seriously as energy security. We should be investing in indigenous seed banks, supporting smallholder farmers, protecting heirloom crop varieties, expanding school food gardens and preserving the agricultural knowledge that has sustained African communities for centuries.

These are not nostalgic ideas. They are economic necessities in a country battling hunger, unemployment and climate uncertainty. Because the greatest threat facing South Africa is not simply that people are hungry today. It is that we are steadily losing the ability to ensure we will not be hungry tomorrow.

In a country where poverty is already stripping millions of people of economic power, allowing corporations to gain even greater control over the means of food production should concern every South African.

Because once people lose control of the seed, they eventually lose control of the harvest.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Multi-genre producer, DJ and engineer DrexxBeats has teamed up with singer and songwriter Sineym for “Sikhulekile”, a new single that celebrates love, commitment and African culture.

"The vision was to create a song that feels authentic to who we are as Africans," said DrexxBeats.

"Bringing the influences of Zimbabwean music traditions and South African Afro pop together allowed us to create something that celebrates love while honouring our cultural roots.

"We hope the song appeals to fans of Afro pop, house music and contemporary African sounds while also finding a special place on wedding playlists and romantic celebrations."

Released on July 15, the song combines heartfelt storytelling with dance-ready rhythms, making it equally suited to the dance floor and life's biggest celebrations.

Directly translated as "hear us out", “Sikhulekile draws” inspiration from the promises couples make through their wedding vows. The song explores the joy of choosing love, building a future together and finding freedom in a relationship built on trust, loyalty and companionship.

Rather than sticking to one style, DrexxBeats introduces what he calls tribal house, blending Zimbabwean drums and percussion with the melodic appeal of South African afro-pop. The result is a track that reflects the rich musical traditions shared across Southern Africa while delivering a modern sound.

Sineym's soulful vocals bring warmth to the song, giving every lyric an emotional touch that captures the excitement of new beginnings and lasting love.

"What I love most about ‘Sikhulekile’ is that it speaks to different audiences at the same time," said Sineym.

"It has the energy that Afro pop and house music fans will connect with, but it also carries a message of love and commitment that makes it perfect for weddings, anniversaries and other special moments. It's the kind of song people can dance to but also hold close to their hearts."

The release also marks another milestone in DrexxBeats' career following his participation in the 2026 AmaGroove Residency, a collaborative programme that brought together artists, producers and songwriters from Denmark and across Africa.

The experience encouraged creative exchange and inspired him to explore new sounds while remaining rooted in African storytelling. 

Mandela Day Walk & Run

With Mandela Day being commemorated across the country this weekend, there are plenty of events to take part in the City of Gold.

One of them is this event, which seeks to celebrate unity, purpose, wellness and the enduring legacy of Nelson Mandela.

The Mandela Day Walk and Run is inspired by Madiba's famous route through the streets of Houghton. It includes a 21km half-marathon, a 10km race or an easy 5km family walk, making the day accessible for everyone.

There will also be live entertainment and activities.

Where: DP World Wanderers Stadium, Corlett Dr, Illovo, Sandton.

When: Sunday, 19 July. Start times are 7.30am for 21km and 10km and 7.45am for 5km.

Secret Sunrise JHB: Mandela Day

This special edition of Secret Sunrise Joburg, under the theme of “Madiba Magic”, invites people from all over the city to enjoy a session which celebrates music, movement and good vibes.

The gathering will feature a silent disco. There will also be light breathwork, rooftop views, coffee, food and Saturday-morning vibes.

The dress code is comfortable, casual and weather-friendly with bonus points for caps, sunglasses, or the finest “Madiba” look.

Where:  Mall of the South in Liefde En Vrede.

When: Saturday, July 18, from 8.30am.

The Supercar Rhino Run

This event returns to Kyalami, and it brings together Mzansi’s supercar community in support of rhino conservation.

It will feature around 150 of some of the country’s most exceptional performance vehicles. There will also be an attempt to break the Guinness World Record® for the Largest display of Supercars/Hypercars.

There will also be a supercar parade, Gymkhana  (a motorsport display of skills and athleticism) demonstration, spinning demonstrations, tyre-shredding burnout displays, an anti-poaching simulation and K9 demonstration, entertainment, food and drinks. 

Where: Kyalami Grand Prix Circuit in Midrand.

When: Sunday, July 19, from 8.30am.

THE Department of Trade, Industry and Competition (the dtic) has welcomed Actom’s continued expansion of its manufacturing operations at its Pretoria West facility, describing the investment as a strong demonstration of South Africa’s industrial capability and opportunities being created through localisation, infrastructure investment and industrialisation.

The revitalised Pretoria West facility has been transformed into an integrated manufacturing hub for large power transformers, high-voltage equipment and lithium-ion battery energy storage systems, strengthening South Africa’s capability to manufacture critical energy infrastructure locally while supporting industrial growth, job creation and export competitiveness.

The expansion aligns with the objectives of the dtic’s recently launched industrialisation strategy, which seeks to strengthen domestic manufacturing, deepen localisation, increase value addition and improve the competitiveness of South African industry.

It also supports the government’s broader objective of ensuring that infrastructure investment translates into expanded local manufacturing capacity, stronger domestic supply chains and sustainable economic growth.

Delivering the keynote address the event hosted by Actom this week to announce the expansion, the acting Deputy Director-General of Sectors at the dtic, Dr Tebogo Makube, said investments of this nature demonstrate the practical implementation of the dtic’s industrial policy objectives.

“The department’s industrialisation strategy is aimed at strengthening South Africa’s productive industrial base by encouraging investment, expanding manufacturing capability and increasing localisation.

“Actom’s continued expansion demonstrates how South African manufacturers are responding to these opportunities while contributing towards industrial competitiveness, job creation and long-term economic growth,” Makube said.

He further said that strengthening local manufacturing capability would ensure that South Africa’s infrastructure investment programme delivers greater domestic value addition, supplier development and export opportunities.

“As South Africa continues to modernise its infrastructure, it is essential that local manufacturers are well positioned to participate in these opportunities. Expanding domestic industrial capability will strengthen supply chains, support localisation and position South African manufacturers to compete successfully in regional and international markets,” Makube said.

He explained that investments such as Actom’s were critical to advancing South Africa’s industrialisation agenda by strengthening local manufacturing capability, supporting localisation, creating quality employment opportunities and positioning South African manufacturers to participate more effectively in regional value chains under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

The CEO of Actom Group, Mervyn Naidoo, said the Pretoria West facility had been restored into a modern manufacturing operation that had revived transformer manufacturing capability, preserved jobs and created a platform for future industrial growth.

“Actom’s aggregate consolidated investment of approximately R40 million across its high-voltage equipment and static energy operations reflects the group's long-term commitment to local manufacturing and industrial expansion while creating approximately 80 new employment opportunities and strengthening South Africa's strategic energy manufacturing capability,” Naidoo said.

The Managing Director of Actom Static Energy, Louis Heyns said integrating battery, inverter, transformer and medium-voltage manufacturing onto a single industrial campus had created one of South Africa’s most comprehensive local energy storage manufacturing capabilities while positioning the business for further growth.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

OVER the past few weeks, I have watched many social media videos which painfully painted a picture of naked xenophobia in impoverished Black townships in various parts of the country, but especially in Johannesburg and Durban.

I have seen foreign nationals being violently confronted and manhandled at their homes by vigilantes, demanding to see their documents.

Vigilantes are private and ordinary individuals who unlawfully take the law into their own hands, attempting to prevent, investigate or punish perceived offenders. They usually act independently or in groups without any legal authority.

Some of these instances were very violently executed, which included breaking locks and doors. Naked aggression was often on display, with the targeted individuals often screaming with fear, sometimes in the presence of terrified parents and children.

What I have briefly described is the naked terror of vigilantism, often on display in many black townships, sometimes in the presence of policemen. Many were violently thrown into police vans, with no attempts by the police to restrain them.

While I have consistently supported the necessity to deal with undocumented and therefore illegal migration, I have as consistently stood resolutely opposed to any form of violence.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has several times appealed to South Africans to refrain from using violence and urged that nobody must be subjected to any violence by taking the law into their own hands. But violence is used daily across the country. His pleas have tragically fallen on deaf ears.

Is something inexplicable happening before our eyes to account for this seemingly widespread xenophobic violence and terrible looting of the shops of migrants? How do we explain it to ourselves, others and our children?

On the other hand, March and March, which has become the most prominent organisation in the country calling for tough action against unlawful migration, also appealed to its supporters not to take the law into their own hands.

But the xenophobic or Afrophobic violence continues daily. Or has the anti-immigrant violence gained an irrational momentum which only listens to itself and is hateful of all foreigners?

I say "all foreigners" because the mob justice in Black townships often does not draw a distinction between documented and undocumented foreigners. It is at this point that it often appears as if all immigrants are being targeted and not only those who are undocumented and here unlawfully.

My sense is that there are indeed and tragically many South Africans who fall into this category and who are so frustrated with their worsening socioeconomic conditions of poverty, unemployment and inequalities that they want all foreigners, including those who are properly documented, to leave South Africa.

This is by far our biggest tragedy: Those Black South Africans who are demanding that all immigrants leave the country. But this is a completely unacceptable situation because it would be totally against our constitution and therefore itself be unlawful.

As I stated recently, the primary responsibility for this terrible crisis is the South African government and, in fact, the African National Congress (ANC) in particular. After all, they ruled this country until they lost political power in the 2024 elections.

But we cannot continue to hold the ANC responsible, especially when Ramaphosa has conceded that not enough was done to deal with undocumented migrants in the country. On the other hand, more than 40 0000 unlawful migrants were deported over the past few weeks, which the Home Affairs department has confirmed.

However, so big was this problem that despite those efforts a huge number of people remain undocumented. But we need to now move on, especially since it is very clear that the current government of national unity and the Home Affairs Department are indeed very preoccupied with dealing with this problem.

But these administrative backlogs, especially amid a lack of resources and the effects of corruption over many years, is going to considerably delay the process. While huge progress has been made, this reality must be understood and appreciated, especially by March and March and Operation Dudula.

If not, we will have an untenable situation, which is going to inevitably play into the hands of agent provocateurs, especially if indeed it is true that there are internal or external forces who are keen to stoke a fire which already sometimes appears out of control.

That fire is the movement in Black townships which are often relentlessly calling for all migrants, documented or undocumented, to leave South Africa. All progressive and revolutionary forces are compelled to unite and throw their weight behind attempts to convince those who are hellbent on having even documented migrants forcibly removed that they are wrong.

I return to this matter because it is going to be by far the most important task facing an already deeply crisis-ridden society. If this is not done, we are going to plunge South Africa into a much deeper crisis, which is going to imperil even the limited important democratic gains we have made since 1994.

This matter must not be forgotten, especially since it is possible indeed that a deepening and worsening crisis in this country carries the risk of eroding the democratic gains we have made.

I certainly believe that the current immigrant crisis has already cascaded so much that all the important democratic gains we have made since 1994 can be rolled back if we don’t constructively and reasonably deal with those who are demanding that all immigrants, including those properly documented, must leave this country.

This is a very worrying and dangerous phenomenon, which is vividly evident over the past few weeks: the vociferous demand by many protesters that all migrants must leave this country immediately. The Sunday Times last week also drew attention to this very serious problem.

This country is going to go up in flames if more people repeat this very unreasonable demand in Black townships. Sometimes I wonder if the government waited too long to take these matters of undocumented migrants more seriously.

However, our collective task is to change the minds of these people, wherever they might be. The leader of March and March, Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma, must herself be seized by this task.

If we fail to deal with this critically important task and the already very dangerous situation of vigilante mob justice in many Black townships continues, we will probably thereby endanger those democratic gains. To think that we don’t face such a risk if this task is not soon addressed would be extremely politically naïve.

This constitutional democracy is already facing its biggest crisis in post-apartheid South Africa. The country is already a tinder keg and very delicately poised at this crisis-ridden conjuncture, but conditions in the Black townships especially could deteriorate further.

Right now, the immigrant crisis lies at the heart of a much wider and deeper crisis. It is a crisis brought about by capitalist neoliberalism, of which austerity budgets are the hallmark.

It is the worsening socioeconomic crisis, especially raging unemployment, poverty and inequalities, which has created a very combustible situation in Black townships.

The ANC, under the direct and indirect influence and persuasion of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), is largely responsible for the neoliberal policies which have dominated this country since 1994.

In fact, even the migrant crisis I can explain is in the final analysis rooted in neoliberal policy choices. But that for another time.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst, and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

The Stormers XXIII will usher in a new era in the Currie Cup on Friday evening at DHL Stadium (7.05pm kick-off), and there should be no ghosts of the past haunting them when they take on defending champions Griquas.

