Beginning in July 2025, following its approval at the end of the previous year, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) embarked on a colossal $167 billion hydropower project in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR).

Planned to generate around 60 gigawatts when completed in the early 2030s, the scheme comprises five cascading stations along the lower reaches of the Yarlung Tsangpo River, which flows into India as the Siang and later becomes the Brahmaputra.

It is a pharaonic enterprise, but it poses a dire question: will China pursue it even at a potentially enormous human cost?

The project is, in fact, a time bomb. The South China Morning Post reported that an active fault line runs directly beneath the world’s largest hydropower project, posing a threat to the mega-dam now under construction.

This is not alarmism from foreign critics but the conclusion of Chinese geologists themselves, published in Mandarin in the journal Sedimentary Geology and Tethyan Geology.

Scholars from Chengdu University of Technology and the Civil-Military Integration Center of the China Geological Survey urged builders to strengthen slope stability and implement protections to mitigate landslides and collapses.

Yet the PRC has a habit of ignoring inconvenient truths that might tarnish its image of triumphant progress and mastery over nature.

The seismic volatility of the region is well documented. Pemakoe, the area at the heart of the project, is one of Tibet’s holiest places. It is a “Beyul,” a hidden valley revered in Tibetan folklore as a sanctuary during times of crisis.

Pemakoe is believed to be the abode of Vajravārāhī (Dorje Pakmo), protector of this sacred realm and the gorges of the Yarlung Tsangpo. For centuries, only small communities lived here, many drawn by spiritual devotion rather than material gain. That fragile balance was shattered on August 15, 1950, when a magnitude 8.6 earthquake — the most powerful of the 20th century — devastated Southern Tibet, including Pemakoe. Lama Kunzang Dechen Lingpa Rinpoche, who witnessed the catastrophe, recorded how entire mountainsides collapsed, trees were uprooted, animals killed, and the Tsangpo River dammed by landslides.

English explorer Francis Kingdon-Ward similarly described “incalculable damage” as millions of rocks and forests poured into rivers, unleashing waves of floodwater. The scars of that disaster lingered for years, stripping mountains bare of vegetation and reshaping the landscape.

Against this backdrop, the warnings of Chinese geologists today should be taken seriously. They note that the Paizhen Fault, highly active since the Ice Age, will have a major impact on the stability of dams, roads, bridges, tunnels, and reservoirs.

Danger downstream in India

The fact that their findings were publicised in the SCMP suggests that even within China, doubts about the project’s wisdom are widespread. The Great Bend of the Yarlung Tsangpo, where the river plunges from 2,900 meters at Pai to just 600 meters within 60 kilometres, offers immense hydroelectric potential.

But it also magnifies the risks. Harnessing this drop for 60 gigawatts of power may look like triumph over nature, yet it could one day unleash devastation not only in Pemakoe but downstream in India.

The project is also a geopolitical manoeuvre. The diversion route runs close to the Doshung-la tunnel and the new G219 highway, linking Xinjiang to mainland China along Tibet’s southern borders. The opening of the road to Metok in 2021 facilitated construction, and villages have already been built to house tens of thousands of migrant workers from the mainland.

This influx will alter the demography of a sensitive border region, embedding Beijing’s presence more deeply. The G219 itself was once known as the Aksai Chin road, crossing Indian territory in Ladakh - a reminder of the contested geography in which this project unfolds.

History adds another layer of irony. In 1913, Captain GA Nevill of the Indian Police wrote to London suggesting that the frontier with Tibet should pass through Namcha Barwa, an 8,000-metre peak near Pemakoe.

Had Britain accepted his proposal, the sacred valley might have fallen within India, preserving its spiritual sanctity and shielding it from Beijing’s ambitions. Instead, Pemakoe became part of a state that prizes control and spectacle over human lives and spiritual values.

The consequences of this mega-dam are not limited to Tibet. Downstream, millions in India and Bangladesh depend on the Brahmaputra for agriculture, fisheries, and livelihoods.

Any disruption - whether from dam-induced water diversion or seismic collapse - could devastate communities far beyond China’s borders. The PRC’s pursuit of hydropower in such a volatile region demonstrates a willingness to gamble with lives, ecosystems, and geopolitics for the sake of energy and prestige.

The Pemakoe project is thus more than an engineering feat. It is a test of whether a regime obsessed with demonstrating power will heed the warnings of its own scientists and the lessons of history.

The earth beneath Pemakoe is unstable, and the spiritual fabric of the region has already been scarred. To ignore these realities is to invite catastrophe. Heaven forbid that the warnings of Chinese geologists go unheeded, for doing so would give Beijing yet another opportunity to demonstrate its cruelty in the face of a disaster foretold.

* Marco Respinti is an Italian professional journalist, member of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), author, translator, and lecturer.

** This is an edited version of the first part of a series, first published in Bitter Winter.

*** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of IOL or National Media Group.

Top seed Alexander Zverev picked up the pace at the US Open on Saturday, virtually sprinting to a 6-2, 7-6 (7/2), 6-2 victory over Alejandro Tabilo to reach the last 16 after laboring through a pair of marathon five-setters.

The German had already spent nine hours and 26 minutes on court in his first two matches — the most time a top seed has needed to reach the third round of a major since 1999.

"My coach was actually quite smart — he explained to me a best of five set match doesn't mean you have to play five sets," quipped the French Open champion, who appeared on a mission to end the trend against Tabilo.

Meanwhile the 25th-seeded Chilean was out to avenge a loss to Zverev in the second round last year on the same Arthur Ashe Stadium court.

Zverev didn't face a break point in a brutally efficient first set, winning all 11 points behind his first serve and five of seven on his second serve.

He broke Tabilo twice on the way to pocketing the set in 38 minutes, and broke him again on the way to a 4-2 lead in the second.

But Tabilo was finding his footing, and the pace slowed as he turned it into a tight back and forth battle.

He got his first whiff of a chance when he went up 0-30 on Zverev's serve in the sixth game of the second set.

The German quickly snuffed out the danger, but Tabilo pulled a break back in the eighth, winning three straight games to take a 5-4 lead.

He had Zverev on the ropes in the 10th game, threatening to break to take the set.

Zverev saved a pair of set points then broke Tabilo in the next game, but the Chilean promptly returned the favor to force a tiebreaker that was all Zverev.

Undaunted, Tabilo mustered two break points in the opening game of the third set, both denied by Zverev winners.

@iol.sport Joburg, you showed up and completely blew the roof off! 🇿🇦 From the deafening roar of 90,000 fanatical voices echoing through FNB Stadium to the absolute heart-in-mouth tension on the turf, yesterday was pure high-octane drama. That unstoppable Gauteng energy, world-class rugby, and a legendary atmosphere that only the Calabash can deliver! The Springboks snatched an incredible victory to set up the ultimate climax, defeating the All Blacks 29-24. Now, it all comes down to the grand finale in the USA! 🏉🔥 #rugbysgreatestrivalry #Springboks #allblacks ♬ original sound - IOL Sport

Big improvement -

That was the last chance Tabilo got, Zverev winning the last four games to take the match after two hours and 26 minutes.

"I am definitely happy with the improvements," Zverev said. "I spent 10 hours on the court in two matches so I had to find my rhythm somehow, and I did. From back of the court I was much better.

"I was not happy with the second set," he added. "I think especially the end of the second set I lost focus a little bit. I was not moving as well. I was not playing as well. But I think the first and third sets are big improvement to the other days."

Zverev still found himself thanking fans who stayed until after 1:00 am.

Thanks to a titanic tussle between Iva Jovic and Alexandra Eala in the first night match Zverev and Tabilo didn't take to the court until nearly 11:00 pm.

Zverev will face Italian Luciano Darderi for a place in the quarter-finals after the 21st seed beat Australian wild card Dane Sweeny 6-4, 6-3, 6-3.

Winger Ethan Hooker admitted the pressure was massive heading into the third Test between the Springboks and All Blacks at FNB Stadium, with both sides knowing defeat would leave them needing a victory in the final match of Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry to salvage a draw.

After New Zealand won at Ellis Park, in the opener, before the world champions levelled the series in Cape Town, the third clash in Soweto was always going to be a big one in context of the series.

With almost 90 000 supporters packed into the venue, the Boks delivered when it mattered, coming from behind to beat the All Blacks 29-24 and take a 2-1 lead in the series. They can’t lose the rivalry.

@iol.sport IOL Sport's Mike Greenaway gives an update on the weather, fans flocking into the stadium and what to expect in the blustery conditions ahead of the third Test in Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry at FNB Stadium in Soweto. More updates on 🌐https://iol.co.za #Springboks #AllBlacks ♬ original sound - IOL Sport

For Hooker, named Player of the Match, the intensity around the clash was big.

“There was quite a bit of pressure, especially after that first game where we lost. We knew the third game was always going to be make or break for either team,” Hooker said.

“We just said we were going to throw everything at this game. If we win, we win. If we lose, we lose. We go again next week. But, like I said, we’ve got next week still. It’s not done, there’s still one game left, and we’re going to focus all our energy on next week.”

The victory was particularly significant for the Springboks because of the way they responded to the challenge posed by the All Blacks, who started the match with real intent and threatened to seize control of the contest early on.

Hooker acknowledged that the visitors gave them a physical and relentless battle, but it was what they had expected.

“We knew New Zealand were going to come out firing. They’re a great rugby nation, we have all the respect in the world for them, and they definitely delivered. We knew it was going to be 80 minutes of just fighting, and that’s exactly what it was.

“I think our game plan was to focus a lot more on ourselves rather than the opponent, and focus on what works for us. Going back to the basics: our set-piece, our contesting, and I think we really put a big focus on that during the week. I think it showed.”

Hooker said the experience was unlike anything he had encountered and as a first-time traveller to the United States, he is looking forward to it.

“Today (Saturday) was insane. The 90 000-odd people in Soweto was awesome. Credit to the guys who came out today, they really made it. You can’t even say a word to your mate 10 metres away, because he won’t hear you.

“Next week it’s a neutral venue, so it’s going to be a bit 50/50. However, it will be my first time in America, so it’s going to be awesome.” 

Children and teachers at a primary school in Greytown, northern KwaZulu Natal, have endured unsafe and deteriorating classrooms for decades.

The school governing body (SGB) says the provincial Department of Education has made little progress in repairing Indlovana Primary School, situated in Greytown’s CBD, since the first request for assistance in 2014.

Parents have kept their children out of school for weeks because of safety concerns.

SGB chairperson Nana Mkhize said parents preferred that children lose learning time instead of risking their lives.

“They will recover learning time but not lives,” she said.

She said a teacher, who was teaching in a run-down park home classroom, fell into a hole in the wooden floor and badly injured her leg in March.

“The teacher had to undergo a medical operation because of the seriousness of the injury,” said Mkhize.

Mkhize said all concrete classrooms have leaking roofs, which have led to ceiling boards falling.

The KwaZulu Natal Department of Education had not responded by publication time to questions sent to its communications officials. 

In March, IOL listed five schools in need of urgent infrastructure upgrades.

In July, Equal Education submitted a report to the provincial legislature on the state's rural schools, highlighting overcrowded classrooms, broken toilets, lack of access to water, shortages of textbooks and learning materials, unsafe, reduced, or unavailable scholar transport, and deteriorating school infrastructure.  

Indlovana has 16 concrete classrooms and eight mobile classrooms, which accommodate 1 184 learners, 98% of whom are from underprivileged families.  

This reporter has seen two letters sent to the department by principal ZL Myaka and the SGB.

One of them, dated January 25, 2022, expressed that the school was not in a condition to accommodate children and teachers due to its condition.

“We are risking the lives of learners and educators by allowing them to occupy the space, but at the same time we know that teaching and learning must continue.

“This has been going on for years and years, and the Department is aware of it,” read the letter.

The letters cite broken windows, doors that cannot close, falling ceiling boards and holes in the wooden floors of mobile classrooms - one of which once resulted in an injury to a teacher.

Parents fear that snakes are likely to be under the mobile classrooms, as they have previously been found therre. 

Myaka and SGB also wrote another letter to the department on March 3, 2024, elaborating on the school’s unbearable condition.

The letter stated that in 2023 there were incidents where a ceiling board and a door in one of the classrooms fell on learners.

For years, the school had been operating with park homes to replace some of the badly dilapidated classrooms, and those park homes, which are placed on top of bricks, are also now crumbling, with holes in the floors.

“In one of the park homes, the floor fell (through) while the children were in class.

“Other park homes are in bad condition, and we fear for the children’s lives,” wrote Myaka.

“Every year we send letters, but they don’t take it (the school) as a priority.

“We would like to bring into your consideration that the condition of the school buildings is completely not good for learners and employees,” read the letter.

Mkhize, who is now 40 years old, said she enrolled at the school after her previous one in Nhlalakahle township burned down during political violence.

Four new park homes were delivered on July 24, but it was still not enough.

The SGB had given the department two options: to renovate it or rebuild it from scratch, as park homes can only be a temporary facility.

Toilets in the school are a concern as they are a risk to the children’s health.

“We have only eight toilets, which are all in a very bad situation.

“Lives of learners and educators are at risk,” read the letter.

The letter states that municipal health officials had threatened to close the school because of health hazards.

The school management also called for the fencing of the school “as people enter at any time.”

According to another correspondence from one of the education department’s senior managers, Thuthukani Magubane, then education MEC Mbali Frazer had directed in 2024 that the school receive infrastructure assistance after the SGB had first threatened to stop children going to the school.

At the time, the SGB accused the department of deliberately putting the lives of the children and teachers at risk.  

Mkhize said that after pressure, Magubane visited the school.

The email said the school would be accommodated in the next budget “meaning that we will wait from now until March (2027)”.

“They are going to replace the whole roof of the brick classrooms,” she said.

Mkhize said the brick walls were still in good condition, but that windows needed to be replaced and more toilets built.

She said according to the email that Magubane showed the SGB, but declined to allow them to have a copy, renovating the school would cost R10 million.

Provincial Education Portfolio Committee acting chairperson Hlengiwe Mavimbela said after hearing about the school’s condition, the committee had asked the department to explain what intervention had been undertaken.

“While the committee is aware of the financial strain and backlog on infrastructure delivery in most schools of our province, we do not allow this challenge to put a complete stop to teaching and learning in any school.

“The committee will never accept a situation where children are deprived of their right to education.

“It is the responsibility of this committee to hold the department to account, and where a report of learners not attending school is reported, the committee expects the department to provide a report as a matter of urgency to address such a situation,” said Mavimbela.

uMkhonto weSizwe Party MPL Thuthukani Madondo said the Indlovana crisis is not isolated, as it reflects wider infrastructure challenges in the province’s rural schools.

“The government cannot wait until buildings collapse before acting. Preventative maintenance, risk assessment, and timely intervention are essential to protect learners.

“MKP will use its oversight role in the Legislature to demand accountability and ensure the concerns of Indlovana’s community are addressed. Learners must never bear the consequences of government failures,” said Madondo.  

bongani.hans@nationalmg.co.za

People all around the world long for peace, unity and harmonious relationships. Yet they often go along with the proposition that human beings are selfish and aggressive, and therefore not capable of erecting a peaceful social order, founded on cooperation and reciprocity. Such assumptions about our human nature and related attitudes and behaviours, have led to several problems in our societies, including social conflicts, war, and moral and spiritual apathy.  

Lasting peace, in the Bahá’í view, requires fundamental changes in our mindset and acceptance that human beings have an innate capacity for harmony and cooperation. It calls for the recognition that we are created inherently noble and are endowed with the potential to reflect qualities such as love, justice, kindness, and compassion.

The Bahá’í Writings affirm this inherent nobility, saying: “God has created man lofty and noble, made him a dominant factor in creation. He has specialized man with supreme bestowals, conferred upon him mind, perception, memory, abstraction and the powers of the senses. These gifts of God to man were intended to make him the manifestation of divine virtues, a radiant light in the world of creation, a source of life and the agency of constructiveness in the infinite fields of existence”. 

Human beings, in the Bahá’í view, are not created sinful or immoral. Rather, we are created noble, and filled with potential for goodness. We have the capacity to develop both intellectual abilities and spiritual qualities. However, there is a need for education and guidance to develop the powers and capacities latent within us.

The Bahá’í Writings state: “Man is a child of God, most noble, lofty and beloved by God, his Creator. Therefore, he must ever strive that the divine bounties and virtues bestowed upon him may prevail and control him. Just now the soil of human hearts seems like black earth, but in the innermost substance of this dark soil there are thousands of fragrant flowers latent. We must endeavor to cultivate and awaken these potentialities, discover the secret treasure in this very mine and depository of God, bring forth these resplendent powers long hidden in human hearts...”. 

True education is more than acquisition of knowledge and skills. Alongside intellectual development, it should foster moral empowerment and enable individuals to apply their abilities in service to their communities and humanity. 

It should cultivate qualities such as justice, compassion, humility, tolerance, love, and a commitment to justice and equality. It should nurture in the individual an appreciation for the richness and importance of the world's diverse cultural, religious and social systems, and encourage unity in diversity. 

The Bahá'í International Community observes that “… communities that thrive and prosper today will do so because they acknowledge the spiritual dimension of human nature and make the moral, emotional and intellectual development of the individual a central priority”. 

Recognizing that we are created noble inspires both hope and responsibility. It calls on us to cultivate our innate capacities and virtues, strengthen bonds of cooperation, and dedicate time and energy to serving the common good. 

As these qualities are developed, they become a powerful force for building communities, and advancing a civilization founded on justice, unity, and lasting peace. 

* For feedback please contact: secretary.nsa@bahai.org.za or (011) 801 3100. Websites:  www.bahai.org,  www.bahai.org.za

** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL or National Media Group or any of their related brands and platforms. 

The Constitutional Court this week heard a case that may not only impact South Africa’s relations with Iran but also set a precedent for how the fight to hold multinational corporations accountable for their wrongdoing is handled locally and globally.

Earlier this year, the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) delivered a landmark judgment against the MTN Group, giving the green light for South African courts to hear allegations that it acquired a telecommunications company stake in Iran through bribery and corruption. MTN appealed against the judgment and the matter was heard in the Constitutional Court this week, with judgment expected to be delivered on a date yet to be determined.

Turkish telecoms operator Turkcell has been engaged in a decades-long dispute with MTN involving damages of about R74billion. It was initially awarded a R31.6bn deal as part of Iran’s first private cellular network project, only for the government to later change tack and sign a new deal with MTN in 2005.

Explaining the importance of the case, Jane Borman, an attorney with non-profit organisation Open Secrets that is a friend of the court in the matter, said their interest was about principle and the precedent the case may set.

She said: “This involves state capture of a foreign government. So, it’s not our government, but the reality is that if you let companies act corruptly overseas, what would stop them from being corrupt here?”

Borman said this was “the fight before the fight” about principles, about the rule of law doctrine, “making sure that our companies are acting correctly”. It was about jurisdiction rather and the merits of the actual allegations were not dealt with.

She said while the thorny political issues -  including human rights violations allegedly committed in Iran - were not directly discussed in the South African courts, there would be political ramifications if a local court found that the Iranian government acted corruptly. Because of the “moment in time” with Iran in the global spotlight, and South Africa’s relationship with the Middle Eastern country under increased scrutiny, such a ruling would be “a big deal”.

Explaining their interest in the case, Borman said: “This isn’t a criminal case. It’s obviously about one company suing another company. It’s very unlikely that the South African government will bring criminal prosecution against anyone… Whatever the court will eventually decide, it’s important that the court hears the evidence.

“We don’t know – we don’t have a position on whether or not MTN in fact did act corruptly. We haven’t looked at the evidence … We just say that a South African court must have the opportunity to enquire into whether this happened.

“Our point is just that the case must be heard, otherwise it sets a really bad precedent for future cases.”

MTN is opposing the hearing of the case in South Africa based on “State immunity”, “foreign actors doctrine”, and the argument that issues about the tender should be dealt with in Iran and not in South Africa.

MTN is in the process of withdrawing from the Middle East to focus on Africa but the US sanctions against Iran are standing in the way.

Comment

THE delay in the appointment of the next Bafana Bafana coach and the non-implementation of Video Assistant Refereeing (VAR) are the latest chapters in a long list of reasons why the South African Football Association (Safa) needs an administrative overhaul.

With Safa heading for its elective congress on 12 September, where incumbent Danny Jordaan is challenged by AmaZulu chairperson Sandile Zungu for the presidency, it is unfortunate that these matters are dragging us forcefully into the politics of football administration.

As we weigh in on these matters, we’re sure to be accused of taking sides, but what can we do? Nothing, except to boldly state our two cents' worth: the upcoming elections should be seen as a crucial moment to press that much-needed reset button in South African football administration.

The 74-year-old Jordaan, CEO of the 2010 World Cup Local Organising Committee, is going for his fourth consecutive term as Safa president. He has not done much public campaigning — he rarely ever does, as he is backed by the Football Transformation Forum (FTF), which is made up of “respected” figures from the 52 Safa regions.

The national executive committee (NEC) members from those regions are the ones who vote. That right there leaves Zungu with an uphill battle akin to climbing an active volcano — only, when it erupts, it won’t be in his face, but that of South African football and its lovers.

"The voting members on 12 September 2026 will be the regions, the Premier Soccer League as the Special Member and Associate Members. Safa has invited various stakeholders to the Elective Congress, including FIFA, CAF, COSAFA, SASCOC, Minister of Sports, Arts and Culture Gayton McKenzie, the chairman of the Portfolio Committee on Sport, Arts and Culture, and legends of the game, among others," Safa specified on its website.

The 59-year-old Zungu is himself backed by an organisation, called Save Our Safa (SOS), which consists of South African football legends and football-loving businesspeople.

Safa deputy president Ria Ledwaba, who also suffered the consequences of challenging Jordaan for the presidency in the previous elective congress, is reported to be in the SOS camp.

The elections are not simply a contest between two individual leaders, but a pivotal event that carries the potential to reset South African football.

Jordaan and the FTF argue for continuity, regional representation and stability.

Zungu and SOS are campaigning on a reform agenda that includes greater transparency and changes to the way Safa is administered.

Zungu has publicly made restoring trust and integrity within Safa central to his campaign, and thus enjoys the support of the business world.

Some analysts have likened his candidacy to that of Patrice Motsepe for the Confederation of African Football (CAF) presidency, going as far as highlighting the two men's history as leaders of the Black Business Council at points in their careers.

The big debate, though, is not whether Zungu is the right person to succeed Jordaan, but that there have been more than enough fiascos at Safa to warrant a leadership change.

The two current sagas — the delayed appointment of the Bafana coach and the VAR scandal — are just two matters adding to the list of reasons why Jordaan should vacate the Safa presidency.

No one is perfect, and for sure Zungu will not be a perfect leader, but it has reached the point where anyone who comes in as Safa head will most likely do better for South African football.

Bafana have been without a coach for 31 days since Hugo Broos’ tenure officially ended on 31 July.

On 8 August, the NEC endorsed the return of Pitso Mosimane, and like any other high-profile appointment, it has not been without its fair share of controversy. There has since been a standstill caused by salary negotiations.

Fair enough, but with Bafana starting their Africa Cup of Nations (Afcon) 2027 qualifiers in 22 days, one cannot help but remember the energy expended by Safa on lambasting media reports about Broos’ future when he did an interview in Belgium saying he had stepped down.

There was just one statement after another coming from Safa House.

Maybe that period and energy would have been best utilised negotiating the incoming coach’s deal, especially since Broos had said, even before the 2025 Afcon, that he would be retiring after the 2026 World Cup.

The VAR matter is just a weird one; how can a national sporting federation sit idle on a R20 million government donation and fail to use it to implement the much-needed programme it was intended for?

It just blows the mind, especially as we continue to witness refereeing shortcomings like the one during the MTN8 semi-final second leg between African champions Mamelodi Sundowns and Lamontville Golden Arrows.

So, hopefully, cool heads will prevail at the elective congress - and those who vote will break away from their conformity to the Safa they know, and allow for the formation of a new one.

Ahead of what can be termed the most brutal local government elections, with the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP) not seeing eye to eye, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) has given itself the task of convening a meeting between the three formidable alliance partners.

This comes as the labour federation has reaffirmed its role as a non-partisan partner within the tripartite alliance, a decision underscored during a recent press briefing following its Central Executive Committee (CEC) meeting on August 25, following the establishment of an Alliance Political Council to oversee discussions among the three alliance partners.

"Even with the SACP contesting elections, and Cosatu respects the decision of the SACP to contest elections, that is why the Central Committee of Cosatu, the 8th Central Committee, directed us to convene the Alliance Political Council so that our political alliance partners can find modalities on how they are going to contest elections in a manner that they will... So, the SACP will contest elections, the ANC will contest elections, what are the modalities of doing that," said Cosatu's first deputy president Mike Shingange during a press briefing on Saturday.

At what is seen as a critical juncture, Cosatu’s leadership has also taken a firm stance on the ongoing migration crisis that has strained relations between South Africa and several neighbouring countries. Reports highlight that more than 200,000 migrants have fled South Africa, with returnees originating from countries including Zimbabwe, Malawi, Mozambique, Ghana and Nigeria, exacerbated by large-scale protests against difficult socio-economic conditions earlier this year.

Cosatu president Zingiswa Losi and first deputy Mike Shingange voiced concerns about the worsening state of migration across the continent. Losi argued that South Africa cannot be expected to tackle the migration issue alone, calling on African leaders to collectively address the situations driving their citizens to seek refuge elsewhere.

"South Africa on its own cannot take responsibility for issues of migration outside the entire leadership of the African continent. You can't have leaders who, when they go to Geneva, when they go to the UN, when they go elsewhere, have an entourage of officials to do what? And the cost of that is enormous when people back home are left not knowing what it is, where they are going to find the next employment, and there are no commitments," Losi stated.

Echoing Losi's sentiments, Shingange asserted the necessity for African governments to cultivate conditions that would prevent citizens from feeling compelled to leave their homelands. "Nobody will willingly abandon their country for an uncomfortable foreign land unless there are pressing socio-economic and political issues or severe persecution. There ought to be a responsible way of managing the push and pull factors involved in both legal and illegal migration," he said.

As preparations continue for Cosatu’s 15th National Congress, scheduled to be convened in Midrand from September 14 to 17, the federation has called on its alliance partners to find common ground ahead of the local government elections.

siyabonga.sithole@nationalmg.co.za

sundaytribune.co.za

Durban art teacher Zanele Nsindane described the photographic exhibition hosted at her school on Friday, August 28, in celebration of Women’s Month as “healing”, “an eye opener” and “a celebration of our shared humanity”.

“Former learner Xolani Sithole returned to his old school to show them that a child from this same community can become an artist. We are a no-fee school, but on that day, we were rich,” said Nsindane who helped Sithole take the Phakathi Secondary School’s art class through photography training and organised the exhibition.

The exhibition, titled Simunye Kuhluke Imilando (We are one, only our history differs), was held at the school in Klaarwater, Pinetown, with guests coming from as far as Joburg and Cape Town.

Nsindane thanked the Muholi Art Institute (MA!) and its founder, celebrated Durban artist and photographer Professor Zanele Muholi, who sponsored the photographic project.

Nsindane said the exhibition was an eye opener for the pupils as many of them had never held a camera before.

In preparation for the exhibition, the pupils had to go out and take pictures telling stories of women in their families.