Following the rebrand from the traditional Western Province, the Cape side will be determined to start the domestic campaign by breaking Griquas’ recent hold over them in the competition.

Since 2021, Griquas have won seven of the eight meetings against WP, but playing under the Stormers banner, the newly named team – a blend of experienced campaigners and exciting young talent – will look to halt that run as they begin their bid for the title.

“It’s an interesting position to sit in a Stormers jersey and be the underdogs for this match,” newly appointed head coach Tom Dawson-Squibb said when announcing his team.

“They are defending champions and SA Cup finalists, and I’ve listened to Pieter Bergh speak during the week about the depth they’ve built and the cohesion. They should be proud of what they’ve done; I think everyone in the country admires what they’ve achieved.

“We are quite happy to be the underdogs against them; we know what they are about. They are massively physical and will maul a lot. But we have been working hard over the last four weeks, and we are excited about what we can show them.”

Flyhalf Jean-Luc du Plessis will captain the side, while six players – fullback Dylan Miller, wing Mfundo Ndhlovu, eighthman Wandile Mlaba, lock Tom Barnard, loose forward Xola Nyali and utility back Dominic Malgas – are all set to make their Currie Cup debuts.

Stormers XXIII 

15 Dylan Miller, 14 Gino Cupido, 13 Josh Boulle, 12 Cornel Smit, 11 Mfundo Ndhlovu, 10 Jean-Luc du Plessis (captain), 9 Stefan Ungerer, 8 Wandile Mlaba, 7 Divan Fuller, 6 Keke Morabe, 5 Gerbrandt Grobler, 4 Tom Barnard, 3 Herman Lubbe, 2 Vernon Paulo, 1 Oli Kebble.

Replacements: 16 Scarra Ntubeni, 17 Mhleli Khuzwayo, 18 Hencus van Wyk, 19 Dylan de Leeuw, 20 Enos Ndiao, 21 Xola Nyali, 22 Tiaan Fourie, 23 Dominic Malgas.

Griquas XV

15 Gurswin Wehr, 14 Dylan Maart, 13 Mnombo Zwelendaba, 12 Sako Makata, 11 Stefan Coetzee, 10 George Whitehead, 9 Bobby Alexander, 8 Dillon Smith, 7 Marco de Witt, 6 Carl Els, 5 Albert Liebenberg (captain), 4 Malembe Mpofu, 3 IG Prinsloo, 2 Janco Uys, 1 Leon Lyons

Replacements: 16 Tiaan Lange, 17 Eddie Davids, 18 Ntobeko Shezi, 19 Derik Pretorius, 20 Lourens Oosthuizen, 21 Caleb Abrahams, 22 Damian Markus, 23 Cameron Hufke

Former Springbok hooker Bismarck du Plessis believes the depth Rassie Erasmus has built within the national side is unlike anything he has seen, with the world champions continuing to produce results despite constant changes to their matchday squads.

Under Erasmus, the Boks have become known for their player rotations but without sacrificing high standards. It’s a current characteristic that has allowed Erasmus to use newcomers while South Africa maintains the same intensity and physicality in Tests.

This weekend, when they face Wales at Kings Park in Durban (5.40pm kick-off), four players will make their debut. It’s the final Nations Championship match and the Boks will aim to remain unbeaten.

Du Plessis admitted he has been particularly impressed by utility front-ranker Jan-Hendrik Wessels, who is seamlessly switching between loosehead prop and hooker despite the different technical demands of the positions.

“I think it’s really difficult for a guy like Jan-Hendrik,” Du Plessis said.

“Scrumming as a loosehead and scrumming as a hooker is very different. You’ve got to take your hat off to him for the way he’s handling it because they’re still trying to find where he contributes most to the team.

“He is a player with great talent. I am glad I didn’t have to switch between front-row positions. It was already difficult trying to throw into the lineout. One week I’m throwing, then one week I’m not throwing,” he laughed.

While Wessels’ versatility has caught the eye, it is Erasmus’ ability to develop adaptable players that has impressed Du Plessis the most. He pointed to South Africa’s recent performances, where the Boks have made wholesale changes from one week to the next, while still putting in performances to come out on top against strong sides like England and Scotland.

Du Plessis believes Erasmus has repeatedly shown why his selection decisions should not be questioned even when they raise eyebrows.

“I’ve got all the faith in how he’s using his squad,” Du Plessis said.

“If you have a player who can cover two positions, you can almost take an extra guy somewhere else. If you go back to the 2023 World Cup, it was Deon and Marco covering hooker, even though they weren’t playing there regularly.

“I think we won the World Cup again, and that versatility is something that brings out the best in our side at the moment.”

As the Springboks aim to remain unbeaten in the opening stages of the new Nations Championship, Saturday evening’s clash with Wales at Kings Park (5.40pm kick-off) in Durban offers another chance for Rassie Erasmus to test the depth of his squad.

A handful of rookies will be debuting in the green and gold, and will be eager to show they can contribute to the world champions’ cause ahead of the Greatest Rivalry series and 2027 Rugby World Cup in Australia.

Here are five key matchups that should add plenty of intrigue to the bigger battle.

Carlu Sadie vs Rhys Carre

One of the Bok debutants, Sadie faces a proper Test examination against the experienced Carre. Following a tough fight to break into the Bok setup, including fighting back from a potential career-ending neck injury, the burly tighthead will want to make an immediate impression in the scrums and around the park.

Carre, however, is a seasoned operator with the power to put any No 3 under pressure. If Sadie can hold his own at set piece and bring his physicality into the loose, it will be a strong statement on debut from the French-based player.

Jaco Williams vs Josh Adams

Youth versus experience sums this one up perfectly. Williams gets his first shot in the Springbok jumper and will be eager to show his pace and finishing ability on the wing when he gets the ball in hand. His skill under the high kicks will also come under the spotlight.

Opposite him is Adams, one of Wales’ most accomplished backs and a dangerous attacker. The Welsh winger sports 72 international caps to his name, and he will be a massive test for the Bok rookie. But Williams will look to use his speed and slick footwork to trouble the Welsh defence out wide.

Ruben van Heerden vs Adam Beard

This battle could have a major say in the lineout contest. Ruben van Heerden has developed into one of South Africa’s standout lineout operators at franchise level. He will finally get the chance to bring his wide skillset to the Test arena.

But against the vastly experienced Adam Beard, it could be a tough baptism of fire. The Welshman is equally effective in the air and is a genuine threat on both sides of the throw-in. Apart from the set-piece, both locks love to carry that ball and will look to bring their physicality in the tight exchanges.

Vusi Moyo vs Dan Edwards

The duel between the two young flyhalves will be fascinating. Moyo has been entrusted with the Bok No 10 jersey on debut. It is a clear sign that the Springbok coaching staff has plenty of faith in his abilities and game management, which will be important against an unpredictable team. He has an exciting backline outside of him that he must drive on the attack.

Edwards, meanwhile, has the opportunity to establish himself further for Wales. Territory, tactical kicking and calm decision-making will be crucial for his side, looking at how the Boks play the game. If he can keep calm under pressure, it could go a long way in driving his team forward.

Pieter-Steph du Toit vs Jac Morgan

This is the heavyweight bout among the loose forwards. Du Toit is the heartbeat of the Bok pack and has led from the front in the absence of captain Siya Kolisi with his relentless tackling, physicality and massive work rate on both sides of the ball.

Morgan is one of the inspirational forwards for Wales, and his prowess at the breakdown, tireless engine and physicality could hold the key in that department. Expect both to be heavily involved in the collisions, breakdown battle and ball carries that could bring priceless momentum for their respective sides.

SPRINGBOKS v WALES MATCHDAY 23s FOR SATURDAY @ KINGS PARK

Springboks starting XV:15 Aphelele Fassi, 14 Jaco Williams, 13 Jesse Kriel, 12 Damian de Allende, 11 Kurt-Lee Arendse, 10 Vusi Moyo, 9 Cobus Reinach, 8 Jasper Wiese, 7 Pieter-Steph du Toit (captain), 6 Paul de Villiers, 5 Ruben van Heerden, 4 Cobus Wiese, 3 Carlu Sadie, 2 Malcolm Marx, 1 Gerhard Steenekamp; Replacements: 16 Andre-Hugo Venter, 17 Jan-Hendrik Wessels, 18 Wilco Louw, 19 Ben-Jason Dixon, 20 Marco van Staden, 21 Herschel Jantjies, 22 Manie Libbok, 23 Damian Willemse

Wales starting XV: 15 Blair Murray, 14 Louis Rees-Zammit, 13 Max Llewellyn, 12 Ben Thomas, 11 Josh Adams, 10 Dan Edwards, 9 Tomos Williams, 8 Aaron Wainwright, 7 Jac Morgan, 6 Alex Mann, 5 Adam Beard, 4 Teddy Williams, 3 Dillon Lewis, 2 Dewi Lake (captain), 1 Rhys Carre; Replacements: 16 Ryan Elias, 17 Nicky Smith, 18 Ben Warren, 19 Freddie Thomas, 20 Tommy Reffell, 21 James Botham, 22 Reuben Morgan-Williams, 23 Joe Hawkins.

"’Amahubo Ka Gogo’ is deeply personal. It is inspired by my late grandmother, the woman who raised me through song, prayer and discipline," said award-winning vocalist Brenda Mtambo ahead of the premiere of her new show at the Theatre of Marcellus at Emperors Palace in Johannesburg on July 18.

The production is more than a stage show. It is a tribute to the women who shaped families through faith, music and tradition.

Inspired by the hymns, prayers and songs that filled her childhood, “Amahubo Ka Gogo” celebrates family, healing and the memories that connect generations.

"This production is my way of honouring her legacy while creating a space where audiences can reconnect with their own memories, faith and the people who nurtured them spiritually," Mtambo says.

The show also marks her return to gospel music and serves as a preview of her upcoming album, which shares the same title.

For years, fans have encouraged Mtambo to revisit the music that first introduced them to her powerful voice. With “Amahubo Ka Gogo", she answers that call by blending familiar hymns with African musical influences, fresh arrangements and storytelling that reflects her own journey.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Mntambo 🇿🇦 (@brendamtambo)

Audiences can expect an evening filled with live music, beloved hymns and moments that encourage reflection and celebration.

The production promises powerful vocal performances backed by a live band, creating an experience that honours South Africa's rich musical and spiritual heritage. 

Mtambo first captured the hearts of many South Africans during her time with Joyous Celebration, where her voice became one of the group's defining sounds.

She later built a successful solo career with songs including “Ungenzela Konke Okuhle”, “Ixesha Lami”, “Themba Njalo”, “I Love You” and “Mhlaba Wethu”.

Following its Johannesburg debut, “Amahubo Ka Gogo” will travel to Durban, where it will be staged at the Playhouse Company Opera Theatre on August 15.

For fans of gospel music and live theatre, the production offers more than a concert.

It is an invitation to revisit cherished memories, celebrate faith and experience the songs that have comforted South Africans for generations.

The Junior Springboks have made minor tweaks to their starting lineup for the Junior World Championship final, where they will face France as they look to successfully defend their title on Saturday.

With a suspension hanging over the head of ace fullback Luan Giliomee, head coach Kevin Foote opted for stability, bringing in Alzeadon Felix as cover. The rest of the backline for the clash at the Mikheil Meskhi Stadium (6.30pm kick-off) remains unchanged from the side that defeated England in the semi-finals.

Giliomee, who was shown a red card for a tackle in the air against England, had to leave training to attend his disciplinary hearing, and that forced Foote’s hand to make a tweak at the back for the final.

Up front, there are only two changes, with Risima Khosa coming in at openside flank, while Wasi Vyambwera takes over the No 8 jersey from Gert Kemp, who is expected to make an impact off the bench.

“We are still waiting on Luan’s hearing, but we thought it would be best to go with a settled team,” Foote said in an online press conference.

“There was a lot of work that went into Luan’s appeal. We asked for it to be brought forward. He had to leave training early, and we are waiting on that verdict. But as I said, we are looking for stability, and Alzeadon played for us in the Rugby Championship, and he was part of the squad at the Championship last year. He has an awesome connection with Yaqeen (Ahmed, flyhalf).

“We want it to run its course, and once we know, we will know. But either way, we wish that Luan gets off and that the team can move forward.”

On the match itself, Foote said they are preparing to be tested in all departments by a very good French side. He expects a physical battle, as in all their previous matches, but with a bit more flair than they have encountered so far.

The Junior Boks plan to counter that with their own brand of running rugby and forward power.

“We want to use our set-piece to launch from. However, we know if the game gets loose, France will like that. They are an offloading team and like a bit of broken play. So, we want to stay within our structure and play how we want to; physical and fast.

“In this tournament, we’ve had some really good rugby, and at other times we let things go a little bit. Now, we must ensure we stay on top of our game. We’ve addressed some of our shortcomings, and the players are confident.”

Junior Springboks XV

15 Alzeadon Felix, 14 Cheswill Jooste, 13 Markus Muller, 12 Ethan Adams, 11 Khuthadzo Rasivhaga, 10 Yaqeen Ahmed, 9 Hendré Schoeman, 8 Wasi Vyambwera, 7 Luke Cannon, 6 Risima Khosa, 5 JD Hattingh, 4 Heinrich Theron, 3 Danie Kruger, 2 Siphosethu Mnebelele, 1 Oliver Reid.

Replacements: 16 Liam van Wyk, 17 Rambo Kubheka, 18 Luan van der Berg, 19 Jaythen Orange, 20 Thomas Beling, 21 Gert Kemp, 22 Jayden Brits, 23 Samuel Badenhorst.

WHEN two Unisa students boarded flights to undertake a European Union-funded Erasmus+ semester programme at the Romanian‑American University in Bucharest, Romania, they expected a purely academic exchange. However, what they found on arrival was a truly transformative experience.

For Nokuthula, a postgraduate law student, and Mpho, an undergraduate business student, the programme opened doors, social circles and perspectives that reshaped how they see their studies and themselves as future young leaders.

Their story demonstrates why university students from South Africa and other parts of the continent, especially those with little prior international mobility experience, should consider partaking in international mobility programmes such as Erasmus+.

Erasmus+ is best known in Europe for promoting student mobility and institutional cooperation. For young Africans such as Nokuthula and Mpho, the programme offers clear, high‑value opportunities.

Academically, it exposes learners to different pedagogies: teaching that prioritises case studies, class dialogue, and visual learning to complement and deepen knowledge gained at home. Such exposure is particularly beneficial for fields with international dimensions, business, law, and public policy where comparative perspectives and transnational networks enhance employability and research potential.

Nokuthula and Mpho both reported experiences of participating in classes that were inclusive and applied, helping them link theory to practice in ways their home programmes had not. Through the Erasmus+ programme, Nokuthula and Mpho developed the ambition to participate in global platforms because they realised that the knowledge, skills, and experiences they had gained could make a meaningful contribution not only in their home country but around the world.

Being part of the programme opened their minds to endless possibilities and showed them that learning, collaboration, and creating positive change are not limited by borders. It inspired them to think bigger, embrace new opportunities, and believe that they can make an impact wherever they go.

Beyond academics, mobility under Erasmus+ accelerates intercultural competence. Living and studying in Romania, the two students formed friendships with Romanians and fellow Erasmus+ peers from other regions, learned cultural practices firsthand, and practised languages in authentic contexts.

These everyday interactions build soft skills such as adaptability, communication, and cross‑cultural negotiation, which employers and global research partners increasingly value. Moreover, upon their return to their home countries, the students often become ambassadors, strengthening institutional links and enriching campus life with new perspectives.

In addition to the cultural benefits, Erasmus+ also provides structural benefits, which include credit recognition through the European Credit Transfer System (ECTS) and funding that offsets travel and living costs.

For many African students, access to reliable funding and clear credit transfer pathways can make a semester abroad feasible rather than aspirational. Institutional cooperation projects under Erasmus+ can further build capacity at African universities, supporting curriculum internationalisation, staff exchanges, and joint research that outlives individual mobility episodes.

Yet the promise of Erasmus+ is not automatic. Several challenges blunt its reach and impact for students from African universities, especially those with limited prior mobility experience.

First, information and readiness gaps are significant. Many students and even some international offices in universities lack clarity about the application processes, eligibility criteria, learning agreements, and recognition of credits.

Without targeted pre-departure briefing and academic advising, students risk arriving unprepared for different classroom norms or returning with unrecognised credits. Nokuthula and Mpho were not immune from these challenges; however, their successful integration speaks to strong facilitation and continuous communication with the host university.

Even though the level of support has been observed to be uneven across institutions and participants, soft relations and proactiveness are required from both the host and the sending university. Failing which, the students may have unpleasant experiences that could deter participation in the future or by fellow students. 

For example, the financial and administrative handling of the grant, currency exchanges, and the timing of the release of funds may often have a huge impact on the student experiences and hamper progress in settling in a foreign country.

Lengthy visa processes and bureaucratic institutional delays may add stress and anxiety to the students’ travel preparations. For students from lower‑income backgrounds, even if subsidised, undertaking international mobility may seem to be out of reach, particularly without any additional scholarships or institutional top‑ups.

Even though most host universities, particularly in Europe, deliver their programmes in English, local languages and informal cultural codes could be an impediment to the student’s daily life experiences. Students with limited foreign‑language skills may find it difficult to integrate, affecting their ability to participate academically and socially. Adequate pre‑departure language support and mentorship programmes are essential but not always readily available for implementation.

Moreover, international mobility is often perceived as designed mainly for students who excel in their academics as well as the wealthy who have prior travel experience. This perception or approach could marginalise many capable students from historically disadvantaged backgrounds, as well as those who may struggle academically but demonstrate strong social aptitude.

For the Erasmus+ and many other similar mobility programmes to become genuinely transformative options for students from previously disadvantaged backgrounds who have limited mobility experience, they must address the significant practical and structural barriers that could hinder equitable participation and limit the long‑term benefits students might gain.

Therefore, participating universities such as Unisa must make significant contributions in this space, particularly if they wish to scale participation among these specific students. In this regard, the following stand out for prioritisation:

• First, facilitate access: make Erasmus+ and similar programmes more visible, affordable, and administratively navigable so that first-generation mobile students — many juggling work, family responsibilities, and financial constraints — see participation as realistic, not out of reach. 
• Second, sustain impact: integrate returning students into curriculum development, peer mentoring, and institutional partnerships so that what they learnt abroad benefits the wider Unisa community.

Concretely, this means organising robust pre-departure preparation sessions covering academic expectations, credit recognition, mental health resources, and practical logistics; top-up funding or emergency allocations for students with demonstrated financial need; and clear learning agreements that align Unisa’s curricula and credit systems as well as the ECTS so that credit transfers could be carried out without administrative blockages. 

Therefore, the university should urgently implement a credit‑transfer system that ensures students participating in semester‑long mobility programmes receive appropriate credits and do not lose academic progress as a result of their participation.

Additionally, Unisa’s global standing and identity as a large open-distance e-learning (ODeL) institution uniquely positions it to redefine student mobility/exchange programmes for its students. Because of its reach and ODeL model, Unisa can leverage digital tools and newly developed virtual mobility programmes to create transformational opportunities that reach hundreds of thousands of learners who are spread across the country and on the continent.

Even a modest, well-supported increase in outbound mobility, including short virtual exchanges, blended placements, and micro-internships, would produce enormous impact across our student body.

So, to convert aspiration into dependable pathways, we must tackle the practical bottlenecks, which include, among others, sustainable funding, pre-departure preparation, formal recognition of learning, and equitable access for students, particularly those without prior mobility experience. 

Once these essential elements are addressed, virtual and blended mobility in higher education would not just be add-ons, they would be reliable and provide credit-bearing options which are integrated into academic progression.

Thus, Unisa, as a CODeL institution, provides a rare opportunity to scale inclusive internationalisation with targeted investment and robust systems for preparation and recognition; these would enable the university an opportunity to turn small increases in mobility participation into widespread, life-changing outcomes for students, particularly those from underprivileged backgrounds. 

* Magabane is the director for Internationalisation & Partnerships and Mathonsi a member of the National Student Representative Committee, both at Unisa.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

A real physical edge.

That is what Wales coach Steve Tandy wants to see when his side takes on the Springboks in Durban on Saturday in the third round of the Nations Championship.

Tandy has made six changes to his starting XV from last weekend, bolstering his pack for the contest at Kings Park (5.40pm kick-off).

Up front, only lock Teddy Williams has fewer than 10 caps as he comes into the side, while flyhalf Dan Edwards and outside centre Max Llewellyn are the only backs with fewer than 20 Test appearances. Wales have also opted for a 6-2 split on the bench in favour of the forwards, underlining the physical battle they expect against the world champions.

With regular captain Dewey Lake passed fit for the clash following an injury scare, Tandy has selected one of his more experienced combinations to face the Springboks as Wales look to finish the opening rounds of the new tournament on a positive note.

“It’s coming to the end of the season; we’ve had a lot of travel. Some boys deserve an opportunity, and it’s a chance to freshen up the team,” he said after naming his side.

“South Africa are world champions. They have loads of depth. For us, it’s about putting our game out there. We want to see a real physical edge.

“We’re going up against probably the most physical team in the world, so we know we’re going to have to really step up the physicality. It’s a great opportunity to test ourselves against the best team in the world.”

Wales face arguably their toughest assignment of the championship against a Springbok side chasing another statement victory, with Tandy hoping his team’s physical intent can match the intensity of the hosts in Durban.

SPRINGBOKS v WALES MATCHDAY 23s FOR SATURDAY @ KINGS PARK

Springboks starting XV:15 Aphelele Fassi, 14 Jaco Williams, 13 Jesse Kriel, 12 Damian de Allende, 11 Kurt-Lee Arendse, 10 Vusi Moyo, 9 Cobus Reinach, 8 Jasper Wiese, 7 Pieter-Steph du Toit, 6 Paul de Villiers, 5 Ruben van Heerden, 4 Cobus Wiese, 3 Carlu Sadie, 2 Malcolm Marx, 1 Gerhard Steenekamp; Replacements: 16 Andre-Hugo Venter, 17 Jan-Hendrik Wessels, 18 Wilco Louw, 19 Ben-Jason Dixon, 20 Marco van Staden, 21 Herschel Jantjies, 22 Manie Libbok, 23 Damian Willemse

Wales starting XV: 15 Blair Murray, 14 Louis Rees-Zammit, 13 Max Llewellyn, 12 Ben Thomas, 11 Josh Adams, 10 Dan Edwards, 9 Tomos Williams, 8 Aaron Wainwright, 7 Jac Morgan, 6 Alex Mann,  Adam Beard, 4 Teddy Williams, 3 Dillon Lewis, 2 Dewi Lake (captain), 1 Rhys Carre; Replacements: 16 Ryan Elias, 17 Nicky Smith, 18 Ben Warren, 19 Freddie Thomas, 20 Tommy Reffell, 21 James Botham, 22 Reuben Morgan-Williams, 23 Joe Hawkins.

Gonzalo Quesada has become the first coach to fall foul of World Rugby’s new Match Official Abuse Sanction Process after receiving a two-match suspension for comments he made about the officiating following Italy’s Nations Championship defeat to New Zealand.

World Rugby confirmed on Thursday that the Italy head coach has been handed an automatic two-match ban from all match-day activities, including being present at the stadium, after remarks he made during a broadcast interview following the match last Saturday.

Quesada has the right to appeal the sanction.

The punishment is the first under World Rugby’s stricter approach to protecting match officials, which came into effect this month after being approved at the governing body’s recent Shape of the Game forum.

It applies to all international competitions involving World Rugby-appointed match officials, including the Nations Championship, the Junior World Championship and the WXV tournaments. The process was introduced in response to growing concern over the abuse and threats directed at referees, with World Rugby arguing that public criticism from coaches and team officials often fuels hostility towards match officials.

An independent panel assesses whether comments undermine confidence in referees by suggesting bias, improper motives or deliberate attempts to influence a result. Sanctions range from guidance letters and formal warnings to automatic suspensions.

The ruling is likely to reinforce the increasingly cautious approach coaches have adopted when discussing refereeing performances.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus, once known for his outspoken criticism, has recently been more measured in his post-match reaction after matches. While Erasmus has occasionally acknowledged moments his side felt could have gone differently, he has largely avoided direct criticism of referees, instead focusing on his team’s execution and the areas within their control.

Quesada’s suspension now provides the clearest indication yet that World Rugby intends to enforce the new regulations strictly, with coaches across the international game expected to choose their words even more carefully when discussing officiating decisions after Test matches.

Hennie du Plessis will lead the charge for South Africa alongside seven of his compatriots at the 154th Open Championship, which gets under way on Thursday.

Fresh from his first major appearance at the US Open last month, Du Plessis (29) will be the first South African in the field at Royal Birkdale, Southport, teeing off on Thursday morning (9.14am) alongside Spaniard Jose Luis Ballester Barrio and Englishman Dan Bradbury as he bids for the Claret Jug.

SA Open champion Casey Jarvis (1.58pm), Jayden Schaper (3.09pm), Michael Hollick (2.20pm), Shaun Norris (1.36pm), MJ Daffue (12.04pm), amateur Jack Buchanan and young phenom Aldrich Potgieter, who replaced Louis Oosthuizen, are the other South African hopefuls in a strong field that includes defending champion Scottie Scheffler and Masters winner Rory McIlroy.