“Others took pictures of themselves, acting as models representing whoever they wanted to tell a story about. An example, they’ll talk about their sister who looks after them at home, or maybe the first graduate of the family. Another one would put on a graduation gown. Even male learners did that, dressing up as women, representing the person they wanted to portray,” said Nsindane.

Tshepo Tshite produced a spectacular finish to win the Hollywoodbets Durban 10K in 28:18, using the speed that has made him South Africa’s fastest-ever 1500m athlete to overhaul Kenyan Stephen Kangethe in the closing stages.

Kangethe entered Kingsmead Stadium in front and appeared to have done enough to claim victory. But Tshite, an Olympic and World Championships representative over the middle distances, produced a devastating final kick on the grass to pull away from the Kenyan and win by three seconds.

The victory underlined Tshite’s growing pedigree over 10km. Earlier in the year, he finished third at the Absa Run Your City Gqeberha 10K in March, narrowly missing the 28-minute barrier, and Sunday’s performance further demonstrated his potential at the longer distance.

“I know I am capable of running something, but the most important thing is all about learning how to run 10K,” Tshite told the media during the post-race conference. “Remember, the roads and track are not the same. I come from the 800m and I’ve been trying to upgrade to the 1500m, so for now it’s all about learning the distance.”

The time of 28:18 was achieved in windy conditions, something Tshite said has repeatedly hampered his attempts at a fast 10km.

His ambitions, however, extend beyond the road. Tshite plans to move into the 5000m and believes developing his endurance over 10km will make him even more dangerous over the shorter distance.

“I have to race the 5000m,” he said. “I know the faster I run 10Ks, the better my 5000m is going to be, because already I know that I have the advantage of speed.”

Kangethe, competing in South Africa for the first time, was left to settle for second after making the decisive move into the stadium.

“The race was good, I ran my best,” he said, while acknowledging the difficult conditions and strong challenge from the South Africans.

Tshite credited his training, discipline, and the assistance of long-distance specialist Stephen Mokoka as he continues adapting to the demands of longer racing.

The victory gives Tshite another significant milestone in his transition from middle-distance specialist to an increasingly formidable road-runner.

Meanwhile, Kabelo Mulaudzi finally got on the podium in a road race this year as he finished third in a time of 28:28.

Tayla Kavanagh won the women’s race in a course record of 31:39, despite suffering a nasty fall at the 3km mark, to beat her Hollywood Athletics Club teammate Neheng Khathala into the runner-up position by 22 seconds. Karabo Mailulu of Boxer Athletics Club was third, a full minute behind Khathala.

Orlando Pirates head coach Abdeslam Ouaddou has backed Yanela Mbuthuma to silence his critics after the striker played a key role in their MTN8 semi-final victory over Sekhukhune United.

Mbuthuma, who has been the target of boos from some Pirates supporters in recent weeks, registered two assists as the Buccaneers cruised to a 3-0 victory in the second leg at Orlando Amstel Arena on Saturday.

The performance earned praise from Ouaddou, who believes the young striker still has a big future at the club.

“Look! Me, it doesn’t make me happy now, this boy, we trust him,” Ouaddou said after the game.

Swift. Deadly. Clinical

Ghamphani Lungu finishes a sensational counter attack 🔥

📺 Stream #MTN8 live: https://t.co/B0jLrQW5cc pic.twitter.com/waHJ6APCLj

— SuperSport Football ⚽️ (@SSFootball) August 29, 2026

Ouaddou calls for patience

“Sometimes in football you are in a difficult period. Like I said we have to give him confidence, trust him, the performance will come. And today he played a good game and we have to continue to help him.

“I’m sure he is the future of Pirates, and we cannot kill a boy like that. It’s what makes it so great when you feel that you’re being pushed by your own fans, they give you energy, power so all the time what I said, sometimes you have to be patient with the players and when they feel this love, support you’ll see what they can give you.

“So, I think it can be a lesson if we can have the support from our fans, I hope it will bring him something,” added Ouaddou.

Following their MTN8 victory over Sekhukhune, Pirates will now turn their attention to Tuesday’s Betway Premiership clash against Kruger United at Mbombela Stadium.

Samsung South Africa has officially launched its Spring Blue Tag Sale¹, giving consumers the opportunity to own the brand's latest innovations. Running for a limited time, the nationwide campaign offers genuine savings across Samsung's Mobile eXperience (MX) and Consumer Electronics (CE) product portfolios, making it easier than ever for consumers to upgrade the technology they use every day.

Blue Tag Sale has grown to become one of Samsung's flagship retail campaigns, combining various meaningful offers with the innovation, quality and connected experiences that consumers have come to expect from the brand. Whether upgrading to the latest smartphone, transforming home entertainment, gaming monitor or investing in intelligent home appliances, customers can enjoy exceptional value across a wide range of products.

Blue Tag Sale gives consumers an opportunity to experience Samsung's latest technologies, from Galaxy AI and immersive entertainment to artificially intelligent home appliances, while enjoying genuine savings that make upgrading even more rewarding, offers start from 17 August 2026.

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• Galaxy A07 (64GB) – Now R2,199*, save R800
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Parents need to support their children who would like to follow their creative passion and go for artistic careers or businesses after school.

This is part of the message Durban artist and art teacher Zanele Nsindane is hoping will be spread through a photographic exhibition her school is opening on Friday.

Part of Women’s Month celebrations, the exhibition is opening on Friday at Phakathi Secondary School, a no-fee school in Klaarwater, Pinetown.

“Parents and families must support their learners. If a kid wants to do art, many parents don’t understand it. You get someone asking: ‘Uzoyenzani i-art; uzosebenzaphi? (What will you use art for; where will you work?).

“So, people raise children only to be workers. They don’t raise them to stand on their own,” Nsindane said.

She appealed to the private sector to support schools offering art and other creative programmes, especially township and rural schools such as Phakathi. She said without world-renowned Durban artist Professor Zanele Muholi the project would not have been possible.

The exhibition is part of the Photo XP programme run by the Muholi Art Institute (MA!) founded by Prof Muholi.

Learners had to go out and take pictures to highlight the role of women in their families and in the community.

“They had to go out and take pictures with their families. Others took pictures of themselves, acting as models representing whoever they wanted to tell a story about. An example, they’ll talk about their sister who looks after them at home, or maybe the first graduate of the family. Another one would put on a graduation gown. Even male learners did that, dressing up as women, representing the person they wanted to portray,” said Nsindane.

A former Phakathi pupil played a leading role, alongside his former teacher as facilitator, to make the exhibition and the art class a success. 

Xolani Sithole, who took the pupils through photographic training in preparation for the exhibition, said he was happy to be giving back to his old school.

He said art as a subject at his old school was not taken seriously during his time about a decade ago.

“When I did art, it was something unusual. Most teachers tended to undermine it, taking it as playing around. Even after one had finished school, they’d ask you what you were going to pursue, and when you said ‘photography’, they’d say ‘but so-and-so (referring to local events photographers in the community) are there?’”

“But now that I’m back, having been overseas – I was in Spain – and working with someone well known under Professor Zanele Muholi’s organisation, I get a lot of respect from everyone.”

However, as Nsindane explained, it was not easy for Sithole to get the financial support necessary to go through his photographic studies at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology.

* For more information about the exhibition and MA!, contact info@muholiart.institute

Rassie Erasmus admitted the Springboks had been given “a hiding” by New Zealand at Ellis Park on Saturday, but insisted his side would keep their heads down, block out the criticism and work towards finding a way back.

The All Blacks ran out 31-16 winners in a bruising Rugby's Greatest Rivalry encounter in Johannesburg, leaving Erasmus with little interest in dressing up a performance he described as “terrible” on the scoreboard.

“Most teams lose a game or two here and there and if we lose, it is natural for our fans to be unhappy,” Erasmus said. “We understand it was a terrible performance on the scoreboard, but the scoreboard is what counts. We can talk a lot about a lot of things, but we know we need to be better.”

The defeat was not unfamiliar territory for the veteran coach.

“I’ve been involved in the Springboks now for 106 games, and we have been in a position like this before,” he said. “We need to find a way back now against a very good New Zealand team.

“We got a hiding today, so there will naturally be critics out there, and we will lay low, not read the papers and work hard to make sure we come back.”

The Springboks' task was made more difficult by a series of injuries that forced Erasmus to abandon much of his carefully planned bench strategy.

Both wings were affected, with Kurt-Lee Arendse leaving after a head knock and Cheslin Kolbe going off with severe cramp.

“Kurt-Lee’s mouthguard pinged, and the match doctor didn’t clear him,” Erasmus explained.

The resulting reshuffle meant Jesse Kriel moved from outside centre to the wing, while Andre Esterhuizen, who had been earmarked for a role as a loose forward, had to fill in at centre.

“Kurt-Lee got an HIA, which meant we couldn’t use Andre as a forward,” Erasmus said. “We wanted to use him as a forward in this game, but then he had to go to centre while Jesse had to play out of position on the wing.”

Kolbe's departure created another headache. Grant Williams, who had started at scrumhalf, was moved to the wing, with Cobus Reinach coming on at No. 9.

“Cheslin got injured later. Cobus had to go to nine because we had three backs on the bench and Grant had to go to wing,” Erasmus said.

The disruption continued as the Springboks were reduced to 13 men. Manie Libbok's introduction meant Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu had to move to fullback, further altering the shape of the side.

“When we were only 13 men, getting Manie on meant Sacha had to go to fullback,” Erasmus said.

“The injuries were disruptive because of the way we planned to play the game.

“That’s nobody’s fault.”

Kolbe had been in good goalkicking form and, despite questions over why Feinberg-Mngomezulu had not taken the kicks, Erasmus said the decision was straightforward.

“At the moment Cheslin is our most accurate kicker and didn’t miss a kick, so that’s why he kicked” he said.

The coach also defended his decision to withdraw prop Ox Nche shortly after half-time, despite the loosehead having produced a dominant showing at scrum time.

“Ox played just eight minutes in the last six weeks,” he said. “We always thought Ox was going to last 30 or 40 minutes. He lasted 45, and I thought he really came through those minutes well.

“I don’t think Ox is the reason why we lost. Obviously, he got tired, and then we brought Gerhard Steenekamp on.”

The Springboks' problems were compounded by yellow cards to Marco van Staden and Reinach, leaving Erasmus to concede that the contest had effectively slipped beyond his side's reach.

“I feel the match was already lost when we had two yellow cards,” he said. “We had to play the last 10 minutes with 13 men.

“It’s tough to get back on the scoreboard when you’re playing with only 13 men.”

South Africa’s sprinters enjoyed a productive weekend on the Diamond League circuit, with Sinesipho Dambile, Gift Leotlela, Akani Simbine and Zakithi Nene all making their mark across meetings in Lausanne and Silesia.

Dambile set the tone in Lausanne on Friday, claiming silver in the men’s 200m in 19.98 seconds as Botswana’s Olympic champion Letsile Tebogo won in 19.87.

The Commonwealth Games champion dipped under 20 seconds for the fourth time this season and secured his fifth Diamond League podium of the campaign, strengthening his position at the top of the 200m standings ahead of next month’s series final in Brussels.

“It’s my first time here in Lausanne and I really can’t complain,” Dambile said. “I had a lot of fun, especially considering I haven’t trained a lot since the Commonwealth Games, so I’m very happy to see myself progressing like this.”

Letsile Tebogo owns the Men's 200m at the #LausanneDL 🤩🇧🇼

He shares the podium with Sinesipho Dambile and Makanakaishe Charamba 🇿🇦🇿🇼#SSAthletics pic.twitter.com/Wo9OWxsOMJ

— SuperSport 🏆 (@SuperSportTV) August 21, 2026

That momentum continued into Sunday’s meeting in Silesia, where Leotlela and Simbine both advanced to the men’s 100m final after impressive heats. 

Leotlela clocked 9.92 seconds to finish second in his heat behind eventual winner Oblique Seville, having already posted a season’s best 9.91 earlier in the campaign.

He followed that with 9.95 in the final to finish fifth, while Simbine, who had also set a season’s best in the heats, crossed the line seventh in 9.96.

Seville claimed the Silesia title in 9.83, with American Kenneth Bednarek taking silver in 9.87 and his compatriot Christian Coleman third in 9.93.

The performances by Leotlela and Simbine nevertheless underlined South Africa’s sprinting depth, with both breaking 10 seconds in a Diamond League final.

Raw. Pace. 🚀

Collen Kebinatshipi breaks the 400m meeting record with 43.59, while @_Kingben_ clocks his first sub-44 time with 43.83.#SilesiaDL🇵🇱#DiamondLeague
📸@gorczynskamarta pic.twitter.com/cI8vhy6QkJ

— Wanda Diamond League (@Diamond_League) August 23, 2026

Nene then completed the South African medal haul in Silesia by taking bronze in the men’s 400m in 44.37 seconds.

Botswana’s Collen Kebinatshipi won in a meeting-record 43.59, with American Rai Benjamin second in 43.83.

The results rounded off a strong weekend for South African sprinting, with Dambile’s 200m consistency complemented by three sub-10 performances from Leotlela and Simbine in Silesia and a 400m podium for Nene.

Mamelodi Sundowns coach Miguel Cardoso believes his side allowed Golden Arrows to disrupt their rhythm before making another costly defensive mistake in their MTN8 semi-final first-leg defeat.

The Brazilians suffered a 1-0 loss at Lucas Moripe Stadium on Sunday, leaving them with a deficit to overturn in next weekend’s return leg in Umlazi.

Sundowns controlled large portions of the contest but struggled to convert their possession into clear-cut chances, while Junior Dion punished a lapse in their defensive organisation in the 38th minute.

Cardoso believes the flow of the match was also affected by an extended stoppage following an injury to the Arrows goalkeeper.

“I think we had a good start until the substitution of their goalkeeper and that took us off our rhythm because it took about seven minutes to make the substitution and then we slept until half time,” he told SuperSport TV.

Sede Dion with a strikers finish for Arrows😮‍💨

📺 Stream #MTN8 on DStv: https://t.co/B0jLrQW5cc#SSFootball | #SSDiski pic.twitter.com/eQmlr7kAH0

— SuperSport Football ⚽️ (@SSFootball) August 23, 2026

The Portuguese coach was particularly frustrated by the manner in which Sundowns conceded, drawing similarities to the goal they allowed Kaizer Chiefs to score in their recent Betway Premiership encounter.

Cardoso believes his team must learn from these lapses if they are to compete successfully on multiple fronts this season.

“It’s a similar mistake to the one we made against (Kaizer) Chiefs where we were not properly positioned in the rest defence and then we suffered a goal,” he said.

“And it’s time to learn from these things because we can’t dominate the game and suffer the same problem.”

I don't see why our team has a huge squad.

We're terrible when we rotate the squad please offload players. pic.twitter.com/tAo1lNBH62

— Mshengu_mpho 🇮🇹 (@mphopostergift) August 23, 2026

The defeat means Sundowns will have to produce a much-improved attacking display in the second leg if they are to keep their hopes of winning the MTN8 alive.

Cardoso, however, refused to treat the first-leg result as the end of the tie.

The Sundowns coach pointed out that his side still has another 90 minutes to change the outcome and believes the tie remains firmly within their reach.

“But this is also half time of the match, let’s see what will happen when we go to Arrows,” Cardoso added.

The result leaves Arrows with a valuable advantage and gives Pitso Dladla’s side the opportunity to protect their lead on home soil.

Mamelodi Sundowns (0) 0 

Golden Arrows           (1) 1

Dion 38’

Mamelodi Sundowns face a difficult task in the MTN8 semi-final after Lamontville Golden Arrows secured a 1-0 first-leg victory at Lucas Moripe Stadium on Sunday.

Junior Dion’s first-half strike gave Abafana Besthende a crucial advantage heading into next weekend’s return leg in Umlazi to determine who faces Orlando Pirates or Sekhukhune United in the final.

Sundowns dominated possession for long periods but struggled to turn their control into clear-cut opportunities, while Arrows remained disciplined and dangerous on the counter.

Miguel Cardoso made several changes to his starting XI, giving opportunities to players who have not been regular starters in the opening weeks of the season.

The Brazilians showed flashes of attacking promise during the opening 45 minutes, but their reworked defence eventually paid the price for a lapse in concentration.

Arrows needed just one opening to punish them.

Sede Dion with a strikers finish for Arrows😮‍💨

📺 Stream #MTN8 on DStv: https://t.co/B0jLrQW5cc#SSFootball | #SSDiski pic.twitter.com/eQmlr7kAH0

— SuperSport Football ⚽️ (@SSFootball) August 23, 2026

That moment arrived in the 38th minute when Khulekani Shezi spotted Dion’s run behind the Sundowns defence.

The right-back’s through ball released the Arrows striker, who raced into the box before calmly placing his finish beyond the advancing Ricardo Goss.

Dion, who finished last season as the Betway Premiership’s leading scorer, made no mistake with his only clear opportunity of the first half.

The goal gave Arrows a lead they were determined to protect heading into the interval.

Cardoso responded at half-time by introducing two of his more established attacking options in Bryan Lunga and Tashreeq Matthews as Sundowns looked to find a way back into the contest.

The changes increased the attacking quality of the hosts, but the overall pattern remained largely unchanged.

This is pretty good, getting cooked by a mere Golden Arrows. It gives Pirates a chance to win this thing for the 5th time in a row, pure dominance!

— L. KEVIN 🇿🇦 🏴‍☠️ (@Letha13579) August 23, 2026

Sundowns continued to dictate possession and push Arrows deeper, while Dladla’s side remained compact and looked to exploit the spaces left behind by the Brazilians when they committed numbers forward.

The visitors were increasingly comfortable defending their advantage as Sundowns struggled to find the final pass needed to unlock them.

For all their dominance of the ball, the Brazilians could not find the equaliser.

Arrows’ defensive discipline ultimately proved decisive, with Sundowns leaving themselves needing a significant response in the second leg.

The Brazilians will now travel to Umlazi next weekend knowing they need at least two goals to guarantee their place in the MTN8 final.

For Arrows, the clean sheet and narrow victory provide Pitso Dladla’s side with a valuable platform as they look to complete what would be a major upset against the reigning African champions.

Rangers head coach Derek McInnes has praised Bafana Bafana defender Olwethu Makhanya after the South African impressed on his UEFA Conference League debut for the Scottish giants.

Makhanya has quickly established himself as an option for McInnes since arriving at Ibrox, and produced a composed display as Rangers began their European campaign.

The 22-year-old only recently joined Rangers from Major League Soccer side Philadelphia Union, making the switch to Scottish football another significant step in his career.

McInnes was asked about Makhanya’s adaptation since his arrival and was emphatic in his assessment of the young defender.

“Very much so, to be honest,” McInnes said in his post-match press conference.

“He has come from the MLS, which is a different type of football.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Rangers Football Club (@rangersfc)

“We have seen a lot of games in the MLS, it is a bit slow and pedestrian, but what we liked about him when we watched him was his ability to go man-to-man, to not lose a foot race, and his calmness on the ball.”

Those qualities were on display during Makhanya’s European bow, with the Bafana international showing the composure and defensive aggression that initially caught Rangers’ attention.

McInnes was particularly pleased with how the defender handled the pressure of joining a squad that is still undergoing significant changes under the Scottish coach.

“He dealt with everything asked of him and you are right to mention him,” McInnes said.

“He has come in when the team has not been at its best, he has come in from the outside and tried to settle in.”

Olwethu Makhanya excellent tonight. Assured and rarely put a foot wrong. Has quietly made a big impact in his first few #Rangers appearances.

— Joshua Barrie (@JoshuaBarrieRR) August 20, 2026

Makhanya is one of several young players Rangers are attempting to integrate into the squad, with McInnes acknowledging that adapting to a new environment will take time.

“We have a lot of young players that have come in that we are trying to integrate,” he said.

“But he has done really well, and I think there is a lot more to come.”

The assessment represents an encouraging start to Makhanya’s Rangers career after the former Stellenbosch defender made the move to Scotland following his spell in MLS.

Having already made his domestic debut at Ibrox earlier this month, the defender has now taken another important step in his adaptation to European football.

For Bafana Bafana, Makhanya’s growing influence at one of Scotland’s biggest clubs will also be a welcome development as he continues to establish himself at international level.

Elise Labott

Last month, Yemen’s Houthi militia declared a maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia. Saudi tankers in the Red Sea rerouted north to Yanbu, and earlier this month, the group’s attacks reached them there.

But Yanbu isn’t just another Saudi port. It is the kingdom’s insurance policy: the terminus of a pipeline that carries Saudi crude to world markets without ever touching the Strait of Hormuz. That route now carries more than 80 percent of the kingdom’s roughly 4.6 million barrels of daily exports, and Riyadh is working to link other Gulf oil producers to the same line. Shippers have already fled both routes - proof that the Houthis are central to Iran’s ability to weaponize the global economy, even as Washington struggles to keep up.

Globalization depends on a small number of choke points - Hormuz, Bab el-Mandeb, Suez, Panama Canal, the Taiwan Strait - and none of them need to be seized to become leverage. Washington long assumed that if these vulnerabilities were weaponized, it would be by China or Russia. Instead, the Houthis got there first. Washington is still treating them as a military threat and missing their strategic evolution - under the mistaken assumption that insurgent groups don’t develop interests of their own, or the patience to act on them.

Before the war, Hormuz carried 130 to 140 ships a day; on Aug. 11, traffic fell to eight, according to Reuters. Bab el-Mandeb traffic fell from 20 ships to one. Days earlier, the Houthis had struck Red Sea facilities owned by Aramco, Saudi Arabia’s state-owned oil company; striking Yanbu itself underlined the point. An informal understanding sparing Saudi ships has technically held since shortly after Oct. 7, 2023. But Houthi spokesman Yahya Saree now says operations against Saudi shipping will “continue and escalate.”

The Houthis inserted themselves into this war at the moment their leverage was greatest, but aimed most of it at Saudi Arabia, not the United States or Israel - a deliberate choice that keeps the fight contained to a war they believe they can win.

April Longley Alley of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy told me the timing reflects both Saudi Arabia’s new vulnerability and the Houthis’ own ambitions: With the peace process stalled, they see a chance to press Riyadh for concessions that would help them consolidate control at home and expand their reach beyond Yemen. “They know they have a strong hand to play,” Alley says, “so they’re going to see how much they can get.”

Gregory Johnsen, a nonresident fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute who tracked Iranian arms shipments to the group on the U.N. Security Council’s Yemen panel, told me he considers the Houthis “more of a junior partner” to Iran, rather than a proxy. The distinction comes down to agency - Iranian support has expanded Houthi capabilities dramatically without ever buying control over their decisions. Years of war built a self-sufficiency the rest of Iran’s network never achieved: their own weapons production, command structures and political relationships, negotiating directly with Saudi Arabia and even Washington when it served their interests.

Hezbollah was long regarded as Iran’s most capable surrogate, largely on the strength of its arsenal. That’s no longer the only measure of influence: The Houthis command one of the world’s busiest maritime corridors, and geography can matter as much as firepower. The longer route around the Cape of Good Hope adds more than a week to each voyage, so the same ships can complete fewer trips - effectively shrinking global container shipping capacity by 15 to 20 percent, without a single vessel being taken out of service. Suez Canal tonnage, meanwhile, last year remained roughly 70 percent below levels from before late 2023, when the Houthis began attacking Israel-linked shipping in the Red Sea in solidarity with Gaza. All this was achieved by a group with no navy.

It’s a bitter pill for Riyadh. Saudi Arabia fought the Houthis for nearly a decade, and criticism of the civilian toll helped end that war in 2022 with the group still standing. Some officials gripe privately that had they finished it, the Houthis wouldn’t pose the same threat today.

Saudi Arabia wants to finally break that leverage and strip away one of Iran’s last functioning sources of regional power. But Riyadh can’t do it alone. It’s playing this quietly and publicly at once: quietly, funding and pushing Yemen’s fractured anti-Houthi forces toward a ground offensive the kingdom won’t lead, while at the same time assembling a multinational maritime coalition to secure passage through the Red Sea. Washington has made clear to Riyadh that it sees Iran as the central threat and doesn’t yet consider the Red Sea a priority. By the time that changes, the Houthis may have made it one - and this time, there won’t be a backup plan.

• Elise Labott writes “Cosmopolitics” on Substack and is a former CNN global affairs correspondent.

Susannah George

Frustration with Washington is growing in the Persian Gulf region, where US allies are increasingly concerned that President Donald Trump is unable to manage the diplomacy necessary to secure peace with Iran, Arab and Western officials say.

Trump in recent weeks has repeatedly issued threats against Iran, only to withdraw them, citing progress in talks. After months of conflict, and continuing missile and drone strikes by Iran and its proxies, three officials and a former U.S. diplomat told The Washington Post, the governments of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain are now united in their aggravation with the administration. Some have begun to debate the utility of continuing to host large US military installations on their territory.

“Trump started this war,” one Gulf official said, “and we are paying the price.” Like others in this article, he spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive subject. Anger with the United States, the official said, was at its highest point since the US and Israel attacked Iran in February.

The Gulf states continue to rely on Washington as a close security partner and major arms supplier, and Qatar and Bahrain host large U.S. bases. But the frustration is leading some states to consider new arrangements. These dynamics are unlikely in the near term to significantly reorder the region, analysts say, but some countries have begun to explore their options.

A mutual defense agreement signed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Pakistan last week was “a signal to the U.S.,” a senior European official said.

The pact shows the three powerful Sunni Muslim states “are trying to diversify their security and defense partnerships,” said the official, who is in regular contact with Gulf leaders. “In their mind, the U.S. is not enough.”

A White House official said Trump “has extraordinary relationships with all of our Gulf partners.”

“The United States has been in regular contact with all of our regional allies since before Operation Epic Fury,” said the official, speaking on the condition of anonymity under rules set by the White House. “Iran is more isolated than ever before as a result of its terrorist actions.”

Representatives of the Saudi, Emirati, Qatari, Kuwaiti and Bahraini governments did not respond to requests for comment.

“There has been frustration from the get-go,” said Firas Maksad, director for the Middle East and North Africa practice at the Eurasia Group. U.S. allies in the Persian Gulf, he said, feel they were “unnecessarily entangled” in a war that Trump is now struggling to resolve.

Maksad, who has extensive contacts within Gulf leadership, said Trump’s Iran policy is often described in the region as “erratic” and “unpredictable.”

Anna Jacobs, a fellow with the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, said there has been “diminished trust” of the U.S. since the start of the war. U.S. allies think the country’s “conduct in the region is making them less safe, not more safe,” she said.

One Western diplomat in the region said these changes don’t amount to a significant shift in sentiment toward the United States. Even before the war with Iran, he said, U.S. forces in the region were not “enthusiastically” welcomed. “It was more something that was a necessary evil,” the diplomat said. “Now, the necessity of it is being put in question.”

Saudi Arabia has come under particular pressure in recent weeks. In addition to attacks from Iran and Iran-backed groups in Iraq, the kingdom has been targeted by Iranian-aligned Houthis in Yemen.

Houthi forces have repeatedly struck Saudi energy infrastructure and are attempting to shut down the Bab al-Mandab strait at the mouth of the Red Sea. Since Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz in the early days of the war, Saudi Arabia has depended on its Red Sea ports to export its oil.