The big-hitting Potgieter, who secured the final qualifying spot for the tournament, and amateur Buchanan will keep each other company as they tee off alongside Sweden’s Jesper Svensson at 2.53pm.

Potgieter replaced fellow South African Louis Oosthuizen this week after the 2010 champion was forced to withdraw with a back injury. The 21-year-old narrowly missed out in Monday’s final qualifier, but Oosthuizen’s withdrawal opened the door for him to step in, and he will look to make the most of the late opportunity.

The 21-year-old Jarvis and Schaper (25) have both enjoyed excellent seasons on the DP World Tour and will look to carry that form into the final major of the year. Last year, 11 South Africans teed off at Royal Portrush, but only three made the cut.

Scheffler, meanwhile, missed the cut at the Scottish Open last week. It was the first time in four years that he failed to make the weekend of a tournament. However, it gave him extra time at Royal Birkdale as he prepares to defend his title as Champion Golfer of the Year and retain the Claret Jug.

“You can't win every single golf tournament,” Scheffler said, according to TheOpen.com.

“You just can’t do it. Nobody’s been able to do it. In golf, no matter what, you lose a lot more often than you win.”

Scheffler is in one of the featured groups (10.58am) on Thursday alongside fellow American Bryson DeChambeau and England’s Tyrrell Hatton. Another star-studded group tees off at 4.15pm and features McIlroy, Xander Schauffele and Matt Fitzpatrick.

Comment

The Springboks cannot afford to overplay outside centre Jesse Kriel as Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry against the All Blacks looms.

Two Tests and a friendly into the season, Kriel has become one of the few Boks who simply hasn’t been able to put his feet up.

While Rassie Erasmus has rotated his squad to build depth during the Nations Championship and give players opportunities, the experienced centre has remained a fixture in the starting XV.

He is in line to start his third Test in a matter of weeks when the Boks take on Wales on Saturday at Kings Park, and it’s easy to understand why in the absence of a recognised replacement.

Kriel’s defensive organisation, communication and composure in the No 13 jersey are qualities that don’t always grab the headlines, but they are crucial to how the Springboks want to play. His contributions against England and Scotland were immense despite having two different midfield partners.

The headache for the world champions is that there simply hasn’t been an opportunity to rest him.

Canan Moodie has been sidelined through injury, leaving Kriel as the only recognised specialist outside centre available. It has left the Bok coach with little option but to keep selecting the double World Cup winner, even as other positions have been rotated since the opening game against the Barbarians.

However, the chance to give Kriel a breather could come this weekend or when the Boks face Argentina in a couple of weeks, although he has been named to face the Dragons in Durban.

If Moodie is fit to return by the end of the week, it would present the ideal opportunity to give Kriel a well-earned break. Moodie has shown before that he is more than comfortable at outside centre, despite also being an outstanding wing, and another run in the No 13 jersey would only add to the Springboks’ depth.

Ethan Hooker, who picked up a concussion against Scotland, is another player who can cover the position. He is still finding his feet in Test rugby, but giving him opportunities now is exactly how the Springboks have built the squad depth that has become one of their greatest strengths.

This isn’t to suggest Kriel needs a rest because he is struggling. Far from it. If anything, he has been one of South Africa’s most consistent performers over the opening matches. That is exactly why his workload should be managed.

There is little to gain from asking him to keep playing every minute when capable options are waiting in the wings.

The first Test against the All Blacks in Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry is now less than two months away, and everyone knows those are the matches the Boks will be targeting. They are the clashes that demand more physically, mentally and emotionally than almost any other fixture this season. The Springboks will want their best players fresh and ready for that challenge.

Erasmus has built much of the Boks’ success on knowing when to rotate and when to trust his depth. If Moodie is available this weekend, this feels like the perfect opportunity to do exactly that.

Giving Kriel a weekend off against Wales could prove invaluable in the long run when Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry takes centre stage in a couple of months.

The Mzansi Youth Choir have a solid fan base on home soil and abroad. 

Having delivered spectacular performances on global stages like "America's Got Talent" and the Fifa  World Cup 2026, witnessing them live is a true privilege.

Fortunately, audiences in Joburg will soon have the opportunity to experience exactly that as they will be performing at Soweto Theatre in “Mzansi Unbound”.

Blending global influences with a core South African identity, their music delivers a rich fusion of township rhythms, gospel, reggae, African music, and international anthems.

Theatregoers can look forward to being serenaded to hits like “Bohemian Rhapsody”, “Paradise” and “One Love” alongside “Angimbonanga” and “Ljele”. 

Reflecting on their journey as SA’s cultural ambassadors, they have shared stages with prominent contemporary stars and legendary performers, including Tyla, Freshlyground, Wouter Kellerman, Lira, Khaya Mthethwa, Vusi Mahlasela, and Sipho “Hotstix” Mabuse.

Their stellar collaborations also extend to Dorothy Masuka, Abigail Kubeka, Jonas Gwangwa, Leleti Khumalo, Zolani Mahola, Samthing Soweto, PJ Powers, and the globally celebrated Soweto Gospel Choir.

On the global stage, they have shared the spotlight with international icons like Coldplay, Jon Batiste, Shakira, Andrea Bocelli, Josh Groban and Beyoncé, among others.

Needless to say, fans can look forward to a truly memorable evening.

Where: Soweto Theatre:

When: August 7 to 8, 7pm. 

The Adventures of Thumbelina

If your patience and options are hanging on by a fine thread, worry not; there’s another children’s play to help give you a breather. 

The classic fairytale by Hans Christine Anderson is brought to life at Theatre on the Square.

The story is centred on a woman who longingly wishes for a child. Her prayers are answered when a pair of kind-hearted souls give her a seed to plant, along with precise instructions on how to water and nurture it.

When the flower finally blossoms, a wonderful surprise is found inside: a tiny girl no bigger than a thumb.

And so, she receives the name Thumbelina.

This is a delightful, charming, and engaging show perfect for young children between the ages of 4 and 8.

Directed and choreographed by Litzy Katz, it stars Gorata Mathebula, Lisa De Wet, Luzuko Gqiba and Kevin Theron.

Where: Theatre on the Square. 

When: Runs until July 21, 10am and 2.30pm.

The News is a Joke

Dan Corder brings a bold political comedy showcase to the Market Theatre stage. Delivering an unfiltered, sharp-witted look at current events, the production offers a space where audiences can find humour in the daily news cycle.

This engaging show combines acute commentary and edgy satire with live musical sets and exclusive celebrity guest interviews.

Audiences will be left fighting back tears of laughter as the show dissects the country's most absurd moments, sparing no newsmakers, political figures or key developments.

Where: Mannie Manim, Market Theatre.

When: Runs until July 19, 7pm. 

AI HAS become remarkably easy to demonstrate, yet deploying it well remains a far harder test. A convincing prototype can now be assembled in days, sometimes hours.

The real work begins when an organisation expects that system to use sensitive data, connect with existing platforms, comply with regulation, support customers, and deliver a return that can be measured.

This is the most important change I have seen in conversations with African businesses over the past two years. Executives are spending less time asking what AI might do and more time identifying where it can reduce fraud, improve customer operations, accelerate software delivery, process documents or remove friction from an expensive workflow.

The move from curiosity to commercial scrutiny is healthy, and it is making Africa’s AI opportunity more credible.

Access to generative AI has lowered the barrier to experimentation without removing the engineering demands of production.

A production system needs reliable data, secure access, clear accountability, integration with core platforms, and a way to monitor performance over time. It must know when to act, when to pause, and when to refer a decision to a person.

These requirements become especially important in banking, insurance, healthcare, telecommunications, and other environments where a plausible answer can still be wrong.

A demonstration proves that an idea is technically possible. A production deployment must show that it can create value without introducing unacceptable operational, security, or regulatory risk. That is the standard against which enterprise AI investment will increasingly be judged.

Africa is sometimes described as having an AI advantage because it carries less legacy technology than mature markets. That is only partly true.

Many African organisations operate complex technology estates built across decades, while large parts of the continent face uneven connectivity, limited compute capacity, and scarce specialist skills.

The stronger advantage lies in how African markets innovate under constraint. Businesses here are accustomed to serving mobile-first customers across fragmented infrastructure, multiple languages, and sharply different levels of access.

Those conditions encourage practical innovation because technology must solve a visible problem before anyone will fund it at scale.

This creates room for AI systems shaped around African operating realities. Local datasets, languages, regulations, and customer behaviour cannot be treated as a localisation layer added near the end. They influence whether a system understands the context in which it is expected to work.

The expansion of local cloud infrastructure has strengthened the foundation for this next phase. Microsoft Azure opened its South African cloud regions in 2019, AWS launched its Africa Cape Town Region in 2020, and Google Cloud opened its Johannesburg region in January 2024.

These investments give organisations more options when considering latency, resilience, data residency, and regulated workloads. They can also make it easier to build modern data platforms capable of supporting AI at enterprise scale.

Local infrastructure does not create sovereign AI on its own. I see sovereignty as meaningful control over data, access, governance, auditability, and the systems an AI model may influence.

Africa should continue to draw on global cloud platforms and leading foundation models while developing the local data, skills, and domain expertise required to apply them responsibly.

Financial services is already producing some of the clearest use cases because the economics are visible. Fraud detection, risk assessment, document intelligence, customer service automation, and regulatory reporting can be linked to defined costs, service outcomes, or reductions in exposure.

The same principle will drive adoption elsewhere. AI will gain ground when it becomes part of an existing operational system, removing work from the process instead of adding another interface employees must remember to use.

Agentic AI will extend this by coordinating tasks across workflows, although its value will depend on the quality of the data, rules, and controls around it.

For business leaders, the next decision should begin with the outcome the organisation needs to improve, the data available to support it, and the level of autonomy that can be justified. Model selection comes later, once the operating case is clear.

Africa’s AI future will be shaped by organisations capable of turning promising ideas into dependable systems that serve customers, manage risk, and improve the economics of how work gets done.

* Paul Spagnoletti is chief revenue officer of Synthesis.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

SOUTH Africa’s household debt burden has climbed to an estimated R2.4 trillion, placing increasing pressure on households already grappling with rising living costs.

At the same time, the financial warning signs are becoming harder to ignore. According to the National Credit Regulator, 4.9 million consumers have impaired credit records, while a further 6.3 million are already falling behind on repayments.

Against this backdrop, National Savings Month, observed in July, presents an opportunity for South Africans to reassess their financial habits and take practical steps towards reducing debt and building greater financial resilience.

“Debt can feel overwhelming, particularly when the cost of everyday essentials continues to increase,” says Tina Manyanya, spokesperson at short-term credit provider, Wonga. “The important thing is to remember that improving your financial position doesn’t happen overnight. Small, consistent decisions can make a meaningful difference over time.”

Five practical tips for reducing debt

1. Know where your money is going

“The first step is understanding your spending habits,” says Manyanya. “Review your bank statements, draw up a realistic monthly budget and prioritise your needs before your wants. Once you know where your money is going, it becomes much easier to identify unnecessary spending and redirect those funds towards paying off debt.”

2. Keep your repayments the same when interest rates fall

“If the interest rate on your bond or loan decreases, resist the temptation to reduce your monthly repayment. Keeping your repayments at the same level means you're paying more towards the capital amount, helping you settle the loan sooner and reduce the total interest you'll pay,” she says.

3. Don’t let credit card debt build up

“Credit cards often carry some of the highest interest rates,” says Manyanya. “Where possible, pay off the full outstanding balance each month rather than the minimum amount. Paying only the minimum allows compound interest to quickly increase what you owe.”

4. Start with your smallest, most expensive debts

Manyanya recommends the snowball method for consumers managing multiple debts. “Focus first on clearing smaller debts with higher interest rates, such as credit cards, store accounts and personal loans. Once they’re paid off, use those repayments to tackle larger debts like vehicle finance or your home loan.”

5. Create a realistic monthly budget and stick to it

“A budget isn’t about restricting yourself,” she says “It’s about deciding in advance how you’ll use your money. Having a plan makes it easier to spend intentionally, reduce unnecessary expenses, and make steady progress towards your financial goals.”

As financial pressures continue to affect households across the country, Manyanya says Savings Month should serve as a reminder that long-term financial wellbeing is built through consistent, practical habits rather than dramatic changes.

“Whether you're reducing debt, starting a savings habit or simply gaining a better understanding of your finances, every positive step brings you closer to greater financial security,” she says.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE precautionary suspension of Public Investment Corporation (PIC) chief executive Patrick Dlamini has placed renewed attention on questions surrounding a long-running Lanseria Airport dispute, Harith General Partners, and issues reportedly raised in a whistleblower complaint.

According to a statement released this week, the PIC board resolved to place Dlamini on precautionary suspension in line with its whistleblower policy.

“The Board believes it is necessary to provide Dlamini sufficient space and time to respond to allegations of impropriety against him that were submitted to the Board in a whistleblower report last month,” the PIC said.

According to published reports, the whistleblower complaint alleges that Dlamini failed to properly disclose or manage potential conflicts involving Lanseria Airport Holdings and Harith General Partners.

The reports further allege that he did not adequately answer Parliament’s questions in December 2025 about his previous directorships in Lanseria-related entities and his relationship with Harith founder Tshepo Mahloele.

Harith has featured in discussions surrounding the matter because it was part of the consortium that acquired Lanseria Airport in 2013 and has historical links with several former PIC executives. These relationships have previously attracted public and parliamentary scrutiny, although they do not in themselves imply any wrongdoing.

Its leadership has included the following:

• Tshepo Mahloele — Group Executive Director; former PIC executive who headed the Corporate Finance and Isibaya Fund divisions.
• Jabulani Moleketi — Chairman; former PIC chairperson while serving as deputy finance minister.
• Thenjiwe Vanda — Senior Executive responsible for fundraising; former head of the PIC's Fund of Funds Unit.

During parliamentary proceedings in December 2025, according to published reports, Dlamini was questioned about the Lanseria dispute, the proposed review of the arbitration award and the valuation of the BEE stake.

Reports indicated that Dlamini told MPs that the PIC would abandon its intended review of the arbitration award, while a letter that has since entered the public domain reportedly records that he also said the BEE stake had been overvalued by 400%.

According to those reports, the issues raised in the whistleblower complaint overlap with matters that have already been the subject of parliamentary scrutiny, including disclosures relating to Lanseria Airport Holdings and governance processes.

Detailed questions were sent to the PIC before publication. At the time of publication, the PIC had not responded to the newspaper's detailed questions.

The asset manager, however, said in its statement that the suspension did not constitute a finding of wrongdoing against Dlamini.

“The Board is finalising interim arrangements for the position of acting CEO and will make further announcements in due course.”

The PIC added that the Board remained committed to the highest standards of governance and institutional integrity.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE United States has launched successive waves of military strikes against Iran and reimposed sanctions on Iranian oil, dismantling a fragile ceasefire agreement signed less than a month ago.

The escalation began on July 7 and has continued through the weekend, in direct violation of the preliminary understanding between Washington and Tehran.

The US Central Command confirmed its opening strikes hit more than 80 targets, including Iranian air defence systems, command and control networks, coastal radar sites, anti-ship missile capabilities, and more than 60 small boats operated by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

The Pentagon stated the strikes were a response to Iranian attacks on three commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz, including a Saudi oil tanker and a Qatari gas carrier. A senior US official described the operation as deliberate “punishment” for Iran’s actions.

In tandem with the military escalation, the US Treasury Department revoked the general license that had suspended oil sanctions against Iran.

The waiver had been granted on June 22 as a central provision of the memorandum of understanding signed on June 18, which was intended to pause hostilities and reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

The new license prohibits new transactions and gives companies until July 17 to wind down existing dealings. A US administration official stated the truce was entirely performance based.

The strikes have since intensified. Overnight into July 12, US forces struck roughly 140 Iranian military targets, the heaviest single round since the war began, followed by another hours long wave on Sunday against air defences, coastal radar and IRGC small boats near the strait.

The operations have used fighter jets, naval vessels, aerial drones and, for the first time, sea drones. The Pentagon stated the strikes were intended to “degrade Iran’s ability to attack civilian mariners and commercial vessels” transiting the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps has since announced the temporary closure of the strait, and the Iranian military has targeted US facilities in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman and Jordan. Just 14 ships passed through the waterway on Sunday, the lowest level in a month.

The Revolutionary Guards said in a statement that the only way to restore regular shipping traffic through the strait was to end US military interventions in the waterway, warning that “continued interference could lead to greater incidents in the global oil and gas sector”.

Iranian officials have condemned the American actions as a clear violation of the Islamabad memorandum of understanding. Parliament Speaker and top negotiator Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf accused the US of multiple breaches, including the military strikes, the reinstatement of oil sanctions, and continued Israeli aggression in Lebanon.

He declared that “the era of bullying and extortion is over”, adding that attempts to blackmail Iran would fail.

US President Donald Trump, speaking at the NATO summit in Ankara, declared the ceasefire with Iran to be over, describing the Iranians as liars and cheats. On Friday he went further, threatening to “decimate and destroy” Iran and claiming 1 000 missiles were aimed at the Islamic Republic. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte described the US strikes as “absolutely necessary”.

The American decision to abandon the agreement follows a pattern of unilateral actions that have repeatedly undermined diplomatic efforts.

Washington has now violated the terms of a ceasefire it negotiated and signed, choosing military force and economic pressure over the framework it established with Iran just weeks ago.

Agreements with the US carry no guarantee of durability, and this pattern raises serious questions about the reliability of US commitments in future negotiations, not only with Iran but with other nations that may consider entering into agreements with Washington.

The renewed hostilities and the effective blockade of the Strait of Hormuz have driven energy prices higher. Brent crude climbed 4.3% to $79.31 a barrel on Monday.

South Africa depends heavily on imported crude oil, and higher global oil prices mean higher costs at the pump. Transport costs rise and that pushes up the price of food and other goods for households across the country.

The government already faces budget pressures and must decide whether to absorb the costs through subsidies or pass them on to consumers.

A prolonged disruption through the strait will keep upward pressure on energy prices and add to the strain on South African households already dealing with rising living costs.

The actions demonstrate a unilateral US approach that has abandoned the terms of the agreement it signed just weeks ago, and the effect will be passed on directly to South African consumers.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Avoiding another slow start while finding the right balance between keeping the ball in hand and deploying their kicking game will be at the top of the Junior Springboks’ priority list when they face England in the semi-final of the Junior World Championship in Tbilisi on Monday.

The South Africans, coached by Kevin Foote, allowed Wales to race into a 14-0 lead in their final pool match last week, but they know they cannot afford a repeat against the English, who are expected to provide an even sterner challenge in the Georgian capital (6.30pm kick-off).

It will therefore be a case of striking the right balance from the outset — starting quickly while limiting the errors that could allow England’s U20s to build an early advantage.

Captain Siphosethu Mnebelele says the team has focused on what they need to do to start well and has taken valuable lessons from the Welsh encounter into the semi-final.

“We can’t give them a sniff,” Mnebelele said.

“It’s about focusing on ourselves and doing what we do best from the first whistle. We have a job, and we must do it from the get-go. That Wales game was a do-or-die for us, and if we lost, we wouldn’t have made it to the play-offs.

“Yes, there was some nervousness from the guys in the first few minutes, but we are blessed with guys who know how to stick to their job, and we were able to bounce back.”

Utility back Luan Giliomee returns for the knockout clash after missing the Welsh encounter through injury. He believes it may have been a blessing in disguise to sit out one match after suffering a concussion against Georgia, as it allowed him to contribute to the team in a different capacity.

However, he is braced for the challenge England will pose and is eager to contribute in whatever role he is asked to play on Monday.

Siphosethu Mnebelele: “England are a quality side, and they’ve shown throughout the tournament why they’ve reached the semi-finals” - more here: https://t.co/uGVztj5IRx 🗣️#JuniorBoks #JourneyToGreatness pic.twitter.com/mc6pSxdaJf

— SA Junior Rugby (@SAJuniorRugby) July 12, 2026

“It did me well to get some time off and watch the team from the sidelines a bit to see where we were good and not so good. I could then use that to assist in our preparation for England,” the fullback said.

“I will give anything for this team; I think it’s in the nature of every player present here to want to do anything for the side. Sometimes you don’t even want to leave the field, but the coaches have plans with us.

“That balance of our game plan will be very important on Monday. We know how we want to play and have focused a lot on it during training. Hopefully, we can show that to the world against England.”

Junior Springboks XV

15 Luan Giliomee, 14 Cheswill Jooste, 13 Markus Muller, 12 Ethan Adams, 11 Khuthadzo Rasivhaga, 10 Yaqeen Ahmed, 9 Hendré Schoeman, 8 Gert Kemp, 7 Luke Cannon, 6 Kebotile Maake, 5 JD Hattingh, 4 Heinrich Theron, 3 Danie Kruger, 2 Siphosethu Mnebelele (captain), 1 Oliver Reid

Replacements: 16 Liam van Wyk, 17 Rambo Kubheka, 18 Luan van der Berg, 19 Jaythen Orange, 20 Thomas Beling, 21 Risima Khosa, 22 Jayden Brits, 23 Alzeadon Felix.

Springbok head coach Rassie Erasmus is set to make more changes to his side for the third and final mid-year Nations Championship Test against Wales in Durban this coming Saturday.

Following another impressive victory over Scotland at Loftus Versfeld on Saturday, the world champions again underlined their strength and versatility by defeating a strong Scottish side 42-28 with a much-changed team.

Despite the strategic personnel changes and limited continuity, the Boks’ power and squad depth proved the difference against the Scots, with a dominant second-half surge sealing the Test. It also ensured the Springboks remain unbeaten on home soil against the visitors.

Now, a wounded Wales side head to the East Coast for the third match of the inaugural tournament, giving Erasmus another opportunity to rotate his squad and hand more players valuable game time.

The Welsh suffered a heavy defeat to Argentina, and the record-breaking Springbok coach hinted that he could hand out more caps while resting some of his established stars for another week or two.

Having not featured yet for the Boks, the Welsh clash could present the ideal opportunity to give captain Siya Kolisi a run, while allowing Pieter-Steph du Toit a well-earned break. Du Toit captained the side in the first two Tests and did a stellar job.

Against a struggling Welsh outfit, Erasmus could also be tempted to hand debuts to youngsters Jaco Williams and Vusi Moyo. The duo have been biding their time in camp and will be eager for an opportunity.

“We will use a bit of a combination when it comes to the Welsh Test,” Erasmus said, referring to blending the experience in the squad.

“We will include some guys returning to fitness; I didn’t understand the Ethan Hooker concussion (on Saturday). We didn’t see the incident, and the guy’s mouthguard pinged. Hopefully, he will be cleared to get him through another couple of minutes.

“To give Jesse (Kriel) a rest, Canan (Moodie) might be back to full fitness after withdrawing from the Scotland game and we can switch him to 13. I might bring Sacha (Feinberg-Mngomezulu) into the group next week, because he might be ready for Argentina or after that, New Zealand. Morné van den Berg is also close to full fitness.

“Someone like Siya or Lood (de Jager) might also be ready. So the team will be a combination of some guys coming back from injury and ensuring we have more caps than the opposition when we run onto the field. We were outnumbered by caps and experience against Scotland.”

While it could be another case of mix and match in certain positions to build combinations, the senior Springboks again put their hands up against the Scots, rallying the younger players to seal the win under difficult circumstances.

The inexperience showed at times, particularly on defence, but the way the Boks scrambled and worked for one another highlighted just how strong a position the squad is in. Erasmus emphasised that they had learned a great deal from the performance and was pleased to keep winning while taking valuable lessons from each Test.

He also highlighted the impact of the bench and was satisfied with the pace and energy it injected after coming on. That ultimately helped the Boks close out the contest in the final 10 minutes, just as Scotland looked to turn to their expansive running game.

While it wasn’t the complete performance expected given the changes Rassie Erasmus made, the Springboks stamped their authority on world rugby with another impressive display against Scotland at Loftus Versfeld on Saturday.

After testing several players and new combinations, South Africa still claimed a convincing 42-28 victory to secure a second successive win in the Nations Championship. It leaves them in a strong position in the tournament ahead of their final mid-year clash against Wales in Durban on Saturday.

Leighton Koopman looks at five takeaways from the Springboks’ win over Scotland.

Springbok depth is unmatched

Ten changes would disrupt the flow and momentum of most teams; that is a fact. However, the Boks have found a way to negate those challenges through their remarkable depth and the way head coach Rassie Erasmus strategically blends experience with emerging talent.

Right now, it will take a special team to match the performances of a full-strength Bok side, while even the fringe players are capable of going toe-to-toe with some of the best teams in the world. That says plenty for a year out from the 2027 Rugby World Cup.

The Bomb Squad remains undefeated

Send on the Bomb Squad to defuse any team that threatens the Springboks. That is exactly what the world champions’ replacements did when Erasmus emptied his bench to inject some fresh pace into the clash.

Five changes shortly after halftime shifted the momentum, and despite a yellow card, the Boks stood up to everything Scotland threw at them. Players such as Zachary Porthen, Elrigh Louw and Grant Williams were outstanding when the Scots threatened to mount a serious comeback.

The unofficial Six Nations Grand Slam winners

Since last November, the Boks have stamped their authority on every Six Nations side. They have beaten France, Italy, Ireland and Wales, and have now added comfortable victories over England and Scotland.