Attitudes toward the war among Gulf leaders have shifted. Oman has opposed the conflict from the outset, but Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain have at times backed it.

Emirati forces have conducted “numerous” strikes on Iranian territory in recent months, according to the Western diplomat, and Saudi forces have struck back at Iranian-backed groups attacking from Iraq.

“At the beginning of the war, they were - I don’t want to say, supportive - but honestly, they were not totally against the war,” the senior European official said. The thinking in Abu Dhabi and Riyadh, he said, was that a quick, definitive victory could prove beneficial.

That began to shift in the lead-up to the first round of talks between Iran and the United States in April, the official said, when it became clear that not only would the Iranian regime not fall, but it would not reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

In the months since, Trump’s inconsistency has alarmed the Gulf, said Bader Al-Saif, an assistant professor of history at Kuwait University.

“Even before all this back and forth with Trump, there was no clear strategy,” said Al-Saif, a fellow of the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He cited the Memorandum of Understanding between the United States and Iran in June.

“The MOU was a joke,” he said. The agreement didn’t address the Gulf states’ top concerns, including Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal or Tehran’s support for proxy forces.

“Those terms were not terms of our liking,” Al-Saif said, “and that’s why it died out sooner than later.”

Trump, the White House official said, “has always been clear that his preference is diplomacy.

“Unfortunately, Iran chose the path of violence by killing American troops, committing international acts of terrorism, and lashing out at its neighbors in the region - and the Commander-in-Chief ensured that they reaped the consequences of those decisions.”

The Gulf states lack an immediately viable alternative to their decades-long security partnerships with the United States. As the conflict continues, the Gulf official said, their only choice is to double down on their alliances with Washington.

“Whatever we do,” he said, “we cannot say no to the United States.”

Douglas Silliman, a U.S. ambassador to Kuwait and Iraq under President Barack Obama and Trump, said he heard frustration with Washington on a recent visit to the region. But in recent weeks, he said, he is also hearing growing anger at Tehran for its continued attacks on infrastructure and refusal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

Silliman, now the president of the Arab Gulf States Institute, described the feeling in the region as “kind of this odd contradiction of being mad at the United States for starting the war and being dependent upon the United States” for equipment, munitions and intelligence.

If the conflict continues, the economic pressure on the Gulf will grow. Even during peacetime, the region quiets over the summer, tourism slows and residents hole up indoors to escape 100-degree days.

But in autumn, temperatures fall and activity resumes. This year, the conferences, summits, festivals and Formula One races that pack the calendar from October through December are all in limbo.

Saudi Arabia’s 10th annual Future Investment Initiative Institute in late October, the “Davos in the Desert,” could be an early test of whether senior officials and top CEOs are willing to visit the region, the Western diplomat said.

“They may tweak the theme” to acknowledge continued insecurity in the region, he said. “To postpone would send the wrong message.”

Iran continues to launch drones and missiles against Kuwait, but in the capital, much of life has returned to normal, Al-Saif said. “We have been through worse,” he said, referring to the 1990 invasion by Iraq that triggered the Persian Gulf War. “We handled the occupation. We can handle this.”

The security lockdown from the war’s earlier stage has been largely lifted. Businesses are open, traffic has returned to city streets and Al-Saif has resumed teaching in person. But the conflict, he said, must not continue much longer.

“A quick end is obviously something we want,” he said. “The Gulf War was much more straightforward than today.”

Australia captain Pat Cummins has kept the door open for any changes to the team for the second Test match against Bangladesh, following their drubbing in Darwin on Sunday.

Cummins heaped praise on Bangladesh's first-ever Test win on Australian soil after the hosts set up a paltry total of 57 in the second innings, which the visitors chased down with nine wickets in hand.

He also pointed out where it all went wrong while hinting that there might be changes in the team for the second game, which gets underway from August 22 in Mackay. Speaking after the nine-wicket loss, Cummins pointed out that their catapulting on Day 1 was the key reason behind this loss.

"Probably that day one. You know, I thought our preparation was pretty much spot on. I thought it was excellent. So, no excuses. They played really well. I thought the day-one wicket was doing a little bit early, but obviously got to try and find a way to bat a little bit longer than we did, and then, just couldn't penetrate with the ball. But I thought they played really well," he told broadcasters after the defeat.

The Aussie skipper then hinted that there might be changes in the pipeline after a full-strength Australian side lost to Bangladesh for the first time at home.

"I think every time there's a game like this, you always kind of look at your match-ups and your make-up of the team for the next one. But we only just finished, so we'll think about it. We're pretty good at bouncing back, so no doubt the batters and every group will get together and have a good think about this one and where we can improve," he added.

The long formats' skipper also reserved special praise for the visiting Asian side, stating that they 'outplayed them in all facets' before taking out the positives from the loss.

"(On Bangladesh having played well) Yeah, they did. I think they outplayed us in all facets, really. I thought they were really patient and quite disciplined. And, yeah, once we were behind, it was really hard to get back," he said.

There were only a handful of positives for the hosts in their recent drubbing. All-rounder Cameron Green scored his first Test hundred after two-and-a-half years, while returning from his injury, Josh Hazlewood picked a six-wicket haul in the first innings to complete his 300 wickets in the red-ball international format.

"Josh, he hasn't had a great run for injuries the last couple of years, but he's one of the hardest workers and just showed his class. And, you know, didn't have too much in it, seam-wise, still picking up six really important wickets. So he was fantastic," Cummins said.

Green stood up tall with his gritty 104 in the second innings but did not find partners for Australia to mount a comeback as they were bowled out for 284 in the second innings, setting up a meagre target of 57 against the visitors.

"And then Greeny, again, I thought, the tempo of this innings showed how good he is. Yeah, just needed a couple of us to hang around with him, but it was fantastic," he concluded. 

Durban City head coach Khalil Ben Youssef has acknowledged the pressure that comes with his position but insists the club’s long-term assessment will only come after 15 matches.

Ben Youssef was speaking after City’s 2-1 extra-time defeat to Orlando Pirates in the MTN8 quarter-finals at Orlando Amstel Arena on Saturday.

The result ended City’s hopes of making an early push for silverware, but the Tunisian coach is already looking ahead to a crucial run of fixtures in the Betway Premiership.

City face Golden Arrows next Wednesday before another KwaZulu-Natal derby against Richards Bay at the weekend.

With the club still building its squad under a new technical team, Ben Youssef admitted he is conscious that results ultimately determine a coach’s future.

“As a new coach, you don’t open all of your luggage, you keep it ready (to go) and that’s a part of our job because we’re always at risk,” he said.

However, the coach revealed that he has already agreed on a clear assessment period with the club’s board.

“The conversation with the board was we would do a proper analysis after 15 games and that’s a mandate we agreed on and there’s a certain number of points we need to achieve as well.”

Ben Youssef also believes it is too early to make definitive judgements on his team, with several players still expected to join the squad.

“There are three or more players that still need to join the team in the next two weeks and some will be registered next week and so when we have the entire team ready and the fitness is also proper then we can judge the team.”

City’s immediate focus, however, is on results rather than circumstances.

The club will have little time to dwell on the MTN8 exit, with another demanding fixture against Arrows coming just days after their defeat to Pirates.

Ben Youssef accepts that the pressure will only increase if the results do not improve.

“But as coaches we don’t make excuses, we continue to work and next week we have two more crucial games and only results can help you keep your job.”

The next fortnight could therefore prove significant for Ben Youssef as City attempt to find their rhythm in the top flight.

While the agreed 15-game assessment provides the coach with a defined period to build his squad, the reality of football means results will remain the most immediate measure.

For Ben Youssef, the message is clear: the squad may still be taking shape, but the points must start coming.

Sekunjalo Group CEO Lucien Jacobs has hit back at the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union (SACTWU) General Secretary Andre Kriel, describing his recent public remarks regarding an ongoing legal dispute as "misleading and irresponsible".

Responding to comments made by Kriel concerning the Independent Media Consortium (IMC) and related parties, Jacobs accused the union leader of presenting a distorted picture to SACTWU members while ignoring the substantial financial returns the union has received over the years.

Distortion of Facts and Financial Benefits

According to Jacobs, Kriel has failed to outline the full factual background and the financial benefits that have flowed directly to the union through its relationship with the group.

"Mr Kriel continues to present a distorted version of events and is failing to inform SACTWU members of the full factual background and the financial benefits that have flowed to the union over many years," Jacobs said.

Jacobs maintained that SACTWU has already benefited substantially through shares, dividends, and other transactions linked to the broader Sekunjalo ecosystem, amounting to approximately R1.7 billion in value.

He added that Sekunjalo will continue pursuing all appropriate legal avenues to recover monies owed to the group, including funds related to the World of Work (WOW) publication project.

Target the PIC, Not Sekunjalo

Addressing the claims around the IMC transaction, Jacobs noted that SACTWU is pursuing the wrong party and should instead look to the entity that actually received the funds.

"If SACTWU believes it has a claim relating to the IMC transaction, it should pursue the party to whom the funds were advanced, namely the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), and seek recovery from the appropriate entities involved in that transaction," Jacobs said.

Jacobs further raised serious questions regarding the actions of various executives, advisers, and union-related parties involved in the transactions:

"The real beneficiaries of certain arrangements are not being disclosed to SACTWU members, and those responsible for decisions taken at the expense of the union’s members should be held accountable," he said.

Distinct Legal Entities and Risk of Litigation

Jacobs reiterated that IMC is a separate legal entity from the Sekunjalo Group, warning that attempts to conflate the two are legally and factually incorrect.

"The continued litigation strategy being pursued by SACTWU will only expose the union to further legal costs and potential counterclaims," Jacobs stated.

Ready for Day in Court

Sekunjalo Group stated it is fully prepared to defend its position in court and welcomed the opportunity for all relevant facts, transactions, and relationships to be thoroughly tested through proper legal proceedings.

"We are ready to fight these allegations through every available legal channel so that the truth can be fully revealed and placed before the public and SACTWU’s members," Jacobs said.

IOL

The Information Communication Technology Union (ICTU) has expressed serious concern over media reports indicating that the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers' Union (SACTWU) is seeking an order for the provisional liquidation of Independent Media Consortium (IMC).

ICTU, a major trade union in the communications sector representing workers across various industries—including a significant membership base at Independent Media and its associated businesses—warned that the court application places approximately 1,500 jobs at risk and threatens widespread hardship for employees and their families.

Threat to 1,500 Jobs and Continued Job Creation

ICTU emphasised that its primary responsibility is to protect its members' interests and safeguard their livelihoods. The union highlighted that while many media organisations across the country are cutting staff through retrenchments, the Sekunjalo Group, National Media Group, and IOL have continued to actively recruit and preserve employment.

Given these ongoing recruitment efforts during a challenging period for the broader media landscape, ICTU commended Sekunjalo's investment and called on SACTWU to immediately desist from actions that threaten the jobs of workers at National Media Group and Independent Media.

Describing SACTWU's liquidation application as "reckless," ICTU stated that such proceedings undermine the credibility and broader interests of the trade union movement.

'Politically Motivated' and Financial Claims

Addressing the underlying financial dispute, ICTU noted that according to information available to it, the funds SACTWU alleges were paid to the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) were never actually paid to the Sekunjalo Group.

Furthermore, ICTU stated that SACTWU has received benefits estimated at between R1.7 billion and R2.2 billion—a figure the union noted has not been disputed.

ICTU expressed its belief that the ongoing legal actions against Independent Media are politically motivated, pointing to Johnny Copelyn and others as the beneficiaries of these arrangements.

Call for Constructive Engagement

Reaffirming its unwavering commitment to defending its members, ICTU urged SACTWU to stop pursuing campaigns in collaboration with critics or detractors of Independent Media.

Instead, ICTU called on SACTWU to engage constructively in the best interests of workers and the long-term sustainability of South Africa's media sector, pledging to stand in solidarity with the approximately 1,500 employees whose livelihoods remain on the line.

IOL

 AT LEAST three officials from Pakistan’s Excise Department were abducted after unidentified armed men attacked a temporary departmental checkpoint on the Dalbandin–Taftan Highway in Balochistan’s Chagai district, according to media reports.

The incident took place on Monday evening when an estimated 30 heavily armed men surrounded the checkpoint, which had been established as part of routine inspections along the strategic highway linking Dalbandin with the border town of Taftan. The route is frequently used by commercial traffic and travellers moving between Pakistan and neighbouring Iran.

According to reports, the attackers held the excise personnel on duty at gunpoint before abducting at least three officials. They also reportedly seized two official government vehicles and the officials’ service weapons before fleeing the area.

Witnesses said the armed men quickly overpowered the officials stationed at the checkpoint, leaving them with little opportunity to resist. The checkpoint had been conducting routine inspections of vehicles travelling along the highway, a standard practice aimed at enforcing excise regulations and monitoring traffic in the region.

The attack prompted an immediate response from local police and other law enforcement agencies. Security personnel secured the scene shortly after the incident and launched a search operation in an effort to trace the abducted officials and locate the attackers. Authorities also established checkpoints along nearby routes as part of the operation.

Investigators began collecting evidence from the scene while interviewing witnesses to determine how the attack unfolded. Officials said efforts were focused on identifying the perpetrators, establishing their motive and tracking the direction in which they fled after the abduction.

No group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of reporting, and authorities said it would be premature to attribute the incident to any organisation before the investigation was completed.

The latest incident has once again drawn attention to the volatile security situation in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province by area. The province has experienced periodic attacks targeting government officials, security personnel and public infrastructure over the years, with authorities continuing efforts to improve security in remote districts.

Chagai district, which borders Iran and Afghanistan, occupies a strategically important position because of its location along key transport and trade routes. The Dalbandin–Taftan Highway serves as a vital corridor for cross-border commerce and travel, making security along the route a priority for provincial authorities.

Government officials working in isolated parts of the province often face heightened security risks due to the challenging terrain and the vast distances between settlements. Incidents involving attacks on law enforcement personnel and government employees have periodically disrupted official operations in the region.

Authorities said security had been strengthened following the attack, with additional personnel deployed to key locations while the search for the abducted officials continued. Officials also appealed for any information that could assist the investigation.

The incident is expected to renew concerns about the safety of public servants carrying out routine duties in Balochistan and the broader security challenges facing authorities in the province. Investigations remained ongoing, with officials saying further information would be released as it became available.

* Themba Hlophe is a South African academic and opinion writer whose contributions engage with contemporary political and international affairs.

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THE European Parliament has called on Pakistan to take urgent action to protect girls from religious minority communities following the alleged abduction, forced conversion and marriage of 13-year-old Christian girl Maria Shahbaz, describing her case as part of a broader pattern of human rights violations.

In a resolution adopted earlier this month, Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) urged Pakistani authorities to establish a national mechanism to investigate complaints from families whose daughters have allegedly been abducted, forcibly converted and married against their will. The resolution also called for stronger legal safeguards to protect children and religious minorities from abuse.

The legislators specifically appealed for Maria to be granted access to independent legal representation, regular contact with her family, and appropriate psychological support. They expressed concern that her case reflects systemic failures within Pakistan’s legal and judicial institutions to adequately protect vulnerable girls from minority communities.

According to the resolution, the European Parliament believes the treatment of Maria is not an isolated incident but part of a recurring pattern involving Christian and other religious minority girls who are allegedly targeted for forced conversion and marriage.

Human rights organisations have long raised concerns over reports that young Christian and Hindu girls in Pakistan are abducted, converted to Islam under coercive circumstances and married to significantly older men.

Campaigners argue that many families face considerable obstacles in seeking justice, with legal proceedings often relying on disputed documentation and contested claims that the girls converted and married voluntarily.

The European Parliament said Pakistan should ensure allegations of abduction and forced conversion are investigated impartially and that victims are protected throughout the legal process. MEPs also called for measures to prevent intimidation of victims and their families while court proceedings are underway.

Rights advocates say the issue extends beyond individual criminal cases, highlighting concerns over child protection, religious freedom and equal access to justice. They argue that children who are allegedly subjected to forced marriages frequently struggle to challenge their circumstances because of social pressure, fear and limited access to independent legal assistance.

The European Parliament’s intervention places renewed international attention on Pakistan’s record on protecting religious minorities, an issue that has drawn criticism from global human rights organisations for several years.

While Pakistani authorities have maintained that the country’s Constitution guarantees freedom of religion and equal rights for all citizens, campaigners contend that implementation of those protections remains inconsistent.

The resolution urges the Pakistani government to strengthen enforcement of existing laws, improve investigations into alleged cases of forced conversion and ensure that minors are protected from exploitation regardless of their religious background. It also encourages greater cooperation with international human rights mechanisms to address longstanding concerns.

Maria Shahbaz’s case has become a focal point for campaigners seeking reforms to better protect girls from vulnerable communities. Human rights groups say meaningful legal reforms, effective investigations and stronger victim support services will be essential to restoring confidence in the justice system and preventing similar cases in the future.

The Pakistani government has not publicly responded to the European Parliament’s latest resolution. Human rights organisations, meanwhile, have welcomed the intervention, saying sustained international scrutiny could encourage stronger protections for children and religious minorities across the country.

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KAIZER Chiefs captain Brandon Petersen has backed his new, young teammate Langelihle Phili to hit the ground running at Naturena after his high-profile switch to the Soweto giants from Stellenbosch recently.

"Phili is settling in well. For me, to see a younger player settle in so well so early, it's a good sign. You know when players come to the team (Chiefs), especially the younger ones, it takes them a bit of time before they settle," said Petersen during an MTN8 press conference ahead of the weekend's quarter-finals.

Captain Brandon Petersen previews Sunday's MTN8 1/4 Final match against Golden Arrows!

🏟️FNB Stadium
📅Sunday 09 August 2026
🕕18h00
🎟️https://t.co/B0opFNigRD#Amakhosi4Life #MTN8 #TheKingdomRises pic.twitter.com/WIAWSA01mF

— Kaizer Chiefs (@KaizerChiefs) August 6, 2026

"I think with him, I watched him and I was like, 'Okay, he's fine. Good to go.' Just from the fact that when he stepped onto the field, there was no need for anyone to hold his hand.

"With him, it was like he's always been there. You know, that's always a good sign. That gives me confidence that it is not going to take a long time for him to find his feet."

Chiefs sign Faiz Abrahams

Kaizer Chiefs have bolstered their squad with the signing of Faiz Abrahams, who arrives at Naturena on a season-long loan from Stellenbosch FC, with an option to buy at the end of the campaign.

Welcome to the Kaizer Chiefs family.#WelcomeAbrahams pic.twitter.com/AJOtyKiReK

— Kaizer Chiefs (@KaizerChiefs) August 6, 2026

After cleaning up at Stellenbosch's season-ending awards ceremony, Phili reportedly cost Chiefs Ashley du Preez, Given Msimango, and a transfer fee.

The Durban-born winger scored 11 goals across all competitions last season. On top of that, at Chiefs, he will find a couple of youngsters also under similar pressure to make their mark, such as fellow Under-20 stars Luke Baartman and Mfundo Vilakazi.

"Yes, that could also be the reason why he's settling in well. I think that also speaks to him as a player backing himself, especially coming into a team like Chiefs. There are always expectations; all eyes are on you," said Petersen.

"So I think for me, obviously as one of his teammates, his slotting in is a good sign, and it's good to know that he backs himself and we know what he's capable of doing."

Chiefs host Lamontville Golden Arrows in the MTN8 quarter-final at FNB Stadium on Sunday afternoon (6pm kick-off).

On Wednesday Chiefs revealed yet another 21-year-old from Stellenbosch, Faiz Abrahams, who was reportedly set for a switch to bitter rivals and neighbours Orlando Pirates.

"Kaizer Chiefs have bolstered their squad with the signing of Faiz Abrahams, who arrives at Naturena on a season-long loan from Stellenbosch FC, with an option to buy at the end of the campaign," read Chiefs statement.

ORLANDO Pirates captain Nkosinathi Sibisi is excited about the energy brought about by new signings at the club, which is on a mission to do no less than defend their treble this season.

Pirates opened on a positive note, taking three points from new boys Milford FC on the opening day, and they will be looking to go past Nedbank Cup champions Durban City in the quarter-finals of the MTN8 at Orlando Stadium on Saturday afternoon. Kick-off is at 3pm.

The Buccaneers will again be competing for every piece of silverware on offer this season, and that is reflected in the moves they made in the transfer market with no fewer than eight signings.

These include Sebastian Pedersen from Norway, Mthetheleli Mthiyane and Sihle Nduli from Stellenbosch, Sbangani Zulu and Nkosikhona Ndaba from Richards Bay, Tshepo Mashiloane and Kabelo Kgositsile from Baroka, Bohlale Ngwato, and Ghampani Lungu.

“Yes, we have a lot of signings, a lot of young players. I think you can see the direction the team is going, trying to refresh the squad as much as possible,” reflected Sibisi during the MTN8 press conference ahead of the quarter-finals this weekend.

“I think we need that energy going forward since there are many competitions that we are playing. I think we are playing five or six competitions this season.”

There is no question that Pirates will be targeting both continental glory in the Champions League and the domestic league title, which they will want to back up by defending their treble in the process — meaning they will be going all out in the MTN8, one of the cups they won last season.

“We will need everyone because in previous seasons we’ve seen that it is not the guys who start that finish the season. Sometimes it is the guys who start in the stands that finish the season. So everyone is important at the club,” said the central defender.

Squad management should be another priority at Pirates, considering that Sibisi led more than a handful of his team-mates into Bafana Bafana’s World Cup squad that finished in the Round of 32 last month.

“It’s been a tough pre-season, a tough four weeks for us since coming back from the World Cup. Tough conditions against difficult opponents,” the skipper said, reflecting on their promising recent pre-season tour of Spain.

“But at the end of the day, the boys prepared themselves quite well for the new season, and what better way to start than with three points at home.”

When Zach Porthen made his Springbok debut against Japan last November, he knew the leap from junior rugby to the international arena would be steep.

Nine months later, the 21-year-old tighthead prop believes he is beginning to find his feet in Test rugby as he prepares to earn his sixth cap against Argentina in Buenos Aires on Saturday.

Porthen says his biggest growth has come in the set pieces, although he insists there is still plenty of work to do.

"Playing junior rugby is one thing, but it is obviously a massive step up to international rugby, so you are always trying to better every aspect of your game," he said.

"Before every training session I focus on one or two things that I want to improve. I try to be consistent with getting better at every single training session. That's how I go about it."

Against the Pumas, one of world rugby's most formidable scrummaging teams, Porthen knows he will face another stern examination.

"For me, the biggest area where I want to make a step forward is at scrum time, being a tighthead prop," he said.

"So I am hoping I can impose myself there and keep improving day in and day out."

While Argentina's forwards have earned a reputation for their uncompromising approach, Porthen is refusing to become distracted by the occasion.

"I haven't thought too much about their reputation specifically," he said. "I take every game as the main job. I keep the main thing the main thing. Every week presents a different challenge, and this is simply the obstacle we have to overcome this week."

Porthen has already experienced some big Tests this season, playing important roles in the Springboks' Nations Championship victories over England and Scotland.

Rather than feeling overwhelmed, he says the environment created by coach Rassie Erasmus and the senior players has allowed him to settle quickly.

"It was exceptional to be involved in those games, but I never felt like I was thrown in the deep end because the guys around you set you up for success," he said.

"The coaching staff and the players guide you through the journey. You don't feel alone. You feel equipped to play another game of rugby and do your job.

"Of course there's pressure because you want to make your country proud and your family proud, but the players around you give you confidence. I don't think the coaches could do any more to make the environment any better."

Porthen will be part of the front row battle with the likes of Jan-Hendrik Wessels. Johan Grobbelaar, Thomas du Toit and Gerhard Steenekamp.

The young prop says his partnership with Wessels is developing well.

"I'm starting to get used to Jan-Hendrik, and I'm feeling comfortable with him," he said. "This week we've connected well in the scrums. I feel safe next to him on his right-hand side.

"I also get to scrum against phenomenal players like Boan Venter in training, and that prepares me well for a Test against Argentina."

Despite his rapid rise, Porthen remains grounded and is quick to point to fellow Springbok tighthead Wilco Louw as the benchmark he hopes one day to reach.

He said that any comparison made between him and Louw would make him a touch embarrassed.

"Wilco is someone I really look up to," Porthen admitted.

"I think he's such a powerhouse. The way he scrums is mesmerising. I don't think I'm there yet, but there are aspects of Wilco's game that I want to achieve.

"I don't know how long it's going to take, but I want to be able to scrum as he does. I want to be able to take contact the way he does. I'm hoping I get there."

All eyes in the rugby world will be on English referee Matthew Carley at 5.10pm on August 22 when he blows the opening whistle on one of the most eagerly anticipated Test series in the sport's history.

World Rugby on Wednesday confirmed the match officials for Rugby's Greatest Rivalry series between the Springboks and the All Blacks.

The much-hyped four-Test series pits the back-to-back world champions from 2019 and 2023, South Africa, against New Zealand, back-to-back winners in 2011 and 2015. The Tests will be played at Ellis Park, Cape Town Stadium and FNB Stadium before the series concludes at M&T Bank Stadium in Baltimore, USA.

Carley has been appointed to referee the opening Test at Ellis Park, while Georgia's Nika Amashukeli will take charge of the second Test in Cape Town on August 29.

Australia's Angus Gardner will officiate the third Test at FNB Stadium on September 5, with England's Karl Dickson appointed to the fourth and final Test in Baltimore on September 12.

The four referees will also share the whistle for the All Blacks' four provincial tour matches against the Stormers, Sharks, Bulls and Lions.

Dickson is expected to officiate Friday night's tour opener against the Stormers in Cape Town before the All Blacks travel to Durban to face the Sharks, Pretoria to play the Bulls and Johannesburg to take on the Lions.

The Springboks are well acquainted with all four officials, each having refereed numerous Tests involving South Africa in recent years, ensuring there will be few surprises when the series gets under way.

Rassie Erasmus has backed Siya Kolisi to again overcome injury setbacks and lead the Springboks into Rugby's Greatest Rivalry series, saying history shows his captain always delivers when it matters most.

Kolisi will make his long-awaited return from injury in Saturday night's friendly against Argentina after a frustrating year in which he featured sparingly for the Sharks in the United Rugby Championship and missed South Africa's Nations Championship campaign.

According to Erasmus, the veteran loose forward has repeatedly proved his ability to return from lengthy layoffs in peak condition.

"The one guy that we don't have to worry about coming back from injury is Siya," Erasmus said. "Before the 2023 World Cup, Siya had a long-term knee injury, and it was always a race against time to see if he would be ready, but he won the race.

"He also had a problem before the 2019 World Cup.

"Probably because of his age and his experience of injuries, he has learned how to deal with injuries, how to rehab and handle the pressure and the frustrations that you go through.

"Siya's very diligent with that, and from our experience, we've never been unsure about selecting him. He's always delivered."

Erasmus said the Springboks have sufficient depth in the back row to carefully manage Kolisi's workload as he returns to action.

"We've got Marco van Staden to cover Siya," he said. "The same applies to Eben Etzebeth and Lood de Jager, who are also coming back from injury.

"As long as they are productive and deliver on the field, we want to get maximum minutes out of them.

"But they'll probably play a half, or a little more than a half."

The Bok coach also explained the thinking behind his bench selections, with Etzebeth and De Jager both expected to have their game time managed.