It is a statement to have beaten Europe’s top teams over the past eight months and another reminder of why the Springboks are regarded as the benchmark in world rugby. Another opportunity awaits against Wales to reinforce that status this coming weekend in Durban.

There is a No 9 conundrum

The Boks won’t be able to wish this one away, but it is certainly an enviable headache to have. They have a wealth of talented scrumhalves who fit seamlessly into the Bok system, yet only four can make the Rugby World Cup squad.

While the tournament is still some way off, Erasmus will need to settle on his preferred options sooner rather than later. Grant Williams and Cobus Reinach have the starting roles covered, but the battle for the remaining places between Embrose Papier, Herschel Jantjies, Faf de Klerk, Jaden Hendrikse and Morné van den Berg is far from over.

Discipline needs attention

Those unnecessary yellow cards could come back to haunt the Springboks in tighter contests. Although they defended superbly while reduced to 14 men, it is an area they can and should improve.

There was an understandable lack of cohesion because of the number of changes, but the penalties they conceded, coupled with the yellow card, prevented them from building sustained momentum. Discipline is certainly something the Boks must tighten up as the season progresses.

The name of EFF leader Julius Malema came up under scrutiny at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry this week when WhatsApp chats between suspended Crime Intelligence boss Major-General Feroz Khan and tobacco executive Mohamed Sayed were shown.

Evidence leader Advocate Matthew Chaskalson said on Tuesday the commission’s investigators extracted data from Khan’s cellphone covering the period between 2020 and 2023.

The damning evidence presented in the WhatsApp chats showed, among other things, that Khan coordinated a plan with Malema through Sayed to remove former Inspector-General of Intelligence Setlhomamaru Dintwe.

The commission heard that Khan provided confidential case information, which Malema was not entitled to.

In an affidavit submitted to the commission, Malema said the evidence that allegedly implicated him was purported extracts of communication between Khan and Sayed.

“I evidently cannot confirm whether these extracts are a true record of their engagement or the authenticity of those extracts. Only they can. I do not understand the commission to require me to confirm,” he said.

Responding to parliamentary questions about Khan, Malema said he regularly received information from various sources in his work as an MP.

“It is my concern, and indeed my interest, to receive information about the working of our public service officials whom I have a task of holding to account,” he said as he denied unlawful conduct on his part.

Political analysts said the evidence at the commission did not mark the beginning of the end for the EFF and its leader.

Political analyst Dirk Kotze said some of the evidence led at the commission, especially his links to Adriano Mazzotti-linked tobacco company Carnilinx and Khan, was not new.

Kotze said Malema and Khan were likely to have been used by Carnilinx to try to undermine the competition for the company.

“Part of it was that they wanted to use Julius Malema, especially now in Parliament, to undermine the Inspector-General of Intelligence, and for that reason they used Malema, who had this long-standing relationship with Carnilinx and Mazzotti, and General Khan was giving some information to them through the intelligence information.”

Kotze said it was impossible for Malema to escape from the evidence and deny it as untrue evidence. 

“So if there are issues about Julius Malema in public, it reflects on the EFF automatically,” he said.

Kotze indicated that Malema has been in trouble a number of times in the past and survived.

“It is not necessarily the end of the EFF or Malema, but it does contribute to the general decline that we are seeing,” he said in reference to the party's performance in the 2024 elections.

Another political analyst, Sipho Seepe, said the Madlanga Commission looked at what appeared to be concerning relationships involving people whose characters are questionable.

“The question is, why will Malema, who stands on a platform of political morality, be seen to have a good relationship with his people? The second one is something that seems to suggest that people like Khan were engaged in using Malema in trying to use Malema politically to pursue their own agenda,” Seepe said.

He said the issue was whether Malema was aware that he was being used and, if he was, what was in it for him.

“The issue is what was in it for each one of these people in terms of how they relate to each other, and that is the question people will be asking because what the Madlanga Commission has done is to make a possible relationship visible.”

Seepe noted that the EFF has not issued a statement on the evidence led at the commission, while Malema, in his affidavit, stated that he did nothing illegal.

“One would have expected that the EFF would voluntarily explain itself, but they chose not to.”

He said the survival of the EFF did not depend on external forces, as many people have survived in politics as long as they have a good support base.

He made the example of President Cyril Ramaphosa in his Phala Phala scandal, former president Jacob Zuma during his presidency, and former DA federal chairperson Helen Zille for her colonialism remarks.

“What we have in this country is that people support their leaders no matter what, and it's not only with the EFF and ANC. The same applies to people like Helen Zille when she came up with nonsense around colonialism.”

Seepe said that for as long as he continues to be a leader of the EFF, Malema will survive politically.

“The legal issues are something else, but if he ends up in jail, that will create a new dynamic,” he said.

However, he indicated that the EFF, whose support has dwindled, would be impacted.

“The challenges, whether political or personal, that affect the leader will invariably affect the party.”

No comment was obtained from the EFF as calls and text messages to spokesperson, Sixolise Gcilishe, went unanswered.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

On April 24, 2022, then DA Federal Council chairperson Helen Zille took to social media to defend her party's governance record, arguing that Cape Town's townships were better serviced than those elsewhere in South Africa and that the DA delivered more for poor communities than any other government in the country.

More than four years later, one of South Africa's Chapter Nine institutions has released findings that have reignited debate over those claims.

On July 7, 2026, the Public Protector released the findings of a four-year investigation into service delivery in Langa Flats and parts of Khayelitsha, concluding that the City of Cape Town had failed to progressively provide constitutionally required basic municipal services in the affected communities, which amountsto maladministration.

The report, titled Report No. 12 of 2026/27, found shortcomings relating to sanitation, municipal housing, infrastructure maintenance, high-mast lighting, refuse removal, sewer management, and safety measures at public health facilities.

While the investigation focused on Langa Flats and Khayelitsha, the Public Protector said its findings point to broader governance concerns.

Public Protector spokesperson Ndili Nkosi said the office considered the findings indicative of systemic governance failures beyond the two communities investigated.

"While the investigation focused on Langa Flats and Khayelitsha Township, the evidence revealed systemic governance and service delivery challenges, not isolated to Langa and Khayelitsha, including shortcomings in intergovernmental coordination, infrastructure management, by-law enforcement, and municipal service delivery," Nkosi said.

He said the report identified recurring governance deficiencies, including infrastructure backlogs, ineffective municipal services, and failures to uphold the constitutional principles of accountability, responsiveness, transparency, and efficiency.

"The report further observes that these challenges raise broader national governance concerns, particularly regarding whether the current intergovernmental fiscal framework adequately supports municipalities facing extensive informal settlements, ageing infrastructure, and growing service delivery demands," he said.

The Public Protector has recommended that the Minister of Finance review whether existing funding mechanisms adequately support municipalities facing increasing urbanisation pressures.

Recommendations were also directed at the ministers of Human Settlements and Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, while remedial action was issued to the City of Cape Town's Executive Mayor, Municipal Manager, and the Western Cape MEC for Local Government.

According to Nkosi, the office will monitor implementation through mandatory action plans, progress reports, and on-site inspections.

The findings come days after the Constitutional Court, on July 2, 2026, ruled that the sale of the Tafelberg School site in Sea Point was unlawful, a judgment widely viewed as significant in South Africa's ongoing efforts to address apartheid-era spatial inequality.

Although unrelated to the Public Protector investigation, the judgment has renewed debate over equitable access to housing, land, and municipal services in Cape Town, with opposition parties arguing that it forms part of a broader pattern of unequal development.

The Public Protector's findings have since drawn a sharp political reaction.

In a statement, the ANC said the report confirmed concerns it had consistently raised about conditions in many of Cape Town's working-class communities.

"The findings expose the daily reality that thousands of working-class families have endured for years," the party said.

It cited overflowing sewerage, deteriorating roads, poorly maintained municipal housing, failures to repair high-mast lighting, and safety shortcomings at the Matthew Goniwe Community Health Centre.

"These are not isolated administrative failures. They are failures that undermine the dignity, safety, and well-being of our people."

Other opposition parties, including ActionSA and Build One South Africa (BOSA), also welcomed the findings, arguing that they highlighted a disconnect between Cape Town's reputation for sound governance and the lived experiences of residents in historically disadvantaged communities.

The report has also renewed debate over the relationship between clean audits and service delivery after the Auditor-General's latest municipal audit outcomes again placed the City of Cape Town among the country's strongest-performing metropolitan municipalities in terms of financial governance.

Governance experts, however, caution that financial management and service delivery should not be viewed as interchangeable.

Dr Busani Ngcaweni, director of the Centre for Public Policy at the University of Johannesburg Business School, said the Public Protector's report highlighted the difference between sound financial administration and governance outcomes.

"Financial governance, service delivery, and justice are inseparable," Ngcaweni said.

"The Public Protector report is ultimately about the ethical consequences of execution failures. The violence, insecurity, and squalor experienced in many historically black communities are not peripheral issues. They are evidence that governance has not translated public resources into constitutional rights."

He said municipalities should ultimately be judged by whether public spending improves residents' quality of life.

"The Public Protector's findings demonstrate that sound financial administration does not automatically produce equitable service delivery. A municipality may manage its finances relatively well, while sections of its population continue to endure failing sanitation, sewer overflows, unreliable public infrastructure, and unsafe living conditions."

Development economist Professor Daniel Meyer said favourable audit outcomes should not be interpreted as proof that communities receive adequate municipal services.

"Audit outcomes assess financial statements, compliance, and performance reporting. They do not certify that every community receives adequate municipal services or that resources have been distributed equitably," Meyer said.

He said voters heading into the November 4 local government elections should evaluate municipalities on both financial governance and service delivery.

"The true test of municipal governance is whether financial capability is translated into equitable development," Meyer said.

Responding to the findings, City of Cape Town Mayoral Committee Member for Water and Sanitation Zahid Badroodien said the Public Protector had acknowledged that many of the issues identified during the four-year investigation had already been addressed.

"The Public Protector found that after her four-year-long investigation, most of the issues that have been identified in the report have already been attended to," Badroodien said.

He said the report also recognised the city's cooperation throughout the investigation and acknowledged the challenges municipalities face in providing free services without sufficient support from the national government.

Badroodien said no wrongdoing had been found against any administrative official or public representative, and maintained that Cape Town remained South Africa's best-run metropolitan municipality, pointing to its record of unqualified audits, infrastructure investment, and pro-poor capital spending.

The city further said the Public Protector had issued remedial findings against the National Treasury and the Department of Human Settlements, underscoring what it described as broader structural challenges affecting municipalities across the country.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

Lionel Messi continues to collect World Cup records like souvenirs, and even at 39 years old, the Argentina captain is showing that his name still belongs among football’s immortals.

Messi produced another memorable performance as Argentina edged Egypt 3-2 in the World Cup knockout stages, scoring once and assisting another goal to help his country survive a dramatic contest.

According to OptaJoe, the match saw Messi reach milestones that further separated him from some of the greatest players to ever grace the tournament.

The Argentina forward became the first player in World Cup history to score in six consecutive knockout matches, extending a remarkable run that started during Argentina’s successful 2022 campaign in Qatar.

From the quarter-final against the Netherlands in 2022 to the clash with Egypt, Messi has continued to find the net when the pressure is at its highest.

He also extended his record of scoring in consecutive World Cup matches, becoming the first player to find the net in nine successive appearances at the tournament.

For a player who has already achieved almost everything possible in football, Messi’s hunger for more records remains remarkable.

The 2026 tournament has also seen him move further ahead in the World Cup history books for assists.

His assist against Egypt took his World Cup tally to nine, moving him beyond Argentina legend Diego Maradona and making him the outright leader for assists in the competition since records have been tracked.

Messi’s influence against Egypt was not limited to creating goals. His equaliser took his World Cup goal tally to 21, extending his position as the tournament’s all-time leading scorer.

The numbers are staggering, especially considering Messi first played at a World Cup in 2006 and is now competing in his sixth edition.

21 - 🇩🇪 Miroslav Klose started this World Cup as the all-time leading scorer with 16 goals - he's now comfortably in third place, trailing 🇦🇷 Lionel Messi (21) and 🇫🇷 Kylian Mbappé (20).

Who will be top at the end of the tournament?

Race. pic.twitter.com/6Y0yglOtvi

— OptaJoe (@OptaJoe) July 10, 2026

The Egypt match also produced another remarkable piece of history as Messi became the oldest player to score and assist in the same World Cup game.

At 39, the Inter Miami forward continues to defy the usual football timeline, producing moments that many expected would have disappeared years ago.

However, the match also highlighted one unusual statistic. Messi became the first player to miss two penalties in a single World Cup tournament, excluding shootouts, after his spot-kick was saved against Egypt.

But even that footnote cannot overshadow another chapter added to one of football’s greatest stories.

Every generation eventually says goodbye to its superstars, but Messi is making his final World Cup appearances look less like a farewell tour and more like another record-breaking expedition.

There is no pretending Orlando Pirates are a better team without Relebohile Mofokeng.

Players capable of deciding matches through moments of brilliance are incredibly rare, and over the last two seasons the Bafana Bafana international repeatedly demonstrated why he is regarded as one of the finest young footballers South Africa has produced in recent years. 

His move to Belgian side Royale Union Saint-Gilloise represents a significant moment for both the player and South African football, but it also presents Pirates with one of their biggest tactical challenges heading into the new season.

Replacing Mofokeng will be impossible and taking away 20 goal involvements in 36 appearances leaves some kind of damage even for a side of Pirates’ quality. 

Replacing the dependence on Mofokeng, however, may prove far more valuable.

As the season progressed, there were occasions when Pirates naturally looked towards the 21-year-old whenever matches became tight. 

#PSLAwards2026: Here are the nominees for the PSL Footballer of the Season award. pic.twitter.com/2HDHOTrwzx

— Official PSL (@OfficialPSL) July 3, 2026

Whether it was beating defenders, creating chances or producing an individual moment of quality, Mofokeng increasingly became the team’s solution to difficult problems.

That is hardly a criticism.

The world’s best teams have always relied on elite individuals. But sustained success usually belongs to teams where responsibility is spread throughout the squad rather than resting on one player’s shoulders.

That is the opportunity now facing Abdeslam Ouaddou.

The Moroccan boasts a league-winning squad that already possesses strong foundations. Pirates did not secure a domestic treble simply because of Mofokeng. 

They won because they defended collectively, pressed aggressively, controlled transitions and consistently found match winners from different areas of the pitch.

Evidence Makgopa enjoyed arguably his best campaign in black and white. Patrick Maswanganyi remains one of the league’s most creative midfielders, while Oswin Appollis arrives carrying both expectation and the attributes to add another dimension in the final third.

Tshepang Moremi, meanwhile, now has another opportunity to accelerate his development and shoulder greater responsibility.

Rather than searching for another Mofokeng, Pirates may benefit more from ensuring four or five players each contribute slightly more.

That has often been the hallmark of championship-winning sides.

The best teams evolve before they are forced to. They lose important players, promote new leaders and continue moving forward because their identity is bigger than any individual. 

Jose Riveiro built much of that culture during his time at the club, and Ouaddou now has the opportunity to strengthen it further.

The psychological battle may ultimately prove just as important as the tactical one.

Pirates supporters inevitably see Mofokeng’s departure as a significant loss, but successful clubs rarely stand still because one player leaves. Instead, they create environments where another player emerges to seize the opportunity.

If Pirates genuinely believe they are building an era rather than celebrating one successful season, then Mofokeng’s departure should not be viewed as the end of a cycle.

It should become the beginning of the next one.

Because while replacing Relebohile Mofokeng may be impossible, building a stronger collective without him certainly is.

Deputy Minister for Women, Youth and Persons Living with Disabilities, Mmapaseka Steve Letsike, will engage the Health Minister and the ANC over her continued service on the South African Pharmacy Council (SAPC).

This is after Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi said his hands were tied on removing Letsike from the SAPC, which has powers to register pharmacy professionals and pharmacies, control pharmaceutical education, and ensure good pharmacy practice.

Motsoaledi was responding to parliamentary questions from MK Party MP Moshome Motubatse, who asked whether Letsike’s appointment was ethical and consistent with good governance at SAPC, which reports to the Health Department.

Letsike’s situation was thrust into the spotlight because she does not represent the executive, unlike Deputy Minister for Finance David Masondo, who does represent the government at the Public Investment Commission.

She started her second five-year term at SAPC in January 2024 before she was elected an MP and appointed as the deputy minister.

Motsoaledi said there was no administrative or enabling statutory requirement to remove the deputy minister after she was elected as an MP.

“However, the matter has been brought to her attention to reconsider her membership in the SAPC. I believe that Parliament, as an oversight body, has a responsibility to address the matter with her,” said Motsoaledi.

In response on Saturday, Letsike said she noted Motsoaledi’s responses, including his view that she should reconsider her continued participation in the SAPC.

“I will engage with the Minister of Health and the African National Congress on the matter, and together, we will evaluate my continued participation and contribution to the work of the council. Those engagements will be undertaken in good faith and with due regard to the principles of good governance and public confidence,” she said.

Letsike’s service on the SAPC previously came up at a meeting of the Health Portfolio Committee when the entity made a presentation on its mandate, regulatory functions, and current priorities in May.

Motubatse had questioned why Letsike had not resigned from the SAPC and asked what steps had been taken by the council to ensure that there were checks and balances on her appointment.

SAPC President Mogologolo Phasha had told the committee that they had written to Motsoaledi in September 2024, enquiring whether he would consider keeping Letsike on the council following her appointment as deputy minister.

“The minister elected not to withdraw the appointment,” he said.

Phasha further said Letsike had shown them letters indicating she had approached Parliament and the ANC chief whip, who gave her consent to continue serving on the council if she was not remunerated or claimed for travel.

On her part, Letsike said she had approached Parliament, ANC Chief Whip Mdumiseni Ntuli, and Motsoaledi immediately after her deputy minister appointment because compliance with the rules and ethics was important.

“Section 8 of the Code of Ethical Conduct and the Disclosure of Members' Interests were exercised. One did not operate outside that,” she said.

The 2024 and 2025 Registers of Members' Interests show that Letsike made a declaration on remunerated employment outside Parliament by the SAPC.

On Saturday, she said in an interview that she received no remuneration, sitting allowances, transport claims, or any other financial benefit arising from the SAPC.

“I take seriously the oath I swore as a member of the executive. My service on the council has always been transparent and undertaken in the spirit of public service,” she said.

Motubatse has argued that she should resign as the matter went beyond technical compliance.

“It strikes at the heart of ethical independence, institutional independence, and public confidence in regulatory integrity,” he said.

Motubatse said the SAPC leadership should be beyond reproach and free of executive influence and pressure.

“The deputy minister is not an ordinary citizen. She forms part of the executive and, by extension, carries authority, influence, and political weight of the Presidency,” he said, adding that Letsike’s views at SAPC may be misconstrued as government policy and preference.

However, Letsike dismissed that she wielded power by virtue of being a member of the executive, saying the SAPC was an independent statutory body.

“My role as deputy minister has neither diminished the independence of the council nor afforded me any undue influence over its work. My participation has always been guided by the principles of ethical governance, transparency, and service to the public,” she said.

She maintained that her service on the SAPC has been voluntary public service that was undertaken without remuneration, personal benefit, or improper motive.

“I have spent over two decades contributing to advocacy and public health policy and governance. That has always been the heart of the work, including being of service to the people.”

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

The National Liquor Traders (NLT) has called for closer cooperation between the government, regulators, and the liquor industry following the Enyobeni Tavern inquest, saying accountability must extend beyond individual businesses if similar tragedies are to be prevented.

The call follows Friday's ruling by the Mdantsane Regional Court, which found there was prima facie evidence to prosecute tavern owners Siyakhangela and Vuyokazi Ndevu, police sergeant Thabisa Kondile, former bouncer Thembisa Diko, and Eastern Cape Liquor Board inspector Zuko Lizani over the deaths of 21 young people at the Eastern Cape tavern in June 2022.

Responding to the judgment, the NLT extended its condolences to the victims' families, describing the tragedy as one that should never have occurred.

"Today's findings mark an important milestone in the pursuit of accountability. While the court found that there is prima facie evidence warranting further legal consideration, we recognise that the legal process is not yet complete and that all those implicated remain entitled to due process and the presumption of innocence until the courts determine otherwise," the organisation said.

The traders' body stated that the judgment was a reminder that every licensed liquor outlet has a responsibility to operate within the law and ensure the safety of its patrons.

"The Enyobeni tragedy should never have happened. It serves as a painful reminder that every licensed liquor outlet carries a profound responsibility to operate lawfully, responsibly, and in full compliance with South Africa's liquor laws."

The NLT said there could be no place for the sale of alcohol to underage people, overcrowding, unsafe trading conditions, or any conduct that placed lives at risk.

However, it maintained that preventing another tragedy would require more than holding individual businesses accountable.

It said liquor boards, municipalities, law enforcement agencies, and the industry all had a role to play in strengthening compliance and improving oversight.

"Effective regulation requires active collaboration between liquor licensing authorities, law enforcement agencies, municipalities, and the liquor industry. Regulatory failures, where they exist, must also be addressed to ensure similar tragedies are prevented in the future."

The NLT called for stronger enforcement of existing liquor laws against those operating outside the law, closer cooperation between liquor boards, police, municipalities, and industry stakeholders, increased education campaigns to prevent underage drinking and promote responsible alcohol consumption, and continued investment in programmes that equip tavern owners to operate safely and legally.

It said most licensed tavern owners complied with the law, created jobs, and contributed positively to their communities.

"The overwhelming majority of South Africa's licensed tavern owners are responsible small business operators who comply with the law, create employment, and contribute positively to their communities. Those who deliberately disregard the law should be held accountable through the justice system, as their conduct undermines public confidence in the entire sector."

The NLT said it remained committed to working with the government, regulators, and communities to build a safer liquor trading environment and ensure that tragedies such as Enyobeni are never repeated.

Meanwhile, the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) welcomed the court's findings, describing them as an important step towards accountability for the victims' families and the broader community.

The commission stressed that the inquest findings did not amount to criminal convictions but provided a basis for the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) to consider further legal action.

It also renewed its call for long-delayed reforms to South Africa's alcohol laws, saying stronger legislation and enforcement were needed to better protect children and reduce alcohol-related harm.

The SAHRC said the Enyobeni tragedy exposed wider institutional and regulatory failures and maintained that accountability should extend beyond prosecuting individuals to strengthening the systems responsible for enforcing the country's liquor laws.

The matter will now be referred to the NPA, which will determine whether to institute criminal charges.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

Two men have been sentenced to an effective 30 years’ imprisonment by the Pinetown Regional Court for robbing unsuspecting victims after luring them through Facebook Marketplace under the guise of buying and selling gaming consoles and computers between May and June 2024.

According to National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) spokesperson Natasha Ramkisson-Kara, Siphesihle Magwaza, 29, and Bukhosibakhe Ndledla, 32, posed as prospective buyers or sellers before arranging to meet their victims in Marianhill’s Auckland area.

The pair sent victims a location pin and, upon their arrival, escorted them to an abandoned building where other accomplices were waiting.

There, the victims were threatened with knives and firearms before being robbed of their belongings.

“In some instances, the accused also gained access to the complainants’ banking applications on their cellphones and transferred funds from their accounts,” Ramkisson-Kara said.

She added that the victims were forced to delete their conversations with the accused before being released. They were robbed of cash, cellphones, laptops, jewellery, gaming consoles, and other valuables.

The scheme unravelled after one of the victims shared the location pin with the police. Acting on that information, officers tracked down the suspects and confronted them. Although several accomplices managed to flee, Magwaza and Ndledla were arrested.

Police also recovered various items belonging to the complainants at Magwaza’s property. Ramkisson-Kara said both men were positively identified by their victims during an identification parade. 

During the trial, prosecutor Ehud-Jadon Francke also presented cellphone evidence linking Ndlela to the crimes after the police established that he had inserted his SIM card into one of the stolen cellphones.

Magwaza was convicted on five counts of robbery with aggravating circumstances and sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment on each count. However, because some of the sentences will run concurrently, he will serve an effective sentence of 30 years’ imprisonment.

Ndledla was convicted on three counts of robbery with aggravating circumstances and sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment on each count. As two of those sentences will run concurrently, he will likewise serve an effective sentence of 30 years’ direct imprisonment.

Both men were also declared unfit to possess firearms.

Ramkisson-Kara urged members of the public to remain vigilant when buying or selling goods through social media platforms.

“We trust that sentences of this nature will serve as a deterrent to like-minded offenders and reinforce the message that crime will not be tolerated and perpetrators will be held accountable for their actions,” she said.

nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za

THE office of King Misuzulu kaZwelithini has issued an official response to a leaked video showing the Zulu monarch berating his wife, Queen Nomzamo Myeni.

In a formal statement released on Friday, the royal household expressed “profound concern” over the unauthorised dissemination of the clips, noting they were leaked to the public without the King's knowledge or consent.

The four-minute-and-six-second video, which began circulating online on Thursday, July 9, shows the King holding what appears to be a green beer bottle while shouting at the Queen during a heated exchange.

Throughout the footage, a Siswati-speaking woman is heard in the background attempting to calm him down. During the confrontation, King Misuzulu accuses Queen Nomzamo of infidelity with a member of the Shembe Church, criticises her conduct as a royal wife, and threatens to assault her.