"Ben-Jason Dixon will go on for Eben and Cobus Wiese will go on for Lood, because Eben is coming back from concussion and a long time out, and he won't last 80 minutes, so when he gets tired he will be replaced by Ben-Jason at lock four.

"The same with Lood. He has not played for a long time. We will see how long he lasts, and then bring on Cobus, who is also a lineout caller, unlike Ben-Jason."

Women are being encouraged to make their health a priority this Women’s Month by learning more about cervical cancer, a disease that is largely preventable and highly treatable when detected early.

Lorraine Govender, national manager of health programmes at the Cancer Association of South Africa (Cansa), said greater awareness, routine screening and the early treatment of precancerous lesions are critical to improving outcomes. She urged women to recognise the warning signs of cervical cancer and seek medical attention as early as possible, The Star reported.

While South Africa has made significant progress in advancing gender equality, expanding economic opportunities and empowering women, Govender said many continue to neglect their own health in the process.

“Often, it’s a matter of having little or no time to go for medical check-ups and ignoring niggling symptoms. And there are also those women who just don’t know about cancer and how to recognise its symptoms.”

“During Women’s Month, we are especially focusing on cervical cancer, which is preventable and treatable if detected and addressed early,” said Govender.

It is reported that cervical cancer is one of the top three affecting women in South Africa. Second to breast cancer, the 2022 South African National Cancer Registry statistics show that 7 499 new cervical cancer cases were diagnosed histologically.

Most of the women diagnosed are aged between 40 and 49.

It is explained that Cansa’s Women’s Health awareness campaign is aligned to South African initiatives as well as to the World Health Organization’s 2020 global strategy for the elimination of cervical cancer.

The campaign also aims to support this strategy by creating awareness of the signs and symptoms of cervical cancer, promoting early detection through regular screening, and educating women on the importance of treating precancerous lesions to ensure effective treatment outcomes.

Cansa ambassador and Mrs South Africa 2023 finalist, Roulene Bonthuys, is a survivor of cervical cancer and said: “So many women are not aware of this cancer until it is too late. Please don’t wait for next month or next year to visit your gynaecologist and find out as much as you can about cervical cancer and how to prevent it.”

Cervical cancers are primarily caused by the human papillomavirus (HPV), which is spread through skin-to-skin contact and smoking, with various strains potentially leading to cervical cancer or genital warts.

Symptoms of cervical cancer can include abnormal vaginal bleeding between periods or after menopause, heavier or longer menstrual periods, bleeding or pain during or after sexual intercourse, and unusual vaginal discharge.

However, cervical cancer often develops without obvious symptoms in its early stages, making regular screening essential for early detection and successful treatment.

Dr Tracey Adams, a senior specialist in the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at Groote Schuur Hospital in Cape Town and a gynaecological oncology subspecialist consultant, said most women and men are exposed to the human papillomavirus (HPV) during their lifetime, with the majority naturally clearing the infection.

However, she said people with weakened immune systems may be unable to eliminate the virus, allowing a persistent HPV infection to cause changes in healthy cells that can eventually develop into cancer. This includes people living with HIV, those with diabetes, and transplant recipients taking immunosuppressive medication, who may be at greater risk.

IOL News

anita.nkonki@inl.co.za

Wandile Duba scored twice off the bench as Kaizer Chiefs opened their 2026/27 Betway Premiership campaign with a convincing 3-1 victory over newly promoted Kruger United at Mbombela Stadium on Saturday.

Having watched rivals Orlando Pirates begin their title defence with victory earlier in the day, Amakhosi were equally determined to lay down an early marker under new head coach Fernando Da Cruz.

Chiefs made the perfect start as Flavio Da Silva continued where he left off last season by opening the scoring after just seven minutes.

Mfundo Vilakazi was once again at the heart of the move, beating his marker down the left before delivering a dangerous ball into the area. Da Silva reacted quickest to finish from close range and hand the visitors an early advantage.

The build-up to Flavio Silva’s goal 🔥

Chiefs only needed 6 minutes and 24 seconds to score their first of the season.#SSDiski | #BetwayPrem pic.twitter.com/bUGjqTYiTG

— SuperSport Football ⚽️ (@SSFootball) August 1, 2026

The opening goal settled Chiefs, but Kruger United gradually grew into the contest and matched the Soweto giants for long spells of the first half.

The hosts were rewarded for their persistence on the stroke of halftime through Khethukuthula Ndlovu.

The former Royal AM winger had threatened throughout the opening period and finally found the breakthrough when he cut in from the right before curling an excellent effort beyond the Chiefs goalkeeper to level matters heading into the interval.

Da Cruz was forced into a change at the break after Da Silva picked up an injury, introducing Duba in a move that would ultimately prove decisive.

The 22-year-old restored Chiefs’ lead in the 56th minute, making an immediate impact after being introduced.

Duba then doubled his tally just 10 minutes later to put the result beyond doubt.

Lebogang Maboe showed great determination to win possession and pick out the striker inside the box, with Duba’s powerful effort taking a slight deflection before wrong-footing the goalkeeper on its way into the net.

The brace capped an impressive cameo from the young forward and ensured Chiefs began the new league campaign with maximum points.

While there is still room for improvement under Da Cruz, Amakhosi will be encouraged by their attacking display and the impact made by players coming off the bench as they look to build momentum heading into the opening weeks of the season.

Orlando Pirates 2 (0) Appollis 24’ Moremi 86’ 

Milford FC 0

Orlando Pirates made a winning start to the defence of their Betway Premiership title after second-half substitute Tshepang Moremi sealed a 2-0 victory over top-flight newcomers Milford FC at Orlando Amstel Arena on Saturday.

Oswin Appollis had given the Buccaneers the lead midway through the first half before Moremi wrapped up the points four minutes from time to ensure coach Abdeslam Ouaddou opened the new campaign with maximum points.

With Relebohile Mofokeng now plying his trade in Belgium, much of Pirates’ attacking responsibility is expected to fall on Appollis this season, and the Bafana Bafana winger wasted little time making his mark.

His 24th-minute free-kick took a telling deflection off the Milford wall, wrong-footing the goalkeeper to become the first goal of the new Betway Premiership season.

🗣️ 𝟏𝟎𝟏𝟏𝟏 𝐛𝐢𝐳𝐚 𝐚𝐦𝐚𝐩𝐡𝐨𝐲𝐢𝐬𝐚 𝐦𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐚𝐦

Oswin Appollis scores the first goal of the 2026/2027 season.

📺 Stream #BetwayPrem on DStv: https://t.co/B0jLrQW5cc | #SSDiski pic.twitter.com/1sjPYspZr6

— SuperSport Football ⚽️ (@SSFootball) August 1, 2026

Ouaddou largely trusted the core of the squad that delivered the league title last season, although promising youngster Cameron Dansin was handed a surprise start in midfield.

Milford, meanwhile, showed little sign of being overawed on their Premiership debut.

The visitors enjoyed encouraging spells of possession during the opening half and looked comfortable playing through Pirates’ press whenever opportunities presented themselves. They also created a handful of promising situations without seriously troubling Sipho Chaine.

Despite controlling possession for long periods, Pirates found it difficult to break down Milford’s compact defensive shape.

Appollis’ deflected free-kick ultimately proved the difference between the sides before the interval as the defending champions took a slender advantage into the dressing room.

There was an expectation that Pirates would raise the tempo after the restart, but the second half followed a similar pattern.

The Buccaneers dominated the ball without creating many clear-cut opportunities, while Milford remained disciplined and organised in defence.

'𝟗𝟔 𝐭𝐨 '𝟐𝟔

Stunning visuals from the Orlando Amstel Arena in celebration of 30 years of the PSL.#SSDiski | #BetwayPrem pic.twitter.com/S0Fn4vS7PJ

— SuperSport Football ⚽️ (@SSFootball) August 1, 2026

The hosts had to wait until the hour mark before threatening again, with Deon Hotto denied in a one-on-one situation by an excellent save from the Milford goalkeeper.

Ouaddou’s frustration was evident on the touchline as he demanded greater urgency and sharper movement from his players, who at times still looked to be carrying the rust of pre-season.

Milford continued to frustrate the defending champions and briefly threatened to set up a tense finish before Pirates finally found the killer second goal.

Moremi was released with a perfectly weighted ball over the top, leaving him with half the pitch to charge towards goal. The winger kept his composure, rounded the advancing goalkeeper and calmly slotted into an empty net in the 86th minute to put the result beyond doubt.

While Pirates may not have produced their most fluent performance, they ultimately did enough to begin their title defence with three points and a clean sheet.

Milford, meanwhile, can take encouragement from a disciplined display on their top-flight debut, but they left Orlando Stadium empty-handed after being punished by two moments of quality from the defending champions.

Pirates will now turn their attention to defending their MTN8 title as they kick off that competition next week against Durban City.

After being told she "did not fit the profile" for manufacturing, Lindiwe Nkuna-Kgopa transformed rejection into one of South Africa's most inspiring entrepreneurial success stories by building a business that changed the face of women-led manufacturing in Africa.

More than a decade ago, one passing remark at a women's event changed the course of Nkuna-Kgopa's life.

Today, the founder and chief executive of Lindiwe Sanitary Pads (LSP) has been recognised with the 2026 Veuve Clicquot Bold Woman Award for redefining what women can achieve in African manufacturing.

She recalled that a speaker at the event observed that South Africa had never had a female president and that no woman had ever owned a sanitary pad manufacturing factory at an industrial scale. While the audience moved on, Nkuna-Kgopa did not. She left determined to change that.

"An entire industry built on women's bodies, sustained by women's needs, and purchased by women's money had never once been owned by a woman at industrial scale," she recalled.

"That gap between who the industry served and who owned it is what pushed me to start LSP."

Today, Nkuna-Kgopa leads what has become Africa's first large-scale sanitary pad manufacturing facility owned and operated entirely by women.

Founded in 2018 in a home kitchen, Lindiwe Sanitary Pads has grown into a 4,000-square-metre factory in Centurion, Gauteng, capable of producing 800 South African Bureau of Standards-compliant sanitary pads every minute.

The business now exports to 11 African countries and employs women from previously disadvantaged communities. Through partnerships and donation programmes, it has supplied free sanitary products to more than 100,000 South African schoolgirls this year.

For Nkuna-Kgopa, the award is about far more than personal recognition.

"It's recognition not just for me, but for every woman on our factory floor and every entrepreneur we've helped enter this industry through our partnerships," she said.

The accolade, she believes, belongs as much to the women who helped build the company as it does to her, reflecting years of determination, resilience, and a shared commitment to creating opportunities for others.

Building a business against the odds

Born and raised in Limpopo, Nkuna-Kgopa became a mother while studying at university in Pretoria. Rather than allowing her circumstances to define her future, she focused on building the business she believed Africa needed.

Winning over investors, however, proved far harder than developing the vision itself.

She recalls being told by banking experts that she simply did not fit the profile of someone who could succeed in manufacturing.

"I remember telling them I would succeed, and that the real question was whether they would be part of that success story or not," she said.

"I also asked what the profile actually entailed — and instead of throwing in the towel because I didn't meet the requirements, I went and built myself and my business until I met the profile."

Access to funding became one of the biggest obstacles facing the fledgling company.

As a first-time manufacturer entering an industry traditionally dominated by men, Nkuna-Kgopa struggled to convince lenders and investors to back her business. Instead, she relied on business development programmes, disciplined financial management, and relentless persistence.

"Every setback — a delayed facility, a difficult overdraft period or a stalled negotiation — was treated as something to solve, not a reason to stop," she said.

One of the defining moments came during one of the company's most difficult periods. With little money available, suppliers demanding payment and the future of the business hanging in the balance, Nkuna-Kgopa invited potential funders to visit her factory rather than relying solely on presentations and paperwork.

The decision changed the company's future.

She secured R27 million in funding, enabling the business to move from a home-based operation into a modern manufacturing facility capable of supplying retailers, wholesalers, and South Africa's National Sanitary Dignity Programme.

"Beyond the numbers, it was validation that a women-owned business in this sector could be trusted with serious capital and could deliver on it," she said.

Manufacturing with a purpose

Today, Lindiwe Sanitary Pads employs 36 permanent staff members and another 93 workers during peak production periods, the majority of whom are women from previously disadvantaged communities.

For Nkuna-Kgopa, the factory's greatest success lies not only in what it produces, but in the opportunities it creates.

Through a partnership with Young Women of Africa, the company has expanded into 11 African countries, helping female entrepreneurs launch and own their own sanitary pad brands while creating new pathways to economic independence.

The partnership also supports programmes that help rescue girls from child marriage and female genital mutilation, enabling them to return to school and build independent futures.

Closer to home, government partnerships and the company's "Buy to Donate" initiative have enabled more than 100,000 South African schoolgirls to receive free sanitary products this year, helping reduce period poverty and school absenteeism.

"The sanitary pad industry exists due to women's needs; however, for decades, the manufacturing side was predominantly male-owned," she said.

"Building an operation owned and operated by women was about closing that gap, ensuring that the value created by an industry serving women is also captured by them as owners, decision-makers, and industrialists."

Redefining the profile

As South Africa celebrates Women's Month, Nkuna-Kgopa hopes her journey will encourage more women to enter industries where they have traditionally been overlooked.

"I would say: don't wait to be told you fit the profile — build the track record that redefines what the profile looks like," she said.

"Expect to be underestimated, and let that be fuel rather than discouragement. Learn the technical and financial fundamentals of your industry deeply, because competence is the strongest answer to doubt."

At 43, Nkuna-Kgopa said her ambitions extend well beyond expanding one company.

She wants to leave behind an industry transformed by women's leadership, where ownership is no longer the exception but the norm.

"I want to leave behind an industry that looks fundamentally different from the one I entered — one where African women are owners and industrialists in the menstrual economy, not only consumers," she said.

"I want LSP's model of manufacturing, mentorship, and market access for other women-owned brands to be replicated across the continent long after I've stepped back."

If she succeeds, Nkuna-Kgopa's greatest legacy will not simply be the factory she built, but the women who follow in her footsteps.

It will be proving that industries built around women's needs can also be owned, led, and transformed by them.

Have thoughts on this topic or other subjects you’d like us to explore? Want to share your experiences? Reach out to me at karen.singh@nationalmg.co.za  

Despite harsh weather conditions in some parts of KwaZulu-Natal, the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) expressed confidence that the first day of the voter registration weekend was a success.

IEC Provincial Electoral Officer (PEO) Ntombfuthi Masinga said that out of over 270,000 people who visited voting stations in the country before 3pm on Saturday, 63,000 of them were recorded in the province, and 8,500 were new registrations.

She said there were 5,029 voting stations in the province, including 146 tents that were erected as temporary structures in areas where there are no permanent structures that could be used as voting stations. 

“In the northern coastal area of KZN, we could not pitch the tents on Friday due to strong winds, but our suppliers ensured they were ready by Saturday morning for the voting stations to start operating at 8am,” said Masinga.

She also commended young people, most of whom are first-time voters, for coming out in big numbers to the voting stations. 

“We are happy to report that KZN has done it again, as we have reported the highest number of activities at voting stations across the province. 

“We are quite excited with this because it is quite early in the day, and we hope that we will be able to meet the target that we are chasing as the province to get all those young people that we need to get into the voters roll.” 

She said the IEC was hopeful that more prospective voters would continue to use online registration to register, check their voter registration status, and make sure that they are registered where they intend to vote before the data-free platform is closed when Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Minister Velenkosini Hlabisa proclaims the election timetable a week after the registration weekend. 

“Our online platform is still open and will remain open, and if you don’t want to go to the voting station for whatever reason, you can still do everything that we can do at voting stations in the comfort of your home through visiting our online platform registertovote.elections.org.za 

“If you have never been on our online platform before, just make sure that you have a copy of your ID or smart card, or temporary ID certificate on your phone because you will be expected to upload it,” she said. 

She reminded prospective voters that Saturday and Sunday are the final registration weekend that should not be missed.

“So that they are not disappointed on election day to show up only to find that their voting stations have changed,” said Masinga.  

IEC Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Sy Mamabolo told the media earlier this week that the IEC has found that women and young people, especially in Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, and the Western Cape, are the highest number of people who are registering through the online system. 

“Women remain the leading users of the online registration platform, accounting for 61% of all online registration activities,” said Mamabolo. 

“Young people are also embracing digital registration in significant numbers, with the age category 16 to 29, which contributes 50% of all online transactions,” he said.

bongani.hans@nationalmg.co.za  

South Africans have until the end of Sunday to register to vote or update their voting details ahead of the November 4 local government elections, with the Electoral Commission of SA  (IEC) warning there will be no further opportunity to register at voting stations.

Speaking during a media briefing on Saturday, IEC Chief Electoral Officer Sy Mamabolo said the final voter registration weekend had "commenced on a strong footing", with more than 99% of the country's 23,699 registration stations opening on time.

"We wish to remind all eligible voters that there will not be another opportunity for voting station-based registration," Mamabolo said.

"Voters are urged to use the remaining hours of today and tomorrow to register, verify, and update their details, ensuring that their registration details are correctly captured on the voters roll."

By midday on Saturday, the commission had already recorded more than 238,000 interactions through registration stations and its online portal.

Mamabolo said most of the activity involved registered voters updating their addresses and voting details to ensure they were registered in the correct ward ahead of the elections.

"New registrations account for 13.4% or approximately 30,000 transactions," he said, adding that about 198,000 transactions had taken place at voting stations, while roughly 20,000 were completed through the online registration portal.

KwaZulu-Natal recorded the highest number of registration transactions by midday, followed by the Eastern Cape, and Gauteng, while voter activity was also reported across Limpopo, the Western Cape, Mpumalanga, North West, the Free State, and the Northern Cape.

Although final demographic figures are not yet available, Mamabolo said it was too early to determine whether there had been an increase in youth registrations.

"We are only about four or five hours into the day. We still have the afternoon and tomorrow to make a determination in terms of a quantitative analysis of the registration yield," he said, adding that the IEC would release a detailed breakdown after the registration weekend.

He said the commission was encouraged by the public response to its voter education campaign.

"The campaign has received very positive responses from members of the public, civil society, and other agencies generally in society. We are glad that the campaign is hitting the right chord with young people in particular," Mamabolo said.

The IEC also reported that no more than 15 voting stations experienced delays in opening on Saturday morning, mainly because of service delivery protests in parts of the Eastern Cape.

Mamabolo said these issues were external to the commission's work, and that registration services were generally running smoothly.

The South African Local Government Association (SALGA) also urged eligible South Africans not to miss the final registration opportunity, describing the weekend as a critical moment for local democracy.

SALGA encouraged young people and first-time voters to register, saying active citizen participation was essential in shaping the leadership of municipalities and the future of communities.

After visiting several voter registration stations across Ekurhuleni on Saturday, Ekurhuleni mayoral candidate Khatutshelo Rasilingwane said activity from political parties at registration sites appeared lower than during previous registration weekends.

She also said many young people she had encountered appeared disconnected from politics.

"I think it is worth highlighting the fact that young people feel disconnected from politics. They are disillusioned by broken promises and many are unsure whether their vote makes any difference," Rasilingwane said.

However, she said there had been encouraging responses from residents as volunteers continued reminding people that Sunday was their final chance to register before the deadline.

She urged young people not to sit out the local government elections, saying municipal leaders make decisions that directly affect communities through service delivery, local infrastructure, and employment opportunities.

The IEC said registration stations will remain open from 8am to 5pm on Sunday, while the online registration portal will continue operating until the election date is officially proclaimed.

Once the proclamation is made, all voter registration platforms will close for the 2026 local government elections.

lilita.gcwabe@nationalmg.co.za

High-end vehicle models, such as Mercedes-Benz S350 and BMW 740iA, are examples of some of the state-sponsored resources that practising judges are entitled to, but not magistrates. 

Such privileges are among those that the Judges Action Group (JAG), which is fighting for the rights of judicial officers, is calling to be equally afforded to all officers of the court. 

JAG’s coordinator, Rohan Roopnarian, sent an email to the Magistrates Commission Secretary, Justice Finger, on Friday, listing judges’ privileges that magistrates do not enjoy. 

“Our plea is that it (request for privileges) be considered and processed by the commission,” read the email.

JAG wants the commission to recommend that the Department of Justice and Correctional Services, the Finance Minister, and the SARS Commissioner amend the Income Tax Act (58/1962) to include magistrates in provisions granting a tax allowance or rebate, aligning their benefits with those of other office bearers, including judges.

When contacted about the JAG’s plea for magistrates’ plight, Finger said he could not respond immediately.

“I will not be able to assist you urgently; I can only attend to you from Monday because our spokesperson is also in Thailand,” said Finger. 

JAG correspondence came shortly after Deputy Chief Justice Dunstan Mlambo recently held a media briefing in Durban to outline resolutions of the 2026 South African Judiciary Conference held in the city between July 13 and 16. 

The conference, which was attended by judges and magistrates' representatives, reiterated resolutions of a similar 2023 conference that magistrates be completely independent from politics, that they must be moved from the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development (DoJ&CD) to the Office of the Chief Justice, and that their remuneration and benefits be reviewed.    

JAG told Finger that magistrates do not have access to state-owned vehicles and travelling benefits, which the judges enjoy.

He said judges may choose from high-end models, such as the Mercedes-Benz S350 and BMW 740iA, and are also offered full-time drivers, if justified. They can use such vehicles for official duties and private activities “within limits”.

He said judges are also offered state indemnity for third-party claims.

“Magistrates: No state vehicle, no driver, no choice of vehicle class, must purchase and maintain own vehicle, and no indemnity or purchase option,” read the email.

JAG also complained that while judges are entitled to personal secretaries and have a right to recruit their own secretaries with assistance from the National Office, magistrates are not entitled to secretarial support.

Judges are also provided with office accommodation by the National Department of Public Works “based on a certified needs assessment” and through requests processed via the Registrar and the Office of the Chief Justice, while “Magistrates: No formal provision for office accommodation”.

While magistrates have no tax allowance, Section 8(1)(d) of the Income Tax Act of 1962 allows political office bearers to have an R120,000 tax-free allowance, and judges have a R3,500 non-taxable allowance annually.

JAG said the state pays for judges’ travel to and from work, as this is considered official.

“Magistrates' travel from home to work is considered private and paid for by the magistrate.” 

The organisation said magistrates should be treated fairly because they “contribute significantly to justice delivery”.   

“Internationally, jurisdictions like Canada and Australia recognise financial security for judicial officers as essential for independence,” JAG said.

Delivering a keynote address during the opening of the 2026 Judiciary Conference on July 14, Chief Justice Mandisa Maya called for the inferior treatment of magistrates to be addressed and resolved.

“We have a constitution that establishes judicial authority as one authority. Yet, in practice, the administration of the superior courts and the magistracy remains fragmented,” Maya said.

She said that while the country speaks of one judiciary, in reality, the system does not reflect unity.

Maya said the single judiciary signifies a court system that is governed coherently, resourced rationally, administered efficiently, and held to similar standards. 

“It means that the superior courts and the magistracy are not treated as parallel systems but constitute two hierarchical branches of one judicial system. 

“The Magistrates’ Courts are the courts through which most South Africans experience justice, the coalface of justice, where criminal justice is dispensed, and family law, maintenance, domestic violence and eviction cases, minor civil claims, and many daily legal struggles are resolved for ordinary citizens. 

“If the magistracy is institutionally separated from the governance vision of the judiciary, then the promise of a single judiciary is incomplete,” said Maya. 

She called for the implementation of the 2023 Judiciary Conference resolutions, which called for action to establish a single judiciary, which would include the migration of regional and district Magistrates’ Courts to the Office of the Chief Justice. 

Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi had on June 9 expressed support for the transformation of the judiciary by bringing in Magistrates’ Courts and the High Courts under one umbrella. 

“As we move with the consolidation of court administration and judicial governance, merging magistrates and judges into a single judiciary to enhance independence, we must also ensure that access to justice for all remains at the centre of our efforts,” she said. 

bongani.hans@nationalmg.co.za

The South African government has launched a major initiative to repatriate the remains of anti-apartheid freedom fighters who died in exile in Angola, calling on families to come forward as authorities begin the complex task of recovering and identifying more than 400 possible graves.

The programme, unveiled at Freedom Park in Pretoria on Friday, marks the next phase of the government's Exile Repatriation of Human Remains Programme and follows the return of the remains of 42 liberation Struggle veterans from Zambia and Zimbabwe in September 2024.

Angola has become the first focus of the five-year plan because it holds the largest known concentration of South Africans who died during the liberation Struggle.

Minister of Sport, Arts and Culture Gayton McKenzie said the initiative was aimed at giving long-awaited answers to families who had spent decades not knowing where their loved ones were buried.

"There is a woman in this country who was a girl when her brother walked out of the family home. She was told he had gone to study. She never saw him again... Forty or 50 years later, she is an old woman, and she is still waiting," McKenzie said.

"There are hundreds of families like hers. We are here today to tell them that the waiting is coming to an end."

Describing the programme as a constitutional obligation rather than a symbolic exercise, McKenzie said: "A country that leaves its dead in foreign soil has not finished the work of becoming free. Bringing them home is not ceremony, it is the completion of a citizenship that was interrupted."

The repatriation effort stems from a request by military veterans to President Cyril Ramaphosa in 2019 to recover the remains of comrades who died in exile.

The government subsequently adopted the National Policy on the Repatriation and Restitution of Human Remains and Heritage Objects in 2021, while the Cabinet approved a country-to-country implementation model in 2023 and the current five-year implementation plan earlier this year.

McKenzie said Angola was selected because it served as a key base for Umkhonto weSizwe (MK), the ANC's armed wing, during the Struggle against apartheid.

"The South Africans who died in Angola were, in the overwhelming majority, members and cadres of the African National Congress and its military wing, Umkhonto weSizwe." 

He stressed that the programme is open to all South Africans whose relatives died in exile, regardless of political affiliation.

"We do not ask a mother to justify her grief. If your child died in exile, and we can bring your child home, your child is coming home."

Families can now apply through the South African Heritage Resources Agency (SAHRA) for exhumation, forensic examination, identification, and repatriation. Applications can be submitted online, telephonically, or in person, and McKenzie emphasised that the process would be free.

"Nothing in this process costs a family a single cent. Government will never ask you for payment," he said.

Officials estimate that more than 400 possible graves have been identified across Luanda and Angola's northern, eastern, and southern provinces, but warned that recovery operations will be difficult because of landmines, unmarked wartime graves, poor historical records, and decades of environmental change.

"In Angola, we have identified more than 400 graves for possible recovery. We will not recover everyone, but we will bring home all of those that we possibly can."

He said DNA testing may be required in cases where documentary evidence is insufficient and acknowledged that some remains may never be found or identified.

Minister of Defence and Military Veterans Angie Motshekga said the initiative was about restoring dignity to those who sacrificed their lives for South Africa's democracy.

"This work is far more than an administrative exercise. It is a national duty. It is about restoring dignity to those who sacrificed everything for the freedom we enjoy today."

She said the programme also sought to bring closure to families who had lived with unanswered questions for decades.

"The pain for many families has been compounded by not knowing where their loved ones were buried, how they died, or whether their remains would ever be brought home."

Motshekga urged relatives of South Africans who died or disappeared in Angola during the liberation Struggle to register with SAHRA.

"Government cannot complete this process without the participation of families. Their knowledge, documentation, testimonies and consent are essential components of the identification process. Every piece of information matters. Every family has a story that can help us bring another South African hero home."

She added that where physical remains could not be recovered, the government would work with families to facilitate spiritual repatriation ceremonies.

"Our objective is not only to recover remains where possible, but also to provide healing, acknowledgement, and closure."

ANC Secretary-General Fikile Mbalula said the programme was an important step in completing South Africa's liberation story.

"We gather this morning at Freedom Park... to launch a programme that has waited far too long. Today we continue, in earnest, the work of bringing home the sons and daughters of South Africa who marched into exile in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s and who never returned," he said.

Mbalula reflected on Angola's role in the liberation Struggle, saying the country became home to MK training camps after gaining independence in 1975, and that many South Africans never made the journey back home.

"Not all of them lived to see that day. Some fell in confrontations with apartheid's proxy forces. Some were lost to disease, to the sheer brutality of exile."

He appealed directly to affected families to participate in the programme.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

Former Umvoti Municipality mayor Philani Mavundla, a multimillionaire tenderpreneur, has rejected Pietermaritzburg High Court Judge Elsje-Marie Bezuidenhout’s apology for prejudicing him and his comrade as not sincere.  

Instead of accepting the apology, which Bezuidenhout sent to them on July 21, Mavundla, who is the Abantu Batho Congress (ABC) political party president, and the party’s national chairperson Mfundo Masondo, are now preparing to sue the Office of the Chief Justice for loss of income. 

Speaking on behalf of himself and Mavundla, Masondo said Bezuidenhout’s apology did not reflect the damage her actions had caused to their political careers.

The two wanted Bezuidenhout to apologise to them for ruling on June 24, 2024, against their application to the court to overturn their removal from senior positions in the municipality. 

Through the ANC- and IFP-sponsored vote of no confidence, Mavundla was removed as the mayor and Masondo as the speaker. 

After hearing their case, Bezuidenhout ruled in favour of their removal, promising to provide reasons later. 

However, she took a year to release those reasons.

Masondo said they wanted the reasons for Bezuidenhout’s judgment so that they could appeal, but they only came after the prescribed appeal time had already lapsed. 

Only after being compelled by the Judicial Conduct Committee (JCC) to apologise for delaying the reasons did Bezuidenhout do so in writing.  

Bezuidenhout’s one-paragraph letter to Mavundla and Masondo only read: “I hereby apologise for the delay in furnishing my reasons in case number 8441/1/2024”, without telling them why the reasons were delayed.   

“We have sent the same letter to the JCC, which we also sent to Bezuidenhout, to express that we are rejecting her apology and that the next move will be to institute legal proceedings for the loss of income, amongst other things.

“After she had given us the reasons, we could not appeal against her judgment because the appeal time had already lapsed, as you got a specified time to appeal,” he said. 

Masondo said Bezuidenhout had told the JCC that she could not give her judgment reasons because she had arthritis. 

“But she was appearing in court, handing down judgment, and giving reasons for other matters, but our matter was exceptional,” said Masondo. 

Although Masondo is still a member of the executive committee in Umvoti and an ordinary councillor at the Umzinyathi District Municipality, he lost an income he could have secured as a speaker had Bezuidenhout given them reasons in time to use in appealing her judgment. 

After receiving the apology letter, Mavundla and Masondo wrote back to Bezuidenhout telling her that her apology was not acceptable. 

“Your decision to issue a mere one-line apology demonstrates a failure to appreciate the seriousness of your conduct.

“It conveys the impression that you neither understand nor acknowledge the extent of the prejudice caused to those whose lives and legal rights were directly affected.

“Rather than reflecting genuine remorse, your apology appears dismissive and devoid of any meaningful reflection,” read the letter.

They also reminded Bezuidenhout that her failure to give them reasons within a reasonable time deprived them of their constitutional right to appeal against her judgment. 

They also expressed confidence that had Bezuidenhout given them the reasons on time, they would have successfully appealed and returned the Umvoti Municipality to their control.

“To this day, I maintain that the Umvoti Municipality continues to be administered by individuals who occupy their positions unlawfully because your failure to provide reasons prevented the appellate process from taking its proper course. 

“The consequences of your omission therefore extended far beyond the confines of the courtroom and had a direct impact on the governance and the administration of public affairs,” they said.

Mavundla and Masondo said the apology carried no value as it did not reflect the remorse, accountability, and harm Bezuidenhout had caused. 

“We sincerely hope that, in future, litigants who appear before you are afforded the consideration, diligence, and respect that every person is entitled to expect from the judiciary. 

“While the financial consequences of your conduct will be addressed through the appropriate legal channels, no apology, particularly one that is cold and entirely lacking in remorse or empathy, can undo the damage that has been caused,” Mavundla and Masondo told Bezuidenhout. 

In her response after delivering her judgment against Mavundla and Masondo, which is contained in JCC’s finding on their complaint on July 7, Bezuidenhout told Umvoti Municipality’s lawyers and Mavundla and Masondo’s lawyers that the reason would be furnished at a later stage as she was travelling overseas. 

She also stated that she could not provide those reasons in time as she also suffered from arthritis, which caused pain in her right hand, arm, elbow, and shoulder, a condition that prevented her from writing and typing. 

She expressed regrets in delaying to give reasons for her judgment.

However, the JCC found that the delay in delivering the judgment reasons, which were only delivered on June 19, 2025, was wrong because the reasons had to be delivered as they were important in terms of the urgent appeal. 

“The respondent’s duty to furnish reasons within a reasonable time remained her duty. Once it became apparent that the reasons in an urgent matter would be substantially delayed, the Code required the delay to be actively and responsibly managed, and the record does not show adequate proactive management of that delay.

“I am satisfied that the delay in furnishing the reasons constituted a grossly negligent breach of the Code. The respondent is directed to render a written apology to Mr Mavundla and Masondo for the delay in furnishing reasons within 30 days of receipt of this ruling,” the JCC ruled.  

Masondo said the legal action would be instituted against Bezuidenhout in her personal capacity and against the State.  

“We have not drafted papers as yet, but the rejection of the apology was served on the Chief Justice, KZN High Court Judge President, and Deputy CJ Dunstan Mlambo,” said Masondo. 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za 

A debate on service delivery in the Western Cape Provincial Legislature coincided with a march by residents from across Khayelitsha to Parliament on Thursday, as communities called for improved access to basic municipal services that they say have remained unresolved for years.

The demonstration, led by various ward councillors, including Ward 99 councillor Lonwabo Mqina, together with other community leaders, brought together residents from different wards in Khayelitsha.

According to the organisers, the march sought to highlight longstanding service delivery concerns, including access to affordable electricity, reliable water and sanitation services, decent housing, improved street lighting, and the upgrading of cemeteries.

The issues raised during the march mirror many of the findings contained in a recent Public Protector report into service delivery complaints affecting Langa and Khayelitsha.

The report identified shortcomings in the provision of basic municipal services and called on the City of Cape Town and other relevant authorities to address challenges relating to housing, sanitation, infrastructure, and governance.

Inside the Provincial Legislature, the ANC used a debate on protecting service delivery through capable provincial and local government to argue that many communities across the Western Cape continue to face deteriorating municipal services, infrastructure backlogs, and housing challenges.

Leader of the opposition Khalid Sayed said the debate was taking place at a time when residents in many parts of the province continued to experience governance failures despite the DA having governed the Western Cape since 2009.

"The debate comes at a time when many communities across the Western Cape continue to experience deteriorating service delivery, growing infrastructure backlogs, housing challenges, unreliable municipal services, and persistent governance failures," Sayed said.

He argued that while the debate focused on service delivery, the Legislature also had a responsibility to examine what he described as a network of relationships between the DA, former party officials, and private consultancies.

During his address, Sayed called for an independent investigation into alleged links between the DA, the provincial government, DA-led municipalities, and private consulting firms, claiming there had been a "revolving door" between political office, government, and private entities.

He alleged that politically connected individuals had gained privileged access to government information and decision-making processes, and called on Premier Alan Winde and members of the provincial executive to disclose engagements involving some of the individuals and organisations he named.

Sayed further urged the Legislature to investigate procurement processes, contracts, potential conflicts of interest, and whether private entities had exercised undue influence over provincial government departments or municipalities.

"If the DA has nothing to hide, it must urgently support and cooperate with establishing this probe," he said.

The DA has previously rejected allegations of wrongdoing relating to governance and procurement, and maintains that the Western Cape remains one of the country's strongest-performing provinces in terms of service delivery and clean governance.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

Former Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Advocate Andrea Johnson admitted legal processes were misused, while two investigators disputed whether the Section 27 affidavit before the commission was the same document that underpinned the Crime Intelligence investigation.

The Madlanga Commission spent the week examining how IDAC handled investigations arising from MP Fadiel Adams' Section 27 referral alleging corruption within the SAPS Crime Intelligence.

Witnesses gave sharply conflicting accounts of the document that underpinned the investigation, how the inquiry expanded beyond Adams' referral, and the decisions that culminated in the arrests of several senior police officials.

Together, the week's evidence raised fresh questions about how IDAC investigations were initiated, managed, and documented, particularly in cases that resulted in the arrests of senior Crime Intelligence officials.

Those allegations remain contested, and the commission has repeatedly stressed that it has not yet reached any findings on the evidence before it.

Johnson concedes legal process was misused

Johnson concluded several days of testimony by making a series of significant concessions under questioning from the commissioners.

She accepted that it had been unnecessary to arrest Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior SAPS officials in connection with Brigadier Dineo Mokwele's appointment, agreeing that less intrusive legal measures could have been used.

"I accept your argument that there are less intrusive means that should have been used," she told Co-commissioner Advocate Sesi Baloyi SC after being challenged on the use of arrest warrants.

When Baloyi put it to her that the process amounted to an abuse of power, Johnson replied: "I accept that."

Commissioners also heard Johnson acknowledge that National Commissioner Fannie Masemola had been wrongly charged alongside accused linked to the controversial R360 million Medicare24 contract after commission Chair Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga suggested the decision had unfairly associated him with corruption allegations.

"I sit here today knowing that I have to take responsibility for all the actions that were done, intentionally or unintentionally. I will be judged for those actions," she said.

Earlier in the week, she also accepted that Adams should face criminal charges if the Crime Intelligence documents he supplied to IDAC were unlawfully obtained, even though the directorate relied on the material during its investigation without pursuing action against him.

Questions over the scope of the investigation

Commissioners also pressed Johnson on why IDAC investigated matters relating to the Political Killings Task Team (PKTT), when those allegations did not appear in Adams' Section 27 referral. They repeatedly questioned who had driven that aspect of the investigation.

"What was driving this?" Co-commissioner Advocate Sandile Khumalo asked, noting that the PKTT allegations appeared to fall outside the original complaint.

Johnson suggested that investigators possessed additional information but conceded she could not explain why the PKTT featured in summonses she had authorised.

Pressed further, she acknowledged there "might have been a hidden hand" influencing how the investigation unfolded.

Madlanga also questioned her insistence that she had been unaware of the public controversy surrounding the proposed disbandment of the PKTT before signing investigative documents.

"I find it hard to believe what you are saying in this regard," he told her after she maintained that the issue had not raised alarm bells.

Two investigators dispute key affidavit

Attention shifted on Thursday when IDAC State Advocate Drushantha Ramsamy accused Johnson of lying under oath and testified that the Section 27 affidavit placed before the commission differed materially from the document she had received in December 2024.

Ramsamy said the affidavit she worked from contained allegations relating to the PKTT, the procurement of a forklift, the alleged misuse of secret service funds, vehicle procurement, and other matters that were absent from the version later presented to Parliament and the commission.

"When I saw the document, my heart dropped to my stomach because this was not the Section 27 that Advocate Johnson gave me on December 5, 2024," she testified.

She also described what she viewed as systemic weaknesses within IDAC, warning that prosecution-led investigations could easily be manipulated if adequate safeguards were absent.

"It is so easy at this point... to manipulate the statements, who the suspects are, how the investigation should proceed, who witnesses will be, what witnesses will say, and how they will say it," Ramsamy told the inquiry.

She further testified that she believed the affidavit presented before the commission was not the same document that had been used to obtain the Section 28 investigation authorisation.

Her evidence was reinforced on Friday when senior IDAC investigator Mantsha Robert Raphesu became the second witness to testify that the affidavit before the commission was not the document he had seen before investigations commenced.

"The affidavit before this commission is not the affidavit that I saw," Raphesu testified.

Madlanga repeatedly challenged Raphesu on how he could confidently recall the contents of a document he had seen for only five to 10 minutes.

Raphesu maintained that the seriousness of the allegations made the document impossible to forget and insisted he was recounting what he had personally read rather than drawing inferences.

According to Raphesu, the affidavit he briefly read referred to the PKTT, the alleged misuse of secret service funds, luxury vehicles, accommodation expenses, properties, and other allegations that do not appear in the version now before the commission.

He also described what he regarded as irregularities during IDAC investigations, alleging that investigators interviewed witnesses in the Mokwele matter without informing him despite him being the lead investigator.

"Although I was the lead investigator on the Mokwele matter, members of the team consulted witnesses in that matter without informing me," he testified.

After asking to be removed from the investigation, Raphesu said he later became the subject of disciplinary proceedings over allegations that he leaked confidential information, which he denied.

He also told the commission he now intends to open a criminal case arising from matters that emerged during the inquiry.

"My intention is to open a criminal case, and I'm hoping that the commission will also assist by providing investigators to take over that case, because I don't want it to land in the wrong hands somewhere," he said.

Fallout extends beyond the hearing

The week's testimony also prompted developments outside the commission. Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi announced the suspension of IDAC chief investigator Dylan Perumal and investigators Brian Padayachee and Suneel Bellochun pending disciplinary processes, while outlining plans to overhaul the directorate through lifestyle audits, a review of IDAC cases, and broader institutional reforms.

Those developments followed weeks of damaging testimony before the commission and Johnson's resignation as IDAC head.

The commission has repeatedly emphasised that it has not yet made any findings on the evidence before it.

When hearings resume on Tuesday, Ramsamy is expected to continue her testimony, and Johnson is expected to return to respond to allegations raised by witnesses, including competing claims over whether the Section 27 affidavit before the commission is the same document that underpinned the Crime Intelligence investigation.

karen.singh@nationalmg.co.za

The All Blacks are under no illusions about the massive mountain that awaits them in Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry against the Springboks; however, they are ready for the challenge against the world champions and South Africa’s United Rugby Championship franchises.

Following a hero’s welcome in Cape Town on Friday, the New Zealanders are bracing themselves for the first challenge against the Stormers next week at the DHL Stadium in the Mother City.

Head coach Dave Rennie confirmed on Friday that the squad had to take different routes in batches to arrive in the country due to the war in the Middle East. However, everyone except team captain Ardie Savea, who is on an extended break, is in Cape Town ahead of the opener.

According to the All Blacks coach, some players had to fly via Hong Kong, Perth and Singapore.

“Everyone’s here except Ardie; the last group arrived this morning,” Rennie said on Friday.

"Yeah, look, we were due to come through Dubai, but obviously with what’s going on in the Gulf, we ended up having to make later changes — maybe two or three weeks ago. Look, we’ve made it work. One group had to travel through Hong Kong, one through Singapore, and one through Perth. Ardie arrives just after the Sharks game.

“Our first game is here in Cape Town, so we’ll be based here until then. But once we’re playing other games, we’ll travel as one team. We won’t leave a group here (in Cape Town) or send another group ahead. We’ll be in the city and in the stands supporting each other in every match.”

With Ardie Savea not in SA just yet, #AllBlacks tour captain Codie Taylor was popular amongst the Cape Crusaders. Hundreds welcomed New Zealand to the Mother City ahead of #RugbysGreatestRivalry vs the Springboks pic.twitter.com/9RnYrvuPXp

— Leighton Koopman (@Leighton_K) July 31, 2026

The All Blacks will play three SA franchises first, starting with the Stormers, before facing the Sharks and Bulls. The first Test is at Ellis Park (22 August), the second at DHL Stadium (29 August) and the third at the FNB Stadium in Soweto (5 September). The arch-rivals will play the fourth match in Baltimore, USA.

According to Rennie, they are still growing as a team. However, like the Boks, they are unbeaten in 2026, and that should give them plenty of confidence heading into the tour.

“We’re building and are still a new side with a lot of new staff and young players. So we’re learning a lot. But we are well aware of how tough this challenge is; they are double world champions and Rassie (Erasmus) has done a phenomenal job here.”

Hookers Johan Grobbelaar and Jan-Hendrik Wessels should receive a proper baptism of fire against Argentina in the Springboks’ final match ahead of Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry against the All Blacks.

The duo are the recognised hookers in the 26-man Bok squad head coach Rassie Erasmus selected for the clash in Buenos Aires, and as the back-up to double World Cup winner Malcolm Marx for the series, they have to prove they can step up.

Marx has been rested for the trip, and that places the responsibility and pressure on Grobbelaar and Wessels to keep the standards of the No 2 jersey high as they look to show Erasmus and his management that they can fill his boots against the All Blacks.

Grobbelaar should start at hooker next Saturday, and there is plenty on the line for the Bulls lineout thrower. He only featured in the Test against Scotland during the Nations Championship, and it’s an indication that the Boks prefer a versatile player as Marx’s back-up in the Test side. Wessels, who can cover hooker and prop, featured in all three mid-year matches, and that could put him in the inside lane for Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry.

However, an accurate display at the lineout, coupled with his tireless work at the breakdown and on defence, could strengthen Grobbelaar’s case. And if he plays out of his skin against an expected fired-up Argentina, it could leave Erasmus with a difficult decision when it comes to the replacement hooker for the Test series.

Grobbelaar hasn’t really put a foot wrong in the Springbok jersey, but the value the world champions place on versatile players could count against him going forward.

Rassie Erasmus adopted a strategic approach for the next leg of the international season by naming a group of 43 players who will gather in Johannesburg on Sunday to begin their preparations for the Test against Argentina in Buenos Aires and Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry - more here:… pic.twitter.com/SrCYjqPNwu

— Springboks (@Springboks) July 22, 2026

That is where Wessels’ ability to play loosehead prop and hooker makes him such an enticing prospect. Naturally a powerful scrummager, his presence allows Erasmus to field a watertight front row on the bench, while also accommodating two loosehead props among the replacements, as was the case against England in the Nations Championship.

It worked brilliantly, and the English scrum struggled even after Ox Nché was forced off through injury early on.

However, Grobbelaar’s accuracy at lineout time could ultimately weigh more heavily in his favour when it comes to being second-in-command to Marx. Then again, Erasmus is renowned for his out-of-the-box thinking when it comes to team composition.

With Ardie Savea not in SA just yet, #AllBlacks tour captain Codie Taylor was popular amongst the Cape Crusaders. Hundreds welcomed New Zealand to the Mother City ahead of #RugbysGreatestRivalry vs the Springboks pic.twitter.com/9RnYrvuPXp

— Leighton Koopman (@Leighton_K) July 31, 2026

Both players should get enough game time next weekend to state their case, and whoever comes out on top could provide a strong indication of who will occupy the replacement bench for the Springboks in the opening Test at Ellis Park.

Grobbelaar still fits into a traditional Bomb Squad, while Wessels opens the door for Erasmus to overload the replacements with locks or loose forwards. That could add another layer of unpredictability to Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry and provide the world champions with yet another arrow in their quiver.

With Marx all but guaranteed to return for the All Blacks series, Grobbelaar and Wessels have one final chance to make a lasting impression. Whoever grabs it on Saturday could find themselves running out at Ellis Park in one of the biggest Tests of the year.

HOW does a constitutional institution entrusted with protecting integrity justify denying opportunity based on a future that has not yet happened?

Somewhere in South Africa today, there is a young Black professional who has done everything this democracy has asked of her. She studied when education was presented as the pathway to opportunity. She acquired the qualifications that employers demanded. She competed in good faith, believing that merit, competence and constitutional fairness would ultimately determine her future.

Yet, according to reports surrounding a recruitment process at the Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC), her journey appears to have collided with something no qualification can overcome: An assessment of what decision makers believed might happen in the future.

Whether those reports fully reflect IDAC’s reasoning is ultimately a matter for the institution to explain. Nevertheless, the governance question they raise deserves urgent national attention.

If a public institution can deny employment because of a perceived future risk that is neither objectively demonstrable nor transparently explained, then South Africans should ask whether merit is still the foundation of public recruitment or whether speculation has quietly assumed that role.

This is not simply a debate about one applicant or one institution. It is a debate about the kind of governance culture South Africa is building three decades into democracy. It is a debate about whether constitutional institutions are making decisions based on evidence or on assumptions.

Above all, it is a debate about whether governance is still being practiced or merely performed. That is precisely where the Governance Theatre framework becomes indispensable.

Governance Theatre does not describe the absence of governance. It describes something far more sophisticated and infinitely more dangerous. It describes institutions that faithfully perform every outward ritual of accountability while gradually disconnecting those rituals from the principles that give them legitimacy.

Committees are established. Policies are followed. Interviews are conducted. Risk assessments are completed. Decisions are approved. Every procedural box appears to have been ticked. From the outside, everything looks exemplary.

Yet beneath that carefully choreographed institutional performance lies a far more important question. Was the decision itself rational?

Good governance is not measured by the number of meetings an institution holds or the volume of policies it produces. It is measured by the quality of reasoning that underpins every exercise of public power.

Constitutional democracy demands far more than procedural compliance. It demands decisions that are objectively justifiable, proportionate, transparent and capable of independent scrutiny.

That distinction is fundamental because a process can be procedurally flawless while being substantively irrational. Governance does not become legitimate simply because procedures have been observed. It becomes legitimate when those procedures yield outcomes rooted in evidence rather than conjecture.

No responsible observer would argue that public institutions should ignore risk. On the contrary, institutions charged with safeguarding public resources and combating corruption have an obligation to identify genuine risks before they materialise.

Effective risk management is an essential component of good governance. However, risk management has constitutional limits. It cannot become a licence to replace evidence with prediction or measurable facts with hypothetical possibilities.

The phrase “possible future risk” therefore deserves careful examination.

• What precisely constitutes such a risk?
• What evidence establishes its existence?
• How was its probability assessed?
• Against what objective criteria was it measured?
• Was the candidate allowed to respond?
• Would another independent panel reviewing the same evidence reasonably reach the same conclusion?

If these questions cannot be answered convincingly, then what appears to be risk management may instead be speculative governance.

The distinction is neither academic nor insignificant. Evidence can be tested. Facts can be verified. Conduct can be investigated. Qualifications can be evaluated. Speculation enjoys none of these characteristics. It exists only within the perceptions of decision-makers.

Once institutions begin making life-changing decisions based on possibilities rather than proven realities, no candidate can meaningfully defend themselves because one cannot disprove an assumption that has never been objectively established.

The Constitution anticipated this danger precisely.

Section 195 requires public administration to be governed by fairness, transparency, accountability and good human resource practices based on ability, objectivity and equity. Section 33 guarantees every person administrative action that is lawful, reasonable and procedurally fair.

These provisions were not included merely to regulate the process. They exist to discipline the exercise of public power by ensuring that discretion never becomes indistinguishable from arbitrariness.

The greatest irony is that this debate concerns an institution established to strengthen public integrity.

Institutions such as IDAC exist because South Africans demanded stronger accountability from public office. Their authority therefore rests not merely on legislation but on credibility. Every decision they make either strengthens or weakens public confidence in the constitutional project itself.

They cannot effectively investigate questionable decision-making elsewhere if questions emerge about the transparency and rationality of their own decisions.

Institutions created to restore public trust cannot expect that trust to flourish if they appear unwilling or unable to explain the reasoning behind their own exercises of public power.

This is where Governance Theatre reveals its most dangerous characteristic. It allows institutions to preserve the appearance of fairness while gradually weakening its substance.

The public sees interviews, assessment panels and formal announcements and assumes that justice has been done because procedure has been observed. Yet governance was never intended to reward appearances. It was designed to protect fairness through reasoned decision-making.

The implications extend well beyond one recruitment exercise.

South Africa consistently tells young people that education is the pathway to opportunity. Parents sacrifice incomes to educate their children. Students accumulate debt in pursuit of qualifications. Graduates compete for increasingly scarce employment opportunities believing that competence, integrity and perseverance will ultimately matter.

If public institutions begin communicating, intentionally or otherwise, that objective achievement can be displaced by undefined future concerns that cannot be independently verified, they undermine more than individual careers. They undermine the credibility of merit itself.

That is an institutional risk far greater than any hypothetical concern attached to a single candidate.

Democracies survive because citizens believe that public institutions act according to principles rather than preferences. The moment people begin suspecting that invisible assumptions carry greater weight than visible achievements, confidence begins to erode. Once confidence erodes, institutional legitimacy soon follows.

The answer is not to weaken institutional discretion. Public institutions require discretion to govern effectively. The challenge is ensuring that discretion remains disciplined by evidence and constitutional principle.

Every significant public appointment should therefore be accompanied by written reasons explicitly linked to published selection criteria. Any risk assessment relied upon during recruitment should be supported by objective evidence and be capable of independent review.

Recruitment panels should receive regular training on constitutional administrative justice, unconscious bias and evidence-based decision-making. Independent governance audits should examine not merely whether recruitment procedures were followed but whether the reasoning itself satisfies constitutional standards of rationality.

Finally, unsuccessful candidates should have access to meaningful review mechanisms that interrogate the substance of decisions rather than merely confirming procedural compliance.

These reforms would not diminish institutional independence. They would strengthen institutional legitimacy.

Ultimately, the story behind IDAC’s credibility is not about whether one applicant should have received one position. It is about whether South Africa's constitutional institutions remain faithful to the principles they were created to defend.

The true measure of governance is not how effectively institutions speak the language of accountability but how consistently they embody it when exercising power over the lives of ordinary citizens.

History teaches that corruption damages institutions because it distorts decisions for private benefit. Speculation poses a different but equally serious danger. It distorts decisions while allowing institutions to believe they remain faithful to good governance. That is why speculative governance is so difficult to detect. It wears the language of accountability while quietly abandoning its discipline.

The day public institutions begin rewarding hypothetical futures more readily than demonstrable merit is the day constitutional governance begins yielding to institutional imagination.

The committees will still convene. The policies will remain meticulously drafted. The interviews will still be conducted. The reports will still be written. Everything will appear to be functioning exactly as it should.

Yet behind the carefully maintained performance, evidence will have surrendered to speculation, merit will have surrendered to assumption, and accountability will have surrendered to appearance.

When that happens, governance has not failed. It has become theatre.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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SOUTH Africa’s mining sector operates under constant pressure to improve environmental performance, support worker well-being, and show real progress on Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) goals.

While energy efficiency and water security usually steal the spotlight, sanitation infrastructure often remains an overlooked vulnerability.

Long treated as just a basic background requirement, the state of site sanitation is quickly becoming a clear sign of how seriously a mining company takes innovation, human dignity, and resource management.

In remote, high-intensity mining operations, especially deep underground, daily sanitation facilities have historically been basic at best. Systems that rely on crude containment or simple buckets create major challenges for both site teams and leadership.

For underground workers, poor facilities directly compromise health, personal comfort, and day-to-day dignity. For operational teams, managing these systems creates major logistical headaches. Moving waste from deep underground up to surface treatment facilities takes time, energy, and constant coordination.

Shaft infrastructure is limited, and waste servicing schedules regularly get delayed by operational emergencies or equipment repairs. Every extra run needed to haul heavy waste containers uses up precious shaft availability, adds to transport costs, and increases overall site fuel emissions.

Solving these friction points means shifting focus away from constantly hauling waste and moving toward processing it right where it is created. Recent developments in local engineering focus on placing compact, automated processing units directly at remote mine locations.

Instead of repeatedly bringing raw waste to the surface, these closed-loop systems filter, treat, and recirculate liquids on site. By continuously recycling fluids, these systems can cut the volume of physical waste that needs to be hauled out by up to 80%.

That 80% drop changes daily mine logistics completely. Moving only 20% of the original waste volume takes a massive load off shaft infrastructure, cuts down on fuel use, and reduces site hazards.

From a water stewardship perspective, reusing liquids drastically reduces freshwater demand for sanitation, helping mines protect local water supplies in drought-prone areas.

Sanitation technology for mines cannot just look good on paper; it has to survive real-world South African conditions. Off-the-shelf imports built for milder environments often fail underground, where dust, heavy daily use, and tight budgets set the rules.

Locally developed solutions strike a smart balance between efficient treatment technology and simple, rugged mechanics.

Designing equipment that is affordable to install and easy to maintain ensures that sustainability upgrades stay practical while keeping operations running smoothly deep underground.

In addition to water efficiency and logistics management, upgrading mine-site sanitation addresses a core operational driver: worker health and absenteeism. Health management initiatives across the sector have proven that hygienic, well-maintained sanitation facilities directly reduce the spread of illness among underground teams, leading to a marked drop in health-related leave.

The human impact of clean infrastructure translates directly into operational stability. Ensuring that employees have access to safe, dignified facilities fosters a healthier workforce, which in turn reduces shift delays, improves site safety, and maintains steady daily output.

As sustainability reporting becomes more detailed, mining leaders are looking at every part of their operations with fresh eyes. Modern sanitation touches all three areas of ESG.

Environmentally, cutting waste transport lowers site emissions, while recycling systems conserve regional water. Socially, upgrading facilities protects employee health, safety, and everyday dignity, which directly cuts down on sick days.

From a governance perspective, reducing waste handling risks helps operations stay fully compliant and avoids costly environmental fines.

Sanitation in mining can no longer be pushed to the side as an afterthought. Adopting practical, locally built technology is the most effective way for South African mining operations to turn an old operational challenge into a clear win for water stewardship, team well-being, and ESG leadership.

* Robert Erasmus is the Managing Director at Sanitech.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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THE DA must thank the ANC for its political fortunes since it was formed in 2000, including that it was the official opposition before the Government of National Unity (GNU) was formed in 2024.

Today, next to the ANC, which declined in the 2024 elections from obtaining 57% of the vote in 2019 to around 40%, it is the biggest party in the GNU.

Though formally a non-racial party, the DA is in fact mainly white-led. But more importantly, it is mainly a liberal centrist party, which is ideologically pro-capitalist and committed to a free market, individual freedoms, a non-racial constitutional democracy and what is called “the rule of law”.

But because of the population demographics of this country, it is very unlikely that it would win an election, whether national or local. The “Black African” majority, to use the terminology of Statistics South Africa (StatsSA), of around 81% of the total population will continue to dominate our constitutional democracy.

However, so hugely significant was it that the ANC, for the first time in post-apartheid South Africa, lost the 2024 elections that the DA hopes to become the governing party. But I am certain it would never happen because race will continue to dominate political sentiments and choices at election time.

On the other hand, I am as certain that the ANC’s stark decline will continue in the oncoming local government elections in November. I think that besides the disgruntlement of Black voters with the ANC, especially around service delivery issues in Black townships, the Phala Phala scandal, directly implicating President Cyril Ramaphosa, is most probably going to count against the ANC in those elections.

While I do not want to at all prejudge the outcome of the Phala Phala matters and particularly Ramaphosa’s request for a review of the Section 89 independent panel report which found that he had a prima facie case to answer regarding the February 2020 theft of $580 000 from his farm, I think it is going to negatively affect the ANC’s performance in the November elections.

I think so, even if Ramaphosa wins his review of the 2020 parliamentary panel report by finding that it was flawed in certain respects. Remember that a few years ago he himself said that people generally associate the ANC with corruption, which was a very significant statement by him.

I think that the Black electorate deep down believes that the ANC is corrupt, aside from governance issues and matters of incompetence and so on. That is why, which many people, including the media, forget, the ANC lost both the 2016 and 2021 local government elections in Gauteng, the powerhouse of production and nerve-centre of the economy.

But back to the DA. Even if the ANC loses the November local government elections, the DA, at most, will obtain around 30% of the popular vote. In 2021 the ANC obtained 45.59% of the popular vote and the DA 21.62%. But the point I am making is that whether it's national or local elections, I don’t think the DA will ever win the total majority vote.

However, I want to focus on the Western Cape, where the DA has governed since 2009. There must be no doubt at all that it is the majority Coloured working class vote which has kept the DA in office there since 2009.

The key and critical question is: How did it happen that the DA has comfortably governed the Western Cape since 2009? This is such a crucially important political matter that nobody has ever really probed over the years.

To do this I need to go back to the 1994 elections. Do people remember that the racist Nationalist Party (NP) comfortably won our Uhuru elections in the Western Cape? Yes, it was the first time in the entire history of colonialism that an oppressed and exploited people for over three centuries voted for their oppressors and exploiters in their first-ever democratic and non-racial elections.

While I don’t have the space to interrogate why that happened, especially since Cape Town was the birthplace of the United Democratic Front (UDF), formed in August 1983, I think that it is also a reflection on the ANC itself and why the DA has been in power there since 2009.

But we must not forget that the UDF was effectively the internal ANC, which was banned inside the country since 1961. This was possible, to all intents and purposes, because the UDF supported virtually everything the ANC stood for and demanded.

However, there are some strategic political issues which are of key and critical importance. I have written about this before in the pages of the Cape Times in 2007.

The biggest mistake the ANC made was to have disbanded the UDF in February 1991. This decision was not driven by the UDF itself but by the ANC leaders, who had in 1990 returned to the country after the ANC and several other organisations were unbanned in February 1990.

The ANC suspected that the UDF would be a thorn in its side, especially during sensitive moments in the negotiations with the NP. Remember that the UDF was a militant front, with organisational structures across the townships of the Western Cape.

But by disbanding the UDF, I believe mistakenly and prematurely, a political vacuum was created in those townships, which the NP assiduously exploited. The result was that the NP won the 1994 elections.

The UDF should have been maintained intact until at least the 1994 elections. This would have hugely facilitated the ANC’s campaigning for those elections, especially since UDF community structures already existed in those townships.

But it is that situation and especially the background I have sketched, which the DA has itself exploited. There are several historical and political reasons why the ANC was never very strong in the Western Cape, even when it was not banned.

That is in fact why the UDF should not have been disbanded in 1991. But more importantly, this is partly the background to the DA’s ability to have remained in office in the Western Cape since 2009.

That background also has certain political dynamics which have turned out to be to the advantage of the DA. But it is also the ANC’s ongoing corruption in office which the DA regularly pounced on, and which won it many supporters.

Besides the corruption, it is the fact that the ANC abandoned what was effectively its election manifesto in 1994, which is the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). It did the same with the iconic Freedom Charter.

Furthermore, if the provisions and demands in both the RDP and Freedom Charter were adhered to and implemented, we would not have had such deep and widespread Black poverty, unemployment and inequalities in the country.

It is, however, such a tragedy which the DA will not be able to do much about. The serious problem is that, to a large extent, the ANC had much better policies and programmes to have made a big difference in the lives of Black people, but it effectively abandoned them.

But it is very important to also point out that the DA, both in the Western Cape and elsewhere in the country, has also been able to win over so-called “minorities” (Coloureds, Indians and Whites) over the years because of the growth of an Africanist majoritarian chauvinism inside the ANC.

This specific problem alienated many people who before were big supporters of the UDF and the ANC. Apartheid oppressed and exploited Coloured and Indian people too, though not to the same degree as "Black African” people.

But many or most of those people turned to the DA, which is why it has substantial support in these communities across the country.

Unfortunately, today most of the voter support the DA has at election time is drawn from those alienated communities. The ANC has itself to blame for those problems, which will most probably play itself out again in the November local government elections.

So much has the ANC alienated these communities that they would rather give their votes to the DA at election time, especially in the Western Cape. This is in many respects a political anomaly, especially since, as I earlier said, the UDF was founded in Mitchell’s Plain in Cape Town in 1983.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst, and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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NO economy in Southern Africa will grow to its full potential while it continues, in practice if not in law, to sideline women from decision-making.

This is not a moral aside to the region’s growth agenda; it is the growth agenda. Where women participate fully in labour markets, in enterprise, and in leadership, economies diversify faster, households absorb shocks better, and the next generation is better educated, and better fed.

Of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) recognises this. The evidence across the continent bears it out. And yet the conversation in too many of our countries still treats women's advancement as a matter of fairness to be weighed against growth, rather than as one of the clearest levers available for achieving it.

History has proven that the involvement of women in economic development is not a charity case, their intellect is the necessary catalyst in economic development, and their inclusion is a must.

Men and women who hold positions of decision-making, in cabinets, in courts, in boardrooms, at the head of homesteads and chiefdoms, are the ones who determine whether capable women reach the tables where a region’s economic future is actually decided.

Supporting the advancement of women into leadership is not a favour extended downward; it is the exercise of good judgement by those already in a position to shape outcomes, in service of economies that function better when they draw on the full range of talent available to them.

Where that judgement has been exercised, as this piece will show, the results are measurable.

Eswatini offers a case worth examining closely, because the usual habit in public conversation about women and the economy is to speak as though the law has yet to arrive, as though advocates must still call for reform and commentators must still list what is missing.

Quietly, and largely unremarked upon, opportunity in Eswatini rests on legislation that has already been written, tested, and, in some instances, confirmed by our own courts, legislation that, measured against our neighbours across SADC, places this kingdom among the region's genuine leaders on women’s economic standing.

This argument sits at the intersection of two systems of authority that are rarely asked to speak in the same breath: The Constitution and the statutes that give it effect, and the custom of siSwati life as it is lived in homesteads and in the council of elders.

The two are often assumed to pull in different directions on the question of women and economic life. They do not. They agree, and they have agreed for some time.

Where Eswatini leads the region — The legal context

The comparison is worth making plainly, because it is rarely made at all. On the World Economic Forum’s (WEF’s) measure of economic participation and opportunity — labour-force participation, professional representation, income parity — Eswatini ranks third in the world, behind only Botswana and Liberia.

Eswatini's economy has closed more of the gender gap in this category than every other SADC member state, including economies many times its size.

This is not an accident of measurement. It rests on a specific, identifiable legal architecture.

In Eswatini the 2005 constitution serves as the supreme law and provides for gender equality, recognises women’s rights and places a duty on the state to reverse any historical marginalisation of women.

Section 14 of Chapter 3 of the Eswatini Constitution, 2005, on the promotion of fundamental rights and freedom guarantees basic human rights to all individuals regardless of gender.

Section 20 of the Constitution, being the equality clause, explicitly prohibits discrimination based on gender. In Eswatini the constitution grants women the rights to equal treatment with men, including equal opportunities in political, economic and social activities.

The said section further obligates the government to provide facilities and opportunities to enhance the welfare of women. Worth noting is that section 28(3) provides that a women shall not be compelled to undergo and uphold any custom to which she is “in” conscience opposed.

Section 59(5) on economic objectives obligates the state to take all necessary steps to ensure the full integration of women into the mainstream of economic development — an operative constitutional command, not inspirational language.

With the advent of the constitution and other statutory enactments and case law, the status of women has fundamentally shifted upwards. The national gender policy (2023–2033) is the comprehensive 10-year policy guiding government ministries to be gender-responsible in budgeting and mainstreaming women into leadership.

In Section 86 of the constitution it is provided that when, in the first meeting of the House after any general election, it appears that female members of Parliament will not constitute at least 30% of the total membership of Parliament, only then shall the House form itself into an electoral college and elect not more than four women on a regional basis to the House. This section is intended to improve the political participation of women in Parliament.

As matters currently stand, the female representation in Parliament is almost 30%. The number of women cabinet ministers has also increased to 25%, and the deputy prime minister, Honourable Senator Thulisile Dladla, is a woman.

Land in Eswatini can be categorised into two: one being title deed land and the other being Eswatini national land. The Eswatini national land is held by the king in trust for Emaswati and is allocated by the chiefs. Historically it was only granted to male heads of households.

Currently women can be legally allocated land in Eswatini National Land on their own, and many women acquired land on their own under the system of kukhonta. Women are free to purchase title deed land in Eswatini.

The case of Attorney-General vs Mary-Joyce Doo Aphane 2010, the Supreme Court declared that it was unconstitutional to deny women married in the community of property the right of registering their property in their own names.

In the case of Sacolo vs Sacolo (2019), the High Court struck down the common law doctrine of marital power and held that it violates women’s constitutional rights and dignity and that both spouses have equal capacity to administer matrimonial property. Eswatini today holds, as a matter of settled law, women holding the same legal standing to contract, register businesses, and hold and administer property as a man.

None of this settles the matter entirely. Real gaps remain, particularly in having women access capital and formal business infrastructure, and this piece will return to that. But a regional business, and his kind matters, because a nation cannot close a gap it does not accurately measure against its peers — and Eswatini's starting point, relative to the rest of Southern Africa, is stronger than the conversation around it usually admits.

A king and queen mother for the people — especially women

None of this has emerged against the wishes of those who lead this nation. Addressing Ghana's National House of Chiefs in Kumasi during a working visit in June 2025, His Majesty King Mswati III spoke directly to the developmental role women have long played in African communities, urging that they be given recognition and, in his words, “the proper support to deliver for us always”.

He held up Eswatini specifically as a case in which women are recognised and given the respect due to them as key players in national development and argued that traditional authority and modern governance are not in conflict but can complement one another in advancing this agenda.

At the 2023 Buganu Festival at Buhleni Royal Residence, King Mswati raised the question directly of why more women were not yet being elected to Parliament, making the point that women are fully capable of contributing to the building of the nation — a challenge aimed as much at the electorate and political structures as at women themselves.

Her Majesty the Indlovukazi, the nation's foremost maternal figure, has spoken to this point directly. Addressing the Lutsango regiment at the 2023 Buganu Festival at Buhleni Royal Residence, Queen Mother told the nation’s women plainly, in siSwati, “anisasibo belikhishi nemabhodo” (you do not belong in the kitchen) and urged them to recognise their own power and take up whatever position matched their capacity, rather than carry the household’s domestic burden alone while also building their own economic independence.

These words are not incidental to this argument; they are its foundation. When the two heads of state speak of women’s capability and standing, they are not introducing a new idea into Swati life.

They are affirming what this kingdom's leadership has practised for decades and what now shows up, measurably, in Eswatini's standing relative to the rest of the region.

Women have already led at the highest level — for years

Eswatini need not imagine a future in which women hold the nation's highest offices. It has lived it.

The Honourable Thulisile Dladla, the current Deputy Prime Minister, is the second woman to hold that office in the Kingdom’s history, following Constance Simelane before her.

Her tenure has been marked by the kind of leadership this country most needs: a steady hand on social protection, gender mainstreaming, child welfare, and the wellbeing of persons with disabilities — leadership that embodies the spirit of Ubuntu, whose preamble calls on all of us to protect and support the most vulnerable among us.

A woman sitting second-in-command of this government's executive is not an exception to how Eswatini governs. It is, increasingly, how Eswatini governs.

Women’s representation in public leadership extends beyond a single office. Current parliamentary data show that women hold approximately 20.3% of seats in the House of Assembly and 46.7% of seats in the Senate, making Eswatini's upper chamber one of the most gender-balanced legislative bodies in the region.

The Senate is presided over by a woman, Senator Lindiwe Dlamini, demonstrating that women are not merely participating in public life but occupying positions of institutional leadership. Constitutional mechanisms further safeguard women's representation by requiring minimum levels of female participation in both chambers where electoral outcomes alone do not achieve adequate inclusion.

Representation is also evident within the executive branch. Women hold about 26% of ministerial positions, including responsibility for key portfolios such as foreign affairs, home affairs, information and communications technology, tourism and environmental affairs, as well as the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister.

Leadership is increasingly visible beyond elected office and Cabinet. Women today occupy senior positions across government ministries, public institutions and national agencies, reflecting their growing role in policy-making and public administration.

Nor is women’s influence confined to public institutions. Across the private sector, women increasingly occupy executive and board-level positions in sectors ranging from banking and communications to mining and entrepreneurship.

This leadership presence is reflected in the broader economy, where women own about 60% of Eswatini’s small, medium, and micro-sized enterprises, making them central to business formation, employment creation and household livelihoods across the kingdom.

These developments point to an important conclusion. The question facing Eswatini is no longer whether women can lead at the highest levels of national life. Women are already doing so. The challenge now is ensuring that more women are able to enter and advance through leadership pipelines across every sector of the economy.

What custom actually asks of us

There is a claim worth confronting directly: That tradition asks women to defer, in commerce as in the home, to a male relative’s judgement before their own. That is not what custom, properly understood, requires.

SiSwati tradition has always recognised women as builders of the homestead’s wealth: as cultivators, traders, keepers of livestock, custodians of household provision. The deference sometimes described as custom is, more often, habit inherited from a different era, mistaken for obligation.

A tradition that prizes the wellbeing of the homestead has never been served by leaving half its builders on the margin of decision-making.

When the Constitution affirms a woman’s equal economic standing, it is not asking Emaswati to set custom aside. It is asking that the custom be practised as it was meant to be — with the full participation of those who have always carried its weight.

Culture and tradition in this Kingdom respect women. They always have. Where women's growth has been stifled, it has too often been at the hands of a misreading of the law or a convenient misreading of custom mistaken for the genuine article and left unchallenged.

Society cannot continue to hide behind misinterpreted laws, or behind a version of tradition invented to suit that misreading, to justify holding women back from the economic role the Constitution, the courts, and this kingdom's own leadership have already affirmed belongs to them.

Where the real work lies

The honest gap, region-wide as much as here at home, is not statutory. It is implementation.

This is particularly striking given the extent to which women have already embraced entrepreneurship. Recent studies indicate that women own about 60% of Eswatini’s SMMEs, placing them at the centre of employment creation, household income generation and economic resilience. Yet many women-led enterprises remain informal, undercapitalised and concentrated in lower-growth segments of the economy.

Nearly 90% of SMMEs rely primarily on personal savings rather than formal financing, while 74% of firms led by women identify access to finance as a major constraint to growth.

The problem, therefore, is not a lack of entrepreneurial ambition. It is a lack of access to the financial tools that allow successful enterprises to expand, employ more people and compete at scale.

Equally important is the absence of comprehensive public data. Eswatini would benefit from regularly updated national datasets tracking women-owned businesses, women in senior civil service positions, and women serving on public enterprise boards and executive teams. Better measurement would allow policymakers to design interventions based on evidence rather than assumption.

Closing these gaps should be a national economic priority. The next phase of women’s economic empowerment in Eswatini is not about proving women’s capacity to succeed in business or leadership; the evidence of that already exists. It is about ensuring that women entrepreneurs and leaders have the same access to capital, institutions, networks and opportunities as their male counterparts.

Eswatini does not stand at the beginning of this journey. It stands some distance along it.

The Constitution has spoken. The courts have spoken. Custom, properly understood, has spoken. Their Majesties have spoken. The question before us is not whether women belong in the mainstream of economic life, but whether we are prepared to unlock the full measure of their contribution to our nation's future.

The countries that prosper in the decades ahead will be those that recognise talent wherever it is found, remove barriers wherever they remain, and draw strength from the abilities of all their people.

Eswatini has already laid much of that foundation. Our task now is to build upon it — to ensure that every woman with the ambition to farm, to trade, to innovate, to lead, or to build an enterprise can do so on equal terms.

The question is no longer whether Eswatini can afford to empower women. The question is whether it can afford not to.

The Attorney General was one of the speakers at the inaugural Women’s Month thought leadership event held under the theme The Role of Women in Growing Southern Africa’s Economies held last August.

* Sifiso MM Khumalo is the Attorney General of the Kingdom of Eswatini.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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“WE will no longer support long essays. If you are an engineering student, for your thesis, you must manufacture, copy or build something.”

Burkina Faso's President Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s words sparked exactly the reaction you would expect. The usual critics dismissed them. Others laughed. Some rushed to explain why Africa should stay in its lane and leave innovation to everyone else.

But perhaps that is precisely the problem. We have become so accustomed to defending the way things have always been that we rarely stop to ask whether those things are actually working.

But perhaps we’re debating the wrong thing. Because whether you agree with Captain Traoré or not, his words force us to confront a question that Africa has avoided for far too long: When did education become about proving what we know instead of proving what we can do?

Every year, our universities produce thousands of graduates. We celebrate distinctions. We applaud qualifications. We fill social media with graduation gowns, heartfelt speeches and captions declaring that “education is the key”.

Yet ours remains one of the most unequal societies in the entire world. Rampant unemployment rates have ravaged our society. Our municipalities are constantly on the brink of collapsing. Schools continue to fail millions of children every single day. Hospitals are deplorably overwhelmed. Crumbling infrastructure has become a permanent feature of our democracy, and so much more.

If education is supposed to prepare us to solve society’s greatest challenges, then why does it feel as though those challenges are only becoming greater?

Perhaps because somewhere along the way, we confused education with certification. Somewhere along the way, the degree became the destination instead of the beginning.

Before anyone misunderstands the point, this is not an attack on research or academic writing. Essays matter. Research matters. Every major scientific breakthrough began with someone asking difficult questions.

But surely education cannot end there. Surely after years of lectures, assignments, examinations and dissertations, the question should no longer be: “What did you write?” It should be: “What did you build? What did you solve? Whose life is better because of what you learned?”

Imagine if every qualification in South Africa required students to leave behind something that improved society. Imagine if law students had to provide legal assistance to underserved communities before graduating.

Imagine if education students had to develop literacy programmes that dramatically improved reading outcomes in struggling schools.

Imagine if journalism students had to publish investigative stories exposing corruption or failures in local government instead of submitting assignments that disappear into filing cabinets after being graded.

Imagine if business students had to launch functioning enterprises, however small, rather than simply writing business plans that never leave the classroom. Imagine if agriculture students developed practical solutions for food insecurity in rural communities.

Imagine if information technology students designed systems that helped municipalities improve service delivery. Imagine if architecture and engineering students built affordable housing models, safer public spaces or innovative infrastructure suited to South African realities.

One of the greatest tragedies of our education system is that it has often taught young people to look everywhere for answers except within themselves. Indigenous Knowledge Systems remain one of Africa’s most underutilised resources, not because they lack value, but because we have failed to treat them as engines of innovation.

Practical learning offers an opportunity to change that. It allows students to draw from generations of African knowledge and combine it with modern science to solve today’s challenges, from food insecurity and climate resilience to healthcare and sustainable development.

That is how we build an education system that is not only globally competitive, but authentically and unapologetically African.

With this shift, suddenly, education would become so much more than a personal achievement. It would become a meaningful national investment.

The truth is, South Africa does not suffer from a shortage of graduates. Every year we produce thousands of intelligent, ambitious young people filled with potential. What we suffer from is a shortage of systems that consistently transform that potential into solutions.

We have become incredibly good at producing qualifications. But are we producing problem-solvers? Because the measure of education cannot simply be whether someone passes an examination.

It must also be whether that education leaves a meaningful mark on the society that paid for it, invested in it and desperately needs it.

Too many graduates leave university believing that their only responsibility is to find employment. What if we taught them that their responsibility was also to create opportunity? To solve problems. To build institutions. To strengthen communities. To innovate. To leave South Africa better than they found it.

That is the kind of education that builds nations. That is the kind of education that transforms economies.

And perhaps that is why Traoré’s comments have resonated with so many Africans. Not because people suddenly oppose essays, but because they are tired of watching education become an end in itself while the problems outside university gates continue to multiply.

South Africa cannot lecture its way out of unemployment. It cannot theorise its way out of inequality. It cannot dissuade its way out of poverty. At some point, what we know must become what we do. Because the true purpose of education was never simply to produce graduates. It was to produce people capable of rebuilding a country.

Perhaps every university should ask one final question before handing over a qualification: “When history looks back on your education, will it remember what you wrote… or what you built?” Because South Africa doesn’t need another generation of people qualified to analyse its problems. It needs a generation courageous enough to solve them.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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THE dismissal a fortnight ago of one Karim Khan, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), is nothing short of good riddance!

Finally, he’s gone. Gone with his bias. To the majority of the world, Khan was modern-day's face of neocolonialism. He was an irritant to Africa and the Global South and utterly vexatious to the spirit — and that’s putting it mildly.

Throughout his reign as the top ICC prosecutor, Khan shamelessly went after Africans while blatantly ignoring excesses by Western leaders and powers aligned with the West.

Khan was recently shown the exit door by a majority vote of ICC member states, who voted 82 out of 125 for his instant dismissal in what has been described as “an unprecedented move”.

Khan has been under investigation for two years over allegations of sexual misconduct. The significance of Khan’s unceremonious sacking was accentuated by the announcement that another African country, this time Chad, had also notified the United Nations (UN) of its withdrawal from the Rome Statute.

In a parting shot, Chad described the ICC as “ineffective and biased” against Africa and the Global South. The Chadian authorities further pointed to the “disproportionate focus of the ICC investigations on African nations as evidence of the court’s politicisation”.

In quitting the controversial court, Chad joined Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, who recently rejected the ICC’s jurisdiction over their respective sovereignty.

The sacking of Khan was not only humiliating to the once seemingly untouchable blue-eyed boy of the West, who clearly protected and defended the West in nefarious ways and hunted down Africans with unflinching determination and commitment.

When the West, including NATO, went after Russia, imposing unprecedented barrage of economic sanctions and attempting to isolate Moscow internationally, Khan joined in the fray, issuing a warrant for the arrest of Russian President Vladimir Putin on grounds of unproven war crimes in the very early days of the outbreak of war in Ukraine.

NATO has since confirmed that Ukraine is its front in a proxy war against Russia, carried over from the Cold War.

Khan hastened to issue the warrant of arrest for the Russian President without concluding his investigation. His actions were interpreted as politically motivated as the Western powers at war with Russia suddenly used Khan’s arrest warrant to restrict Putin’s international movement.

The warrant of arrest was also used politically at the UN and other international forums by Russia’s Western adversaries who labelled the Russian leader a “war criminal” sought by Khan and the ICC. Khan was lauded as a fearless leader of morally upright standards.

His warrant of arrest was so impactful it resulted in President Putin being unable to attend the BRICS Heads of State Summit in August 2023 that was held in South Africa. Pretoria had also been put under immense pressure by the West to arrest Putin if he dared attend the BRICS Summit on the grounds that South Africa was a signatory to the Rome Statute and therefore duty-bound to effect the arrest of the Russian President if he attended the summit.

Across the Global South, evidence was abounding that Khan and the ICC were hellbent on chasing weaker mortals in Africa and the Global South to show evidence of the ICC’s “good work” through dubious application of international law.

Khan recently came under increasing scrutiny across the Global South when he ignored Israeli genocide against the Palestinians despite South Africa laying charges against the Jewish State at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague, where the ICC is also located.

In the aftermath of a wave of protests by the Global South nations, Khan belatedly issued a warrant of arrest for the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and a couple of his cabinet colleagues. But, playing it safe, Khan further laced Netanyahu’s arrest warrant with those of the leadership of Hamas.

Israel assassinated all of them Hamas leaders, sparing literally no one.

For allegedly crossing the line, Washington rebuked Khan sternly and warned the Scot of unbearable repercussions for his actions if he dared to issue an arrest warrant against the Israeli leadership.

The Trump administration further threatened sanctions against Khan and any ICC official, prosecutors and judges in particular, who could be found to have acted antagonistically against the Israeli leaders.

This was Khan’s undoing against his Western protection and unwavering backing. He had seemingly bitten the hand that fed him. As Khan was shown the door two weeks ago, he was also stripped of his immunity. This left him completely naked.

Russia has been the first country to act against the “naked” Khan. Moscow wasted no time and issued an extradition order for Khan to face Russian law in Russian courts.

In a statement, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said: “We hope this (stripping of immunity) will help secure extradition to Russia so that he can be held accountable for attempting to initiate criminal prosecution against a person known to be innocent and for the attempted attack on persons under international protection.”

Russia, who is not a signatory to the Rome Statute, described the ICC as a “sinking ship”, pointing to the announcement by Venezuela, too, that Caracas was following the African nations from the Sahel region in quitting the ICC. The Philippines and Burundi have also quit the international court in previous years.

Khan’s exit from the ICC, and the manner of his departure, has dented the image of the ICC. In fact, the ICC’s very existence is under threat. This is according to Professor Said Tans, a Lebanese political scientist who is also a professor of international law, who said: “Khan’s dismissal and the lifting of immunity constitute a serious setback for the Rome Statute, with the ICC’s authority and trust having diminished considerably.”

A Nigerian geopolitical commentator, Andrew Emwanta, was quoted as saying Africa’s increasing withdrawal from the ICC means “a vote of no confidence”.

He further said: “With Western interests being opposed to African interests, the alternative is an African concept of international law.”

He said a day was coming when there would no longer be an ICC because gradually African countries are withdrawing, “and at some point, the ICC would have lost its usefulness”.

I have previously argued that the greatest travesty of justice was the ICC’s penchant for blatant double-standards. The Hague-based court under the disgraced Khan was for the longest time shameless in applying the cowboy mantra of “different strokes for different folks”.

Responding to the withdrawals from the Rome Statute, the ICC said the move risks “weakening global efforts to end impunity and undermining the pursuit of justice”.

This is the kind of stuff Africans and the Global South loathe to hear. It is a statement loaded with hypocrisy by double-standard expert practitioners of note.

The international justice system decrees all nations equal before the law regardless of the size of their economy, geopolitical stature or influence. Yet the ICC has consistently made a mockery of this salient factor, protecting the powerful Western nations by being blind to their human rights crimes in their imperial escapades in foreign lands whilst nailing the weak Africans with the harshest punishment for their role in domestic strife.

The Edinburgh-born Khan will hopefully return to Britain, now that the emperor is stark naked. There, I predict, he will most probably be lauded for acting against the much-maligned Russian President and for doing pretty little-to-nothing against the mighty West and their anointed allies such as Israel.

Khan and the ICC are a good example of the fading value of international diplomacy. My only hope for Khan is that the Dutch government pursue him criminally for his sexual misconduct and make an example of him as an irresponsible officer of the court who should have known better but was instead caught with his pants down.

In my book, Khan is proof that even the mighty can fall. Such is a force of gravity.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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WHEN the Indian government released the first set of core infrastructure figures under a new 2022–2023 base year, the 5% year-on-year rise recorded in June 2026 immediately stood out. It was the fastest monthly expansion in five months and lifted the April–June quarterly performance to 3.6%.

Behind the headline lay a deliberate methodological decision by the Indian government to modernise the index by adding iron ore and updating weights to reflect the contemporary structure of the Indian economy.

For South Africa, whose mining sector remains a cornerstone of export earnings, the data carry both commercial opportunity and a cautionary message about logistics and policy consistency.

Sectoral detail in the report reveals the sources of strength and weakness for India. Iron ore production jumped 43.9% from a revised 19% in May. Cement and electricity each grew 9.8%. Steel production advanced to 4.6% and coal recovered to 1.4% growth after a previous-month contraction. Offsetting these gains were continued declines in crude oil, natural gas, refinery products and fertilisers, ranging from 3.3% to 7.4%.

The iron ore surge is the single most relevant figure for South African producers. India is expanding its steelmaking capacity to meet domestic infrastructure and construction demand, and South Africa is India’s major, and in some segments the leading, buyer of our iron and coal.

When that expansion accelerates, the call on seaborne iron ore intensifies. South Africa, as one of the higher-grade suppliers, is well positioned to benefit provided the ore can actually reach the coast. Persistent constraints on the rail network have limited export volumes in recent years even when prices and demand were supportive.

The Indian data therefore sharpen the commercial case for resolving those bottlenecks and for exploring offtake or logistics partnerships that lock in volumes over multi-year horizons.

India’s electricity generation growth of nearly 10% offers a parallel lesson. Reliable power underpins industrial activity of every growing nation; India’s ability to expand generation while managing its own constraints underlines the economic premium attached to consistent supply.

South Africa has made progress in reducing the frequency of load shedding, yet the longer-term requirement for additional capacity, grid reinforcement and diversified sources remains clear.

Observing how India has combined public capital expenditure with private investment and clearer regulatory signals can inform local planning without implying that every Indian approach is directly transferable.

The statistical revision itself deserves attention. By updating the base year and expanding the sector coverage, India has improved the signal quality available to both domestic planners and international investors.

Accurate measurement reduces uncertainty and helps prioritise scarce capital. South African institutions responsible for tracking infrastructure and industrial performance can take note: transparent, contemporary data are themselves a form of economic infrastructure.

In the wider BRICS setting the numbers reinforce the case for deeper practical cooperation. Shared challenges in logistics, energy and resource processing create natural areas for joint ventures, technology exchange and coordinated investment.

India’s infrastructure rebound, led by mining and construction inputs, is therefore more than a domestic story. It is a demand signal that South African exporters and project developers would do well to monitor closely while simultaneously addressing the domestic constraints that prevent full participation in that demand.

The June figures do not guarantee uninterrupted growth. Energy-related sectors remain soft and global commodity prices can turn. Yet the overall direction is clear: when the construction and mining complex expands, the core industrial index follows.

South Africa’s opportunity lies in ensuring that its own producers and logistics systems are ready to meet the call when that expansion continues.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

The unbeaten Cheetahs and defending champions Griquas headline this weekend’s Currie Cup action, while Stormers, Sharks and Bulls players battle to boost their hopes of earning a place in Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry against the All Blacks starting next week.

All eyes will be on the Cheetahs and how they function without Springbok veteran Faf de Klerk, who has been at the helm of his side’s onslaught, as they look to extend their winning run against their neighbours in Kimberley.

However, the Free State will also be wary of the challenge the title holders present, especially at home in Kimberley (7pm kick-off). Griquas got their campaign up and running with a round-two victory over the Bulls and, despite struggling with injuries, will look to end the winning run of their more-fancied Bloemfontein neighbours.

On Saturday, a coastal derby in Cape Town (3pm kick-off) highlights the action.

The Stormers XXIII and Sharks XV will field several exciting Junior Springbok world champions. However, with the All Blacks’ midweek games against their senior United Rugby Championship sides looming, spots are up for grabs for several players.

Although the Cape side’s head coach, Tom Dawson-Squibb, said his troops are not focused on the Greatest Rivalry game, Saturday presents an opportunity to put their hands up. Outside centre Markus Muller will make his Currie Cup debut after already featuring for the senior side, and he will be one of the players looking to impress.

How good was this 22-minute hat-trick from Sanlam Boland Kavaliers winger Jayden Bantom ⬛️🟨#SSRugby | #CurrieCup pic.twitter.com/MUla2TPl0f

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 27, 2026

“If you want to get selected for a higher team, you have to train and play well at your current one. There is no better method,” Dawson-Squibb said.

“How are they gonna do that? They are going to focus on the task at hand and ultimately, things are in their hands. At this stage, we won’t lose too many players for the All Black match, but injuries could change that.”

On the Sharks XV side, four Junior Boks will bolster the team for Saturday’s showdown, and for fullback Luan Giliomee it presents a chance to push for more senior minutes and a look-in against the New Zealanders. Like Muller, he played for the SA ‘A’ team this year before helping the SA U20s to a second consecutive world title.

However, like the Stormers XXIII, the Durbanites are coming off a defeat, and their first priority will be to get their campaign back on track.

Suzuki Griquas scrummie Bobby Alexander celebrated his 50th cap with a sensational hat-trick ⚡️🎩#SSRugby | #CurrieCup pic.twitter.com/QcrMTxf9Q3

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 27, 2026

In the other match on Saturday (5.05pm kick-off), the injury-hit and winless Bulls will look to claim their first victory of the season against the Lions in Johannesburg.

Coming off a heavy 56-26 defeat to Griquas, things are not getting any easier for the side coached by Phiwe Nomlomo. Captain Nama Xaba broke his finger and will miss the rest of the campaign alongside exciting young centre PA van Niekerk.

A host of other players also find themselves on the sidelines, with the Bulls calling on Bok Nicolaas Janse van Rensburg to take over the captaincy.

The Boland Kavaliers, the only other unbeaten side, host the Pumas in Wellington on Sunday. It is their final home match for a while, and they must capitalise with a victory before embarking on a three-match road trip. A third consecutive win could set them up for a successful tour and potentially put them in a strong position to challenge for a home semi-final later in the season.

Dave Rennie has assembled an All Blacks squad packed with experience, youth and gifted match-winners for Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry series, knowing it will take a complete team effort to topple the world champion Springboks on their own turf.

Every player will have a role to play across the demanding four-Test campaign and mid-week matches, but the influence of a handful of proven stars and emerging talents could ultimately determine whether New Zealand leave South Africa with the upper hand.

We take a look at five key players for the All Blacks ahead of the tour.

Ardie Savea (loose-forward)

Although he is enjoying an extended break ahead of the first Test at Ellis Park in Johannesburg, inspirational captain Ardie Savea will arguably be New Zealand’s most valuable player on tour. His leadership, relentless work rate and warrior spirit will be central to the All Blacks’ challenge.

That is probably why the All Blacks opted to give him some extra time off, ensuring he is fully recharged for the four-Test series — three matches in South Africa and one in Baltimore in the United States. It will be a gruelling campaign, and having their captain mentally and physically fresh could make all the difference. If Savea is at his best, the All Blacks will fancy their chances of matching the world champions.

Rassie Erasmus and Dave Rennie have both named 44-man squads for #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🇿🇦🇳🇿#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/G4R0xZl1Kp

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

Cody Taylor (hooker)

The All Blacks pack functions at its best with Cody Taylor in the middle, making it crucial that the experienced hooker stays fit throughout the series. None of New Zealand’s other hookers can quite match what he offers as a starter, whether through his accurate lineout throwing, strong ball carries or tireless work at the breakdown.

His leadership will also be invaluable. With 109 Test caps to his name, Taylor, alongside Savea, forms the heartbeat of this All Blacks squad. His experience in high-pressure contests against the Springboks will be vital if New Zealand are to gain the upper hand up front.

Rassie Erasmus and Dave Rennie have both named 44-man squads for #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🇿🇦🇳🇿#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/G4R0xZl1Kp

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

Will Jordan (wing)

Will Jordan’s greatest strength is his remarkable eye for the try-line. He has an uncanny ability to create and finish scoring opportunities when they seem impossible, making him one of the most dangerous attacking players in world rugby.

Jordan has caused the Springboks plenty of problems in previous encounters and will look to continue that trend. The Boks will also have to think carefully before kicking to him, as his aerial ability is among the best in the game. As one of the All Blacks’ most experienced backs, he will have a major role to play across the four-Test series.

There’s been no shortage of nail-biters against the Springboks 👊🏽

...just like 𝗧𝗛𝗜𝗦 Doug Howlett last-minute winner 📺 pic.twitter.com/yivKjfVq6R

— All Blacks (@AllBlacks) July 30, 2026

Ruben Love (flyhalf)

It could be a real baptism of fire for rookie flyhalf Ruben Love if he is thrown straight into the first Test. Handing him the No 10 jersey against the world champions would be a gamble, but one the All Blacks may feel is worth taking.

Love has already shown he can thrive under pressure, and coach Scott Robertson is unlikely to shy away from backing his exciting young playmaker. His attacking flair and tactical kicking could add a different dimension to New Zealand’s game. The Springboks will undoubtedly target his defensive channel, but Love has shown he is capable of rising to the challenge at Test level.

🗣️ 𝐂𝐀𝐏𝐄 𝐓𝐎𝐖𝐍 All Blacks supporters

Please join us this Friday, 1pm - 3:30pm, at DHL Stadium for a 𝗙𝗥𝗘𝗘 welcome event, ahead of our Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry tour.

Alongside plenty of music and family friendly fun, the All Blacks will be sharing their thoughts ahead… pic.twitter.com/Y5TzHhacz8

— All Blacks (@AllBlacks) July 29, 2026

Beauden Barrett (utility-back)

With 144 Test caps, Beauden Barrett remains the All Blacks’ safest pair of hands, whether he starts at flyhalf or fullback. His experience, composure and ability to influence the biggest matches make him an invaluable asset.

It will be fascinating to see where he is used during this high-pressure series, but wherever he lines up, Barrett still possesses the magic to turn a game in an instant. His vision, counter-attacking ability and tactical awareness ensure he remains one of New Zealand’s biggest threats. The Springboks know all too well what he is capable of and will need to keep him quiet if they want to control the series.

The Stormers XXIII and Sharks XV have bolstered their squads with Junior Springbok world champions for their Currie Cup clash in Cape Town on Saturday afternoon.

Backs Markus Muller, who slots into the starting line-up for a home debut, and Luan Giliomee, who starts at fullback for the visitors, are expected to add a winning mentality to their respective teams alongside the other U20 champions selected on the bench for the clash at DHL Stadium.

Muller and Giliomee starred for the Junior Boks and should provide an attacking spark for their teams. Both the Stormers and Sharks come into the match off defeats after opening their campaigns with victories, and the boost provided by their U20 stars could prove pivotal.

While the Stormers have selected just one U20 player, prop Danie Kruger, among the replacements, the Sharks have drafted in three Baby Boks to strengthen their bench, with hooker Liam van Wyk, loosehead prop Rambo Kubheka and speedster Khuthi Rasivhaga set to make an impact as substitutes.

For the Capetonians, it has been another week of reshuffling their side, but they view this encounter as one that could define their season. They come off a disappointing defeat to the Kavaliers last weekend and are determined to make amends.

Head coach Tom Dawson-Squibb made eight changes to his side and said they were prepared for them.

“It’s an exciting time bringing the Junior Springboks into the team and coming off the run they had, they are bound to bring some individual confidence into the squad,” the coach said.

How good was this 22-minute hat-trick from Sanlam Boland Kavaliers winger Jayden Bantom ⬛️🟨#SSRugby | #CurrieCup pic.twitter.com/MUla2TPl0f

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 27, 2026

“The two guys we brought in fit in seamlessly, but I guess the proof is in the pudding. Spending some time with them, they are very down-to-earth, and the guys made them feel welcome. I think they are super excited to run out on Saturday.”

Dawson-Squibb added that some of the changes were due to players not performing and said it’s the “nature of the beast” when it comes to rugby. While his team are looking to rectify the errors from last Sunday, he warned that the Sharks will be just as desperate to bounce back from last week's defeat.

Sharks head coach Mike Vowles, meanwhile, also made a couple of changes and wants to see an 80-minute performance from his side.

We still have two unbeaten sides after two rounds of #CurrieCup action 👀 pic.twitter.com/3BsWOOqYhD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 27, 2026

“There are certain things we did exceptionally well in the previous games that we want to build on, and to fix the stuff we didn’t quite execute as well as we should have,” he said.

“So, the idea would be to improve and, most importantly, put in a good performance for 80 minutes. We know the Stormers XXIII have come off a big loss and there will be a response from them; they’ll come out fighting, so we anticipate a really high-tempo, very physical match.”

Stormers XXIII

15 Dylan Miller, 14 Mfundo Ndhlovu, 13 Markus Muller, 12 Josh Boulle, 11 Suleiman Hartzenberg, 10 Kyle Smith, 9 Stefan Ungerer (captain), 8 Wandile Mlaba, 7 Louw Nel, 6 Keke Morabe, 5 Gary Porter, 4 Tom Barnard, 3 Herman Lubbe, 2 Vernon Paulo, 1 Hencus van Wyk.

Replacements: 16 Altus Rabe, 17 Mhleli Khuzwayo, 18 Danie Kruger, 19 Gerbrandt Grobler, 20 Xola Nyali, 21 Ezekiel Ngobeni, 22 Gino Cupido, 23 Kian Davis.

Sharks XV

15 Luan Giliomee, 14 Christie Grobbelaar, 13 Marnus Potgieter, 12 Janco Purchase, 11 Lyle Matthews, 10 Tim Swiel, 9 Ross Braude, 8 Thomas Dyer (captain), 7 Danio Botha, 6 Luaan Olivier, 5 Deon Slabbert, 4 Johan Momsen, 3 Simphiwe Ngobese, 2 Bryce Calvert, 1 Cameron Dawson.

Replacements: 16 Liam van Wyk, 17 Rambo Kubheka, 18 Lee-Marvin Mazibuko, 19 Hanu Pieterse, 20 Jean-Henri Smit, 21 Juan Loots, 22 Albie Bester, 23 Khuthi Rasivhaga.

The Springboks completed the first leg of the Nations Championship unbeaten, collecting a maximum of 15 points from the three Tests they played against England, Scotland and Wales. They lead New Zealand on points difference in the Southern Hemisphere standings.

The Boks now turn their attention to Argentina, whom they face next weekend in Buenos Aires. It will be their final preparation before the start of Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry (RGR) against the All Blacks.

In the coming days, Independent Media will break down the Boks’ recent exploits with a view to who should start the first Test against the All Blacks at Ellis Park on Saturday, 22 August. So far, we have looked at the backline — the back-three, centres and half-backs, the loose-forwards, locks — and props.

On Thursday, we complete our series by looking at the hookers.

Hooker options during Nations Championship

• Malcolm Marx | 89 Tests | Played against England and Wales | Player rating: 8 out of 10 during Nations Championship
• Johan Grobbelaar | 9 | P: Scotland | PR: 7
• Jan-Hendrik Wessels | 12 | P: England, Scotland, Wales | PR: 7.5
• André-Hugo Venter | 2 | P: Wales | PR: 7

There is no doubt that Malcolm Marx’s name will be one of the first on the team sheet for that opening Test in Johannesburg.

At the moment, no other hooker in South Africa comes close to what the double World Cup winner brings to the Boks. His ball-carrying, breakdown work and physicality make him the complete package, who fronts up every time the world champions face New Zealand.

However, his second-in-command is not as clear-cut, although the options at the disposal of Rassie Erasmus won’t give the coach and his management sleepless nights. A plethora of hungry young hookers are waiting in the wings to be unleashed against the All Blacks.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has given an extensive injury update ahead of their Test match against Argentina and #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🤕🗣️#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/0pVTFzMYTD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

Johan Grobbelaar is the likely next candidate and should be the backup option for this series. His accuracy at line-out time and ability at the breakdown put him in the same mould as Marx when it comes to those departments. However, the versatility of Jan-Hendrik Wessels gives Erasmus added flexibility when selecting a formidable Bomb Squad replacement bench.

Although very inexperienced, especially when it comes to duels with the All Blacks, Wessels had more game time than his Bulls teammate during the Nations Championship, which could indicate how the Boks plan to use the duo when deciding on Marx’s understudy.

While the Boks possess enough firepower at hooker, they will be careful to manage Marx throughout the four-Test series. Overplaying him could have serious consequences, while not giving enough game time to the likes of Grobbelaar and Wessels could leave them undercooked should they be called upon to step up in the No 2 jersey.

“I saw the NZ squad was announced and had a brief look at it, but at this stage we're all locked in for Argentina” - more here: https://t.co/OX5yS1YsbO 🔭#Springboks #ForeverGreenForeverGold pic.twitter.com/huSvTQjLHl

— Springboks (@Springboks) July 28, 2026

Possible South African matchday 23 v All Blacks, first Test at Ellis Park

Springboks starting XV: 15 Damian Willemse, 14 Cheslin Kolbe, 13 Jesse Kriel, 12 Damian de Allende, 11 Ethan Hooker, 10 Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu, 9 Cobus Reinach, 8 Jasper Wiese, 7 Pieter-Steph du Toit, 6 Siya Kolisi (c), 5 Ruan Nortje, 4 Eben Etzebeth. 3 Thomas du Toit, 2 Malcolm Marx, 1 Ox Nché

Rassie Erasmus has dangled a golden carrot in front of Embrose Papier, Evan Roos and the Springboks’ other fringe players, while simultaneously reminding his current squad that no jersey is guaranteed.

If there was any doubt that the World Cup-winning coach always has a bigger plan in mind, his explanation around the omission of players like Papier should put that to bed.

The Stormers duo of Roos and André-Hugo Venter and potentially Ntuthuko Mchunu, who is still with the national squad, along with Bulls scrumhalf Papier, have been handed a golden opportunity to force their way back into the national setup during the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry tour against the All Blacks.

Venter and Roos’ chance could come as soon as next Friday when the Stormers take on the New Zealanders in the opening match in Cape Town. Papier will have the opportunity to state his case when the Bulls face the visitors on August 19, just a week before the opening Test at Ellis Park.

Erasmus confirmed that he and his coaching staff would be watching the midweek matches with an eagle eye. If a player produces a standout performance, the Bok door could swing open once again. In the same breath, however, he sent a clear warning to the players already in the Springbok squad.

A poor showing against Argentina in next Saturday’s final warm-up Test, or during the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry clashes themselves, could see them lose their places to franchise stars who grab their opportunity against the All Blacks.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has given an extensive injury update ahead of their Test match against Argentina and #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🤕🗣️#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/0pVTFzMYTD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

The omission of Papier initially raised eyebrows, especially after his impressive performance in the Nations Championship, where he earned his first Test cap since 2018, and his consistently strong United Rugby Championship form.

There were understandable calls for him to remain in the Bok squad ahead of the likes of Herschel Jantjies or Morné van den Berg.

However, Erasmus’s explanation made perfect sense.

𝐔𝐋𝐀𝐌𝐁𝐈𝐋𝐄! 𝐔𝐋𝐀𝐌𝐁𝐈𝐋𝐄! 🫨

Embrose Papier is back in the Springbok green with a 𝐁𝐀𝐍𝐆 🇿🇦💥

📺 Stream #NationsChampionship on DStv: https://t.co/0P0NNhnwKw pic.twitter.com/dsU5Plk9nR

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 11, 2026

Papier is now available to line up for the Bulls against the All Blacks next month and, like Roos and potentially Mchunu, can provide the Springbok coaches with valuable information from those encounters.

It shows that these players have not simply been discarded. Instead, Erasmus has a clear plan. His fringe Springboks have been released to their franchises to test themselves against world-class opposition, while simultaneously giving the Bok management another opportunity to assess their readiness before the Test series.

They have been handed something arguably more valuable than a place on the sidelines – it’s a shot at the Kiwis before the Springboks have the opportunity to do so. And Erasmus has shown in the past that he will reward a player who grabs opportunities when they matter most. 

Jessica Haines, the celebrated film and television actress who starred opposite John Malkovich in the movie "Disgrace", is back on stage - her other favourite creative playground.

This time, she’s in the one-woman show “Once Upon a Teacup”, which earned her rave reviews at last year’s Hilton Arts Festival.

This 70-minute stage production, written and performed by Haines, is directed by James Cunningham.

The narrative focuses on Violet, a young girl growing up in Africa, who navigates the complexities of the modern world through her whimsical childhood perspective.

Haines explains: “‘Once Upon a Teacup’ begins on a farm in KZN and I hope audiences will recognise the many character archetypes that I bring to life. The play explores the notion and power of imagination and the toll it takes under pop culture constructs, social media, and the inevitable pressure of growing up. 

“Violet’s mental health is compromised, and she soon finds herself in a dark and unpredictable place, only to be rescued by the concept of home and the memories of her childhood. 

“I’m hoping the story reawakens the child in everyone – the lost ability to play, create, and fully invest in the colourful and crazy world of our imagination, which is so often diluted by the fast pulse of adulthood.”

Where: Theatre on the Square, Sandton. 

When: Runs until August 2, 7.30pm.

Woza Albert!

Created by Mbongeni Ngema, Percy Mtwa and Barney Simon, "Woza Albert!" was first staged at this very venue in 1981.

Through a blend of biting satire and chilling truthfulness, the creators examined the hypothetical return of Morena to a racist, oppressive apartheid South Africa.

As part of the theatre’s milestone 50th anniversary celebrations, this iconic production now returns to the Market Theatre for a limited two-week run.

This production features performances by Thulani Mtsweni and Hamilton Dhlamini, who also serves as the director.

To capture the daily realities of black lives under apartheid, the two actors seamlessly transition between characters.

Artistic director Greg Homann added: “‘Woza Albert!’ is woven into the DNA of The Market Theatre. Created here in the early years of our existence, it stands as one of the seminal works that helped define both our stages and the South African story we have been home to for the past 50 years. Bringing it back now acknowledges where we come from as a nation, as well as how our story continues to evolve.”

Where: Barney Simon, Market Theatre.

When: Runs until August 2, 7pm.

Aladdin

A family-friendly production that the little ones are sure to enjoy, the show centres on the ruckus caused by Aladdin’s eccentric mother, Twankey, and his thieving brother.

His life transforms for the better when he discovers a mysterious lamp, out of which emerges an extravagant genie.

Aladdin sets off on a thrilling adventure alongside an incomparable new friend who helps grant his three wishes. Meanwhile, he strives to win the heart of the princess while thwarting the plots of a wicked sorcerer.

Where: DRAMA at SA State Theatre, Pretoria.

When: Runs until August 9. Show times vary.

The Springboks will discover who is truly ready to face the All Blacks when they take on Argentina next weekend in their final warm-up Test before the Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry tour gets underway.

For now, despite New Zealand naming their touring squad and the hype surrounding the four-Test series steadily building, the Boks’ focus remains firmly on their trip to South America, where they will aim to stay unbeaten in 2026 and build further momentum ahead of the blockbuster clashes with their old rivals.

The world champions and Los Pumas meet in Buenos Aires, with the hosts naming a squad that blends an experienced core with several exciting new faces. While Argentina have opted to inject fresh energy into their group, they still possess enough seasoned campaigners to pose a significant threat to their visitors.

Springbok head coach Rassie Erasmus has taken note of the revamped Argentine squad, warning that they will be as dangerous as ever when the sides meet next Saturday. Erasmus is expected to field a strong match-day 23, with several senior players returning from injury in a bid to build valuable match fitness ahead of the All Blacks series.

“Everyone will know what the biggest headline will be if we do not win in Argentina; there will be questions about our readiness for the Greatest Rivalry,” Erasmus said this week.

“We must go and win; otherwise, people will say we are in tatters ahead of facing New Zealand. We want to win every Test match we play, so it is difficult not to look past the Argentina Test. Our biggest hiding we’ve had since I’ve been involved has been against them.

Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus has given an extensive injury update ahead of their Test match against Argentina and #RugbysGreatestRivalry next month 🤕🗣️#SSRugby pic.twitter.com/0pVTFzMYTD

— SuperSport Rugby (@SSRugby) July 28, 2026

“They’ve selected a strong side with about 15 really experienced guys and a bunch of youngsters with energy coming from the Sevens circuit. They are always dangerous, and we must watch out for that. You’ll quickly see who is ready to play against New Zealand two weeks later.”

The clash is expected to provide Erasmus with several important selection answers before he names his squad for the opening Test against New Zealand. Competition for places remains fierce, with players returning from injury and others eager to cement their positions before the biggest series of 2026 ahead of the Rugby World Cup next year.

Erasmus wants to give scrumhalves Cobus Reinach and Morné van den Berg more game time, while talented flyhalf Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu and the experienced Handré Pollard are also expected to feature prominently. Captain Siya Kolisi, lock pair Eben Etzebeth and Lood de Jager, along with several other players, should all be in the mix as the Springboks fine-tune combinations.

See you soon South Africa 🇿🇦🛫 pic.twitter.com/v8x3YQ0iHK

— All Blacks (@AllBlacks) July 29, 2026

He believes the physical, high-intensity contest against Los Pumas presents the ideal opportunity to assess which players are fully fit and ready to take on the All Blacks, with his first team announcement for that series only a couple of weeks away. The opening Test is scheduled for 22 August at Ellis Park in Johannesburg, making next weekend’s encounter a crucial stepping stone.

Although Argentina endured a mixed Rugby Championship campaign, losing two of their three Tests, Erasmus is placing little emphasis on those results. The Springboks know from experience that Los Pumas are capable of producing world-class performances, particularly on home soil, and they remain determined not to underestimate their opponents.

The Springboks will complete their final training session on Thursday before enjoying a couple of days at home. Erasmus will then trim his squad to 26 players before they depart for South America on Saturday, with every player aware that a strong performance in Buenos Aires could secure a place for the highly anticipated showdown with the All Blacks.

"'Head Above Water’ isn't about pretending to have all the answers. It's about acknowledging that life can be overwhelming but choosing to keep going anyway."

That is the heart of ReaDaSoul's latest EP, a deeply personal project that explores healing, resilience and finding your way back to yourself.

The producer and DJ uses the opening track, “Buyelekhaya”, to introduce listeners to the emotional world of the project. While the title translates to "return home", he said that the journey is not about a physical place.

"The title itself speaks about returning home, but not necessarily to a physical place. It is more about returning to a place of honesty, healing and belonging. Before taking listeners through the highs and lows of the EP, I wanted to begin with something that immediately invites them into that vulnerable space."

The EP is built around themes of survival and emotional endurance. Rather than presenting himself as someone with all the answers, ReaDaSoul hopes that the music offers comfort to anyone navigating life's challenges.

"Emotionally, I'm trying to serve vulnerability, comfort and resilience. I want people to feel seen in their struggles and understood in their quiet battles."

Music is not the only way ReaDaSoul tells stories.

His growing culinary content has become another creative outlet, allowing him to connect with fans through food as well as sound. For him, both crafts require patience and trust in the process.

"When I cook, I don't just focus on the final plate. I enjoy the process. It is the same in the studio. Sometimes an idea starts with one ingredient, one melody or one emotion and slowly everything else finds its place. You learn when to add more, when to hold back and when to let things simmer."

That philosophy shaped “Head Above Water”. Instead of filling every moment with sound, he chose restraint, allowing the music to breathe.

"The biggest difference was learning that seasoning is not always about adding more. Sometimes it is about knowing what to leave out. I wanted every sound to serve the emotion. I leaned into softer textures, warmer chords and arrangements that allow the stories to take centre stage."

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Listeners can expect an emotional journey that balances pain with hope.

"You'll taste the bitterness of heartbreak, disappointment and uncertainty, but it is balanced by warmth, love and hope. Some moments are nostalgic while others force you to sit with emotions we often try to avoid."

The EP also features collaborations with De Soul and Miss Q on “Buyelekhaya”. ReaDaSoul said that each artist added something different to the record without overpowering one another.

"Each one brings something unique and the beauty lies in how they complement one another. Together they added different flavours that made the song feel complete and authentic."

His love for food also influences the way he views storytelling. Whether he is preparing a meal or writing a song, the goal is the same.

"With music I tell stories through melodies, lyrics and emotion. With food I tell stories through flavours, memories and experiences. Just like a song, a meal can transport you somewhere, evoke memories and make you feel something without saying a word."

When life becomes overwhelming, ReaDaSoul finds strength in life's simplest ingredients.

"Family and genuine relationships are like salt. You don't always notice them, but without them something feels missing. They remind me who I am beyond the music and keep me connected to home."

CowBoii has become one of amapiano’s most recognisable voices, but behind the chart-topping hits is an artist who says that some of his biggest healing has happened through music.

The vocalist introduced fans to the emotional world of “iKati Elimhlophe” with the release of “uHAMBO 2.0”, a soulful collaboration with Azi that explores healing, self-reflection and reconnecting with home. 

The single built on the story of “uHambo” from his previous album “This Ain’t A.I: Days After A.I”, giving listeners an early glimpse into the themes that would shape “iKati Elimhlophe”.

Released on June 30, the album reflects on identity, love, ambition, community and personal growth through CowBoii’s signature blend of storytelling and amapiano innovation.

CowBoii has reflected on how far he has come, from singing in church in Daveyton to becoming one of the country’s biggest amapiano vocalists.

“My younger self would be incredibly proud of the person I’ve become. I don’t think he ever imagined that one day I’d be recognised as one of South Africa’s biggest vocalists. It’s a blessing, and I’m grateful for how far the journey has taken me,” he said. 

While his music has become a soundtrack for dancefloors across the country through hit songs like “Biri Marung” and “eGoli”, CowBoii says telling honest stories has always been at the heart of his artistry.

“For me, it’s always been about finding my sound. Along the way, I realised I was most comfortable singing about things that are real to me and that I genuinely connect with. That’s when I knew I wanted my music to tell deeper, more personal stories.”

That honesty is what drives “uHAMBO 2.0”, a song centred on returning home to regroup, something CowBoii said that has become increasingly important as his career continues to take him around the country and beyond.

“Our careers take us to so many different places that, sometimes, we forget who we really are. That’s why it’s important to pause and return to a place where you feel comfortable and grounded. Home is where I can regain my strength before going out into the world again.” 

Although his music often explores vulnerability, CowBoii admitted opening up doesn’t come naturally, as he’s not someone who opens up to people very easily.

He added that he heals through writing and that music has always been my way of expressing himself. 

“That’s where I find healing, and I believe that’s what makes my music honest and relatable,” he said.

As amapiano continues to evolve, so does CowBoii.

From the success of “Biri Marung”, “eGoli” and “Mdantso Nyana” to introducing fans to the world of “iKati Elimhlophe”, he said that staying relevant means remaining open to collaboration while protecting the sound that made listeners connect with him in the first place.

“Working with different artists is one of the best ways to keep growing for me, adapting to what’s happening in the genre and staying consistent, while still staying true to who I am.” 

Outside of music, CowBoii has also expanded his influence through initiatives such as CowBoii Grooves, while becoming a style inspiration for many young South Africans.

Looking ahead, he hopes that his legacy extends far beyond the music.

“I want people to know that I’ve always wanted the best for everyone, no matter the industry. That’s one of the reasons I involve myself in so many different things. At the end of the day, I want my legacy to be that I always wanted to create opportunities, inspire others and see everyone win,” he said.

AS the global order fragments into multiple centres of influence, developing nations face a hard-nosed practical question: How to convert natural endowments into durable industrial capacity without postponing the immediate demands of social development.

For African strategic thinkers, India’s recent technology and supply chain partnerships offer a useful analytical case.

Through agreements like the Australia-India Partnership on Cyber, Critical Technologies and Supply Chains and participation in emerging multilateral corridors, New Delhi is methodically inserting itself into the high-value segments of global production without compromising it’s development targets.

Read from an African perspective, these moves sharpen a central problem: A continent that holds the largest share of the minerals essential to the global digital and green transition remains structurally confined to the most basic stages of their extraction and export.

The practical task is to determine how Africa can deploy its critical mineral leverage to build a bridge between urgent developmental demands and long-term technological and industrial modernisation.

Africa remains fixed at a far more elementary stage. Even the most assertive policy discourse continues to orbit heavily around the term "beneficiation", a concept that concedes the intellectual frame to marginal improvements in raw material processing rather than capturing the full downstream value chain.

India is not merely trading market access for resources; it is actively coupling its industrial growth targets to the critical mineral reserves of partner nations, securing the supply lines for clean energy systems, advanced manufacturing and a civilian nuclear programme of expanding scale.

This is a deliberate exercise in systemic positioning, linking national security, energy transition and technological ambition within a single coherent framework.

India moves to secure influence over fabrication and design, while African negotiating spaces are often consumed by seeking incremental local processing quotas. This gap does not stem from a shortage of resources but from a deficit in the strategic imagination applied to them.

India’s example confirms that genuine partnership and global competitiveness follow from a willingness to integrate production structurally, not from managing extraction more efficiently.

Collapsing the development-technology sequence

One of the more consequential obstacles weighing down African strategic thinking is the assumption of a fixed sequence, that societies must first resolve foundational challenges of poverty, infrastructure and basic service delivery before they can legitimately devote attention to advanced technology and research and development (R&D).

This notion is repeatedly invoked by political establishments as a justification for technological inertia.

India’s experience strips this logic of its credibility. The country contends with intense domestic pressures, including widespread deprivation and the daily demands of raising millions into economic security. Yet its leadership has refused to treat these pressures as a permanent reason to defer technological ambition.

At the same moment India expands digital public infrastructure and extends social safety nets, it ensures that its engineering institutions, scientific cadres and innovation clusters are positioned at the centre of semiconductor research, artificial intelligence deployment, FinTech and space exploration.

For African analysts, the pragmatic takeaway is not that development and advanced technology are sequential phases, but that they are parallel imperatives requiring deliberate management.

This is the core of the balancing act: Directing the proceeds and strategic leverage from mineral wealth toward immediate human development while simultaneously constructing the institutional and industrial foundations that define modern economic life. One imperative cannot wait for the other to conclude.

The critical mineral-chip nexus

For a continent that sits atop the largest reserves of lithium, cobalt, rare earths and copper required for the global digital and green transition, this insight amounts to a verdict on the inadequacy of inherited economic models.

Africa continues to ship its minerals out in minimally processed forms, only to re-import them as finished electronics, batteries and defence systems at multiples of their export value.

If India, with its own internal complexities, can negotiate partnerships that propel it into chip-making and high-technology supply chain security, then the structural barriers locking Africa into extractive logic are not primarily imposed by geology or capital scarcity.

They result from a collective failure to deploy mineral wealth as a deliberate instrument of technological ascent.

The practical question is not whether Africa possesses the resources, but why those resources have not yet been made to serve a deliberate programme of industrial and technological deepening that would make extraction a starting point rather than a permanent condition.

India’s strategic direction is built on a clear-eyed reading of where power will concentrate in the coming decades: with those who control the transformation of materials into computational capacity.

It is aggressively pursuing a foothold in semiconductor fabrication, and it understands that holding mineral deposits is strategically hollow without a presence in the nodes that convert raw ores into precision components.

Where to for Africa?

A pragmatic reading of India’s technology partnerships from an African perspective leaves no room for detached commentary. The continent possesses the demographic weight, a growing pool of intellectual capital and the subsurface assets that the world’s most advanced economies and rising powers are competing to secure.

What remains absent is the mobilisation of these advantages into a collective drive for structural economic transformation, grounded in substantial domestic research and innovation, assertive industrial policies and a willingness to reset the terms on which Africa participates in global value chains.

The central challenge is to cultivate the political and institutional discipline that ensures the mineral economy funds both the immediate imperatives of human development and the long-term construction of technological capacity.

India has demonstrated that being part of the Global South need not equate to a permanent position at the lowest margin of value creation. For Africa, the time for analytical admiration is over.

The continent must now convert a clear-eyed understanding of its own position into deliberate, intellectually grounded action that places it at the centre of its own technological and industrial future, balancing the needs of today with the demands of tomorrow.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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IF one of Africa's poorest countries can make it easier for Africans to enter its borders, then what excuse does the rest of the continent have?

We seldom think about the fact it’s easier to travel across Europe than it is to travel across Africa. However, Chad's decision to grant visa-free entry to all African citizens from 2027 is more than an immigration policy. It is a direct challenge to every African government that continues to preach Pan-Africanism while governing as though Africa ends at its own border.

For a continent that speaks so confidently about unity, we have become remarkably comfortable with division.

Every year, African leaders gather beneath the banner of the African Union to declare their commitment to integration. They speak of Agenda 2063, the African Continental Free Trade Area, regional cooperation and "the Africa We Want". Yet when the summit ends and the cameras leave, the ordinary African is reminded that these grand ambitions rarely survive the airport terminal.

An entrepreneur wanting to explore a new market. A student pursuing an opportunity. A tourist hoping to experience another African culture. A family visiting relatives. A researcher attending a conference. Too often, they are met with complex visa applications, invitation letters, high airfares, limited flight options and immigration systems that make moving around Africa feel like a privilege rather than an inherent right.

Other than Namibia’s latest exemplary move to end visa-free entry for US citizens, countless African countries have shamelessly made it easier for Europeans and Americans to enter than fellow Africans. That should concern all of us. Because this is no longer simply about immigration policy, it is about whether African neighbouring nations even trust or believe in each other.

We cannot continue celebrating the African Continental Free Trade Area while making it unnecessarily difficult for Africans to move freely across the very continent we claim is becoming one market. Trade is not conducted by treaties alone. It is conducted by people. Investors. Entrepreneurs. Academics. Artists. Tourists. Workers. When people cannot move, neither do opportunities.

This is certainly not to overlook the challenges that come with immigration, especially in Africa, where much of the continent is ravaged by conflict, insurgencies, terrorism, human trafficking and organised crime. In many cases, these worsen the national climates of countless African nations that still live face extreme rates of poverty and instability.

A case in point is South Africa, where challenges like these have easily boiled over into rampant hate, fear, violence, Afrophobic and Xenophobic situations. At the core of the matter is that every government has a duty to protect its borders and its people. Yet protecting borders and connecting Africa are not mutually exclusive. We need to be capable of doing both.

For decades, we have rightly condemned colonialism for carving Africa into artificial borders that fractured communities, cultures and economies. Yet independence has not dismantled enough of those barriers. In many respects, we have simply inherited them, protected them and, in some cases, strengthened them ourselves. That is an uncomfortable truth.

Africa cannot keep blaming yesterday's colonial borders while refusing to challenge today's bureaucratic ones. Chad has. Now the rest of the continent must decide whether it has the political courage to do the same.

From SADC to the Sahel, from East Africa to North Africa, African governments should be asking one question: what would it take to make travel between our countries significantly easier within the next decade?

At the very least, we should be pursuing visa-free travel for Africans, harmonised immigration systems, more direct flight routes and affordable regional air travel. Think about the amazing impact of this in tourism industries, regional development, and employment opportunities. None of these ideas are radical. If anything, they are embarrassingly overdue.

Which brings us to Ethiopia. While much of the continent has been debating integration, Ethiopia has quietly been building it. Through Ethiopian Airlines, Africa has demonstrated that it is entirely capable of operating one of the world's most respected aviation networks. Addis Ababa has become the continent's bridge, connecting African cities that would otherwise require passengers to transit through Dubai, Doha, Paris or Istanbul simply to reach another African destination.

Think about that for a moment. Why should Africans need another continent to connect them to their own? Ethiopia's location, infrastructure and aviation expertise place it in a unique position to become the backbone of continental connectivity. Instead of treating this as Ethiopia's achievement alone, Africa should see it as a foundation upon which a truly integrated transport network can be built.

Imagine a continent where travelling from Johannesburg to N'Djamena, Lusaka, Dakar, Kigali or Bamako is affordable, direct and routine. That should not be an ambitious dream; it should be standard practice.

But none of this will happen if the African Union continues operating as though its role is simply to issue declarations after every summit. The AU has become exceptionally good at speaking the language of unity. It has been far less successful at delivering it. Every year brings another communiqué. Another framework. Another vision document. Another commitment to integration.

Africans do not need another document. They need outcomes. Where is the continent-wide campaign for visa liberalisation? Where is the urgency around integrated aviation policy? Where is the pressure on governments that continue to use unnecessary visa restrictions to worsen underdevelopment and unemployment?

Leadership is not measured by the number of communiqués released after a summit. It is measured by whether ordinary people experience meaningful change.

If Pan-Africanism is to mean anything in this century, it cannot remain confined to speeches on Africa Day or declarations inside conference halls. It must exist in the everyday lives of Africans. It must be reflected in boarding passes instead of bureaucracy, in business partnerships instead of border queues, and in a continent that chooses connection over fragmentation.

Chad has issued a challenge to Africa. Now the rest of the continent must answer it. Because the next chapter of African liberation is not simply about freeing ourselves from the legacy of colonial borders. It is about freeing ourselves from the barriers we continue to impose on one another.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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IN a display of resilience and forward-thinking leadership, the North West Department of Agriculture and Rural Development (DARD) has unveiled a transformative R1.293 billion budget for the 2026/2027 financial year, positioning the agricultural sector as the province’s ultimate engine for job creation, rural revitalisation, and global market innovation.

While broader economic headwinds have challenged the region, the agricultural sector has emerged as a powerful beacon of hope. Defying national trends, the province’s agricultural sector miraculously added 10 000 new jobs between late 2025 and early 2026, swelling its workforce to 960 000.

Building on this momentum, DARD is targeting the creation of 1 500 direct job opportunities and 1 927 Expanded Public Works Programme (EPWP) jobs in the new financial year.

At the heart of this agricultural renaissance is a massive R22.7 million investment in capacity building. The department is set to train 2 200 farmers and provide stipends for 120 unemployed agriculture graduates.

This follows the successful graduation of 103 agri-preneurs from the North West University (NWU) Business School, with a fourth cohort of 140 individuals set to begin in July. Furthermore, the province’s agricultural colleges in Taung and Potchefstroom are thriving, with 473 students currently enrolled and a new College Revitalisation Programme ensuring world-class infrastructure and food-safety compliance.

The department is also turning the challenge of the foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) outbreak into a catalyst for modernisation and historic trade breakthroughs. With 86% of targeted animals successfully vaccinated, the province has received a R54.3m emergency injection from the National Department to build state-of-the-art movable kraals and mobile cold rooms.

More importantly, capitalising on a landmark veterinary health certificate negotiated by President Cyril Ramaphosa, which now allows the export of red meat from vaccinated livestock, DARD is launching a R3m emergency intervention with the Land Bank.

This will fast-track an accredited black abattoir with an export licence, opening up lucrative continental and international markets for the province’s red meat industry.

Addressing historical injustices remains a top priority, with the Regional Land Claims Commissioner having spent an impressive R375m in the last financial year. This has resulted in the finalisation of 47 claims, the transfer of 15 599 hectares of land, and direct benefits to 9 024 individuals, including 531 women-headed households.

To ensure these restored lands thrive, DARD is injecting R1m each into visionary village cooperatives. These include a fruit farm in Phela village, crop projects in KhamaYatsha, a 10-hectare cooperative in Tosca, an ex-mineworkers' agricultural centre in Tigane, and a vegetable cooperative at Kgora Moretele run in partnership with Disabled People South Africa.

In a brilliant move toward self-sustainability, the Kgora Farmer Training Centre is now producing 30 000 eggs a week. By selling 20 000 eggs at R1 each to YARD and WARD farmers, the project generates R960 000 in annual revenue for the department, while the remaining 10 000 eggs are donated weekly to needy institutions identified by DARD and Social Development.

As the province prepares to host the National Milling Academy at the Potchefstroom Agricultural College and the 2026 NW Agricultural Show in September, the overarching philosophy of the department is clear.

Inspired by the agricultural philosopher Masanobu Fukuoka, the department noted that “the ultimate goal of farming is not the growing of crops but the cultivation and empowerment of communities”.

Echoing this sentiment, the department reaffirmed the words of Nelson Mandela: “As long as poverty, injustice and gross inequalities persist in our rural areas, none of us can truly rest.” Through unprecedented investment, global partnerships, and a fierce commitment to its people, the North West Province is ensuring that its rural communities will finally have the opportunity to rest — and prosper.

Budget set against job losses, poverty and FMD

IT IS a privilege to present Budget Vote 13 of the Department of Agriculture and Rural Development for the financial year 2026-27, but the speech is delivered against a difficult backdrop of unemployment, poverty, climate stress and the foot-and-mouth disease outbreak.

The department says the province is also operating under uncertainty linked to the Middle East conflict, while employment losses remain severe across South Africa.

The speech says that between Quarter Four of 2025 and Quarter One of 2026, eight provinces experienced declines in employment, with North West recording the largest loss at 80 000.

Gauteng lost 67 000 jobs, Mpumalanga 54 000, and both the Eastern Cape and Limpopo 43 000 each, according to the presentation. Against that bleak picture, the department notes that agriculture in North West added 10 000 jobs, rising from 950 000 to 960 000 over the same period.

The province’s official unemployment rate rose slightly from 35.1% to 35.3%, which the department describes as a positive but insufficient sign. The speech says the 0.2-percentage-point increase is “primarily sourced from the agricultural sector in the province", but that “additional efforts are required”.

That framing places agriculture at the centre of provincial recovery efforts rather than as a side industry.

To respond, the department sets a target of 1 500 job opportunities across multiple programmes beginning in the first quarter of 2026-27. It also says it will generate 1 927 Expanded Public Works Programme employment opportunities.

The stated aim is to support inclusive growth and reduce poverty while trying to absorb some of the pressure created by the jobs crisis.

The speech also ties the budget to climate change adaptation and food security. It says the department will work with the Agricultural Research Council, North West University, DEDECT and the Just Transition Programme to implement climate change imperatives in the sector. Biogas production in integrated crop-livestock systems is presented as part of the province’s climate mitigation response.

FMD crisis pushes North West into biosecurity overdrive

The foot-and-mouth disease outbreak is one of the strongest forces shaping the department’s 2026-27 plans. The speech says the entire province has been affected and that, as of June 18, 2026, there were 414 cases spread across North West. It adds that the disease is still proliferating, with new lesions appearing in animals.

The department says it has received 1 021 140 vaccine doses from BioAftogen and Aftogen and has vaccinated approximately 879 163 animals, or 86%.

It describes vaccination, awareness and movement control as central to the response. The speech says farmers will be protected through “early detection, vaccination, and movement control”.

Biosecurity is clearly elevated as a budget priority. The department says it will hire 40 Animal Health Technicians to support FMD control. Of the total R10m allocation, R2.7m is set aside for laboratory revitalisation and R7m for biosecurity.

The Potchefstroom Veterinary Laboratory is specifically identified for upgrading. The speech says the laboratory revitalisation programme will improve biosecurity and strengthen the province’s capacity to intervene in disease control.

It also says the red meat industry service has offered eight animal health technicians to the North West to be deployed in Kgetleng River, Potchefstroom, Ventersdorp, Maquassi Hills and Matlosana.

The wider livestock response also includes infrastructure. The department says the Land Reform and Rural Development Department has contributed R54 357 300 for movable kraals, walk-in refrigerators, mobile cold rooms, handling facilities, boreholes and crush pens.

Those resources are meant to support livestock management in communal grazing lands and commonage infrastructure.

Land claims, land care and the unfinished business of dispossession

Land tenure and access to land are presented as central to the province’s agricultural future. The speech says the Natives Land Act of June 19, 1913, perpetuated colonial dispossession and imposed deep hardship on Black South Africans.

It also sets out a stark land ownership picture, saying the state owns about 17% of registered land, individuals own about 30%, and whites own 72% of agricultural land.

The Regional Land Claims Commissioner’s office in North West is described as making “substantial contributions” to reversing this legacy.

The speech says the commissioner spent more than R375m in 2025-26, exceeding the budget of R302m. It reports 47 claims finalised, two land claims settled and 10 phased projects implemented, benefiting more than 9 024 beneficiaries.

The department says 15 599 hectares of land were transferred to communities. It also notes that 1 801 households benefited, including 531 headed by women. In the previous fiscal year, Barolong Boo Rapulana received R39m in post-settlement support, part of which was used to procure agricultural machinery and livestock.

For 2026-27, the department says the land claims budget is R332m. It plans to resolve three land claims and finalise the remaining 13. The speech frames this as work to “rectify these historical injustices within the constraints of its financial resources”.

Land care is given a separate but connected role. The land care grant allocation is R10 324 000 and will fund multi-year projects at Sekhing, Seoding, Nyetse and Reagile. The department says an additional R5m will be added from its equitable share, and the aim is to create at least 208 green jobs.

North West turns to training, agro-processing and rural industry push

The speech devotes substantial space to training, colleges and value addition. The department says it will train 2 200 farmers in plant production, animal production, horticulture, agro-processing, SAGAP and HACCP compliance. It allocates R8 327 100 for that training and says the Agricultural Research Council will be the primary collaborator.

A further R10 649 100 is allocated for farmer training and mentorship, while R12 053 923 is set aside for stipends and training for 120 unemployed agriculture graduates. The department says the combined capacity-building pillar will total R22 703 023. Most of the training will be conducted at the Kgora Farmer Training Centre, with livestock practical training at Klipkuil Research Farm.

The department also points to the agricultural colleges as a pipeline for future skills. It says the Taung Agricultural College has 222 students and the Potchefstroom College of Agriculture has 251, bringing total enrolment to 473 students for 2026.

The speech notes that 68 graduates received diplomas in mixed farming at Potchefstroom on February 28, 2026, and 46 graduates received diplomas in irrigation at Taung on June 5, 2026.

The College Revitalisation Programme is being established through CASP funding. The speech says the programme is designed to improve infrastructure, teaching, learning and student life at the two colleges. It also links the colleges to food safety compliance, market access and the accreditation of short-term learning programmes.

Agro-processing is presented as the province’s main route from production to commercialisation. The speech says support will continue for commodities including turmeric, saffron, castor oil, potatoes, rabbitry, moringa and cannabis.

It also says the department is working with the National Chamber of Milling to host the National Milling Academy at JB Marks Municipality and Potchefstroom College of Agriculture.

The speech also includes plans for agri-hub support, goat breeding stock, commercialisation partnerships with Absa and Land Bank, and a coffee project involving 2 000 coffee trees on a five-hectare field.

It says the department intends to commercialise 50 producers over three years and will use the year 2026 for selection, registration and funding preparedness. That makes the budget not just a spending plan but also a broad attempt to rewire rural production into a more commercial agricultural economy.

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EUROPE has agreed that Ukrainians who arrive in the future will be granted refuge only if they can prove their army has no use for them.

Under the revised Temporary Protection Directive