He also takes issue with her social media activity, including Facebook posts and a recent visit to the Kaizer Chiefs camp. “She’s out there without my permission. When you’re someone’s wife, you ask for permission to go to some places. At least let your husband know,” he says.

The King further suggests the Queen should be taught how to conduct herself, makes derogatory remarks about the leader of the Shembe Church, and admits he ascended the throne through witchcraft.

Queen Nomzamo appears visibly subdued throughout much of the exchange. As the King leaves the room, she turns to the camera and quietly says: “This is the life that I live, day and night.”

The palace stated that the recordings capture a private family setting from the past, which has since been overtaken by “extensive reflection, mutual reconciliation, and the ongoing fulfilment of royal duties.”

Emphasising that the footage is “historical in nature and do[es] not represent the present circumstances within the Royal Household,” the office highlighted the couple's joint official duties on the day the video surfaced, hosting Build One South Africa (Bosa) leader Mmusi Maimane at the KwaKhangelamankengane Royal Palace.

Their continued participation in public engagements, the statement noted, demonstrates an unshakeable commitment to the Zulu nation.

Despite contextualising the video, King Misuzulu did not shy away from accountability. Acknowledging that certain expressions made during an “emotionally charged moment” fell short of the dignity, restraint, and decorum expected from the throne, the King expressed deep remorse for the pain caused.

To this end, he has appointed a high-level delegation of senior Royal House elders to meet with Unyazi Lwezulu of the Nazareth Baptist (Shembe) Church.

The delegation was instructed to personally deliver the King’s sincere apology for his remarks, reaffirm the royal household’s longstanding respect for the church, and appeal for the acceptance of his heartfelt apology, while emphasising his commitment to safeguarding the dignity and unity of the Zulu Kingdom.

The circulation of the video has reignited debate over whether social media is a vital avenue for exposing abuse or a platform that sensationalises deeply personal conflicts.

The incident is the latest in a growing number of high-profile relationship disputes unfolding online, prompting widespread discussion about the King's conduct, the Queen's welfare, and the role of digital platforms in exposing intimate partner violence.

Responding to the controversy, Sonke Gender Justice cautioned against reducing such incidents to public spectacle. Co-executive director Bafana Khumalo noted that online exposure can both retraumatise survivors and serve as a desperate call for help.

“The exposure of these sordid affairs has two implications,” Khumalo said. “On the one hand, these exposures tend to be sensationalised and present a great potential of re-victimising the survivor. In some instances, these images are selectively shared without providing adequate context.”

Conversely, he acknowledged that sharing such videos could be an attempt to expose acute, repeated abuse that has remained hidden.

“It is very likely that when such a video is recorded, it is because the abuse has been repeated over time unabated,” he added, noting that public exposure should not distract from South Africa's broader gender-based violence crisis.

Khumalo explained that many survivors remain silent due to fear of not being believed, being blamed, or facing pressure to keep abuse within the family. “What that means in many instances is that the victim or survivor should remain silent and not report the abuse, and this is unacceptable,” he said.

However, he warned against the public rushing to analyse or take sides in viral disputes before all facts are known, urging that the gender-based violence and femicide (GBVF) crisis not be used for “nefarious intentions” by influencers.

Rather than sharing videos widely, Khumalo advised the public to report suspected abuse to the police or relevant state institutions like the Commission for Gender Equality and the South African Human Rights Commission.

Meanwhile, University of KwaZulu-Natal cultural expert Professor Sihawu Ngubane stressed the importance of not conflating the video’s contents with Zulu cultural practices.

“We are all sad about the situation. In my view, this has nothing to do with culture but a private family affair,” Ngubane said.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Following a year-long delay in delivering the reasons for a judgment, Pietermaritzburg High Court Judge Elsje-Marie Bezuidenhout has been ordered by the Judicial Conduct Committee (JCC) to apologise in writing to Abantu Batho Congress (ABC) President Philani Mavundla and former Umvoti Municipality speaker Mfundo Masondo within 30 days.

Deputy Chief Justice Dunstan Mlambo, in a ruling delivered earlier this week, found that Judge Bezuidenhout’s conduct amounted to a grossly negligent breach of the Code of Judicial Conduct.

“The written apology must be provided to the Secretariat for onward transmission to the complainants within 30 days of receipt of this ruling,” Mlambo ordered.

Mavundla, the former mayor of Umvoti Municipality, and Masondo were removed from office in a no-confidence vote orchestrated by an ANC-IFP coalition in May 2024.

On June 19, 2024, Judge Bezuidenhout presided over several urgent applications arising from the leadership dispute. Five days later, she discharged a rule nisi that had granted Mavundla and Masondo interim relief, indicating that her reasons would follow in due course.

Their legal representatives requested the reasons on July 2, 9, and 24, 2024, but were informed by the judge’s registrar that she was overseas and that the reasons would be furnished in due course.

The reasons were only delivered on June 19, 2025, by which time Mavundla and Masondo had already lodged complaints with the JCC in March 2025.

In addition to complaining about the delay, the pair alleged that Judge Bezuidenhout threatened their legal representatives, subjected them to undue verbal attacks during proceedings, and displayed bias against them.

In response, Judge Bezuidenhout denied the allegations, saying the applicants’ legal team had struggled to answer questions relevant to the matter.

Moreover, during leave-to-appeal proceedings, Bezuidenhout discovered that Mavundla's legal team had cited fictitious case law — of nine authorities referenced, only two existed. She described the conduct as “irresponsible and downright unprofessional”. 

After reviewing the court transcript, the JCC found that Judge Bezuidenhout had questioned counsel firmly and, at times, interrupted their arguments. However, it concluded that this did not establish bias, personal spite, or any ulterior motive.

“At most, it shows robust judicial engagement in urgent and contentious proceedings,” Mlambo said.

He explained that a judge may be firm during proceedings, ask difficult questions, and may require counsel to address perceived weaknesses in a case. 

Mlambo also accepted that Judge Bezuidenhout had provided context for the delay, including the complexity of related proceedings and the fact that she had experienced significant health problems, undergone surgery, and required a period of recovery.

However, he found that the Code of Judicial Conduct required the delay to be managed proactively.

According to Mlambo, there was no indication that Judge Bezuidenhout informed the head of court that reasons remained outstanding, sought guidance or assistance, kept the parties informed of a realistic timeframe, or otherwise took documented steps to manage the delay.

“The matter was urgent. The reasons were reasonably required. A delay of that length in furnishing reasons for an urgent order is a serious matter,” Mlambo said.

Despite finding that Judge Bezuidenhout had breached the Code of Judicial Conduct, Mlambo stopped short of recommending that the matter be referred to a Judicial Conduct Tribunal, finding no evidence of bias, malice, or an intention to frustrate or defeat an appeal.

nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za

Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana said it is too soon to estimate the costs for the implementation of the recommendations of the Madlanga Commission on Inquiry.

“The commission’s work has not yet been concluded, so it is premature to estimate the cost implications of implementing the recommendations,” Godongwana said.

He made the comment when he was responding to parliamentary questions from MK Party MP Visvin Reddy, who posed questions on matters related to the funding of the commission.

Godongwana referred a question about the expenditure incurred to date on the Madlanga Commission to the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development.

However, he said funding for the commission’s continuation and ultimate conclusion will be dealt with as part of the 2026 Adjustments Budget. 

“I announced this in my 2026 Budget Speech, along with an indication that costing for extensions is still to be finalised.”

Godongwana had stated in February that funding would be made available when the costs became clearer for the various commissions of inquiry that were unlikely to finish within their initial deadlines.

In September 2025, the preliminary costs of the commission, which were provided by the Justice and Constitutional Development Department and later confirmed by the National Treasury two months later in the Adjustment Budget, were estimated at R147.8 million.

Asked if sufficient funding will be prioritised and guaranteed for the continued work of the commission until those implicated were fully exposed and investigated, Godongwana said the National Treasury cannot guarantee funding for any specific project. 

He said funds can only be withdrawn from the National Revenue Fund through an Act of Parliament, the National Treasury only managed the budget process with his ministry tabling Cabinet’s proposals for approval by Parliament.

“The legislation that guarantees funding is the Appropriation Act. Once enacted, it provides authority for the Minister of Finance to, among others, authorise expenditure if it cannot reasonably be delayed and such expenditure is of an exceptional nature and if not approved, is likely to cause serious prejudice to the public interest.”

Meanwhile, Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi told Reddy that her department has not yet undertaken a full assessment of the legal and institutional implications arising from the allegations presented before the commission.

“This is because the department is awaiting the conclusion of the commission’s proceedings and the submission of the final report,” Kubayi said.

Reddy had wanted to know about the urgent legislative, disciplinary, and institutional reforms that have been considered to restore public confidence in the criminal justice system.

Kubayi stated that the department will consider and assess matters identified by the commission, including those of a legislative, administrative, or disciplinary nature, once it receives the final report.

“Any measures or reforms arising from this assessment will be addressed with the aim of strengthening the criminal justice system and restoring public confidence.”

On Thursday, President Cyril Ramaphosa extended the final report deadline of the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry to November 16, instead of August 31.

The Presidency said the extension sets a new evidence deadline of October 2, 2026, to enable the commission to close out topics raised during hearings.

The commission was granted an extension in May.

It has, since its establishment, submitted two interim reports that make referrals concerning matters that require immediate further investigation by relevant law enforcement agencies and disciplinary measures against individuals implicated in wrong-doing, including criminal acts and corruption.

The SAPS has since established a special unit that effected arrest on several individuals.

While the extension of the commission’s term was broadly welcomed, the EFF has expressed concern regarding the lack of public access to its interim reports.

“This commission does not belong to President Ramaphosa, it belongs to the people of South Africa. These are not matters of private correspondence between the commission and the president, but they concern the Constitution and integrity of the Republic itself,” the EFF said.

The Red Berets said it was unacceptable that Ramaphosa alone determined what the public may know while implementing prosecutorial and administrative recommendations arising from the interim reports when the public are unable to scrutinise the report.

“The EFF, therefore, calls for the immediate publication of both the first and second interim reports, subject to only the limited redactions that may be strictly necessary to protect ongoing criminal investigations, witnesses, or legitimate national security concerns.”

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Despite notable progress in empowering and elevating South African women in science, Deputy Minister for Science, Technology and Innovation Nomalungelo Gina has urged greater national commitment to spotlighting the achievements of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).

Ms Gina was delivering the keynote address at the seventh annual Women in Science Symposium, hosted by the University of Pretoria (UP) at Future Africa, UP’s pan-African platform for collaborative research.

Held under the theme ‘Unpacking STEM Careers: Her Voice in Science’, the Deputy Minister described the event as both a tribute and a call to action to celebrate, empower and propel the voices of women in science towards a future that truly reflects the diversity, strength and potential of South Africa.

“We must reflect on the strides we have made, acknowledge the work yet to be done, and commit ourselves to the determination required for real, lasting transformation,” she said. “Women in South Africa are contributing groundbreaking research, setting global standards in health, environmental sciences, data and digital technologies, and many more fields. Yet we cannot ignore that women and girls remain underrepresented, especially at senior and strategic levels.”

Ms Gina said UP’s Women in Science platform is a crucial platform through which to celebrate the achievements of South African women in science, including those who conduct cutting-edge research, lead multidisciplinary teams, head institutions, and inspire thousands of students. Similarly, the Department of Science, Technology and Innovation’s South African Women in Science Awards (SAWiSA) celebrates the outstanding achievements of women in STEM. 

UP Vice-Principal for Research, Innovation and Postgraduate Education Professor Sunil Maharaj applauded the phenomenal contributions and advancements that women have made in all areas of STEM. He acknowledged that these achievements were made in the face of many obstacles, with many more still to be overcome.

UP is home to more than 2 932 academics and researchers, of whom 57% are women. UP has 447 professors, of whom 39% are women. Women currently account for 40% of UP’s total of 570 National Research Foundation- rated researchers, and 50% of its South African Research Chair Initiative (SARChI) positions are held by women.

“Faced with a legacy of inequality, you have had to go all out to prove yourselves in what was, and in too many cases still is, a male-dominated world,” Prof Maharaj said. “My heartfelt wish is that in the near future we can dispense with terms like ‘male-dominated world’ as a never-to-be-repeated anachronism. At UP, we are entirely committed to achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment at all levels and in all fields.”

Dr Rakeshnie Ramoutar-Prieschl, UP’s Director of Internationalisation and Strategic Partnerships, said, “We can do so much more together through empowered intergenerational dialogue that starts to interrupt, disrupt, and break the cycle of stereotypes and gender biases. We must ask ourselves the painful questions about our youth. Who gets to see themselves become scientists? And who gets left out before they even get a chance? These questions need answers and call for transformative and inclusive change that supports the empowerment of girls and women beyond their current place of being relegated to the fringes of the economy and society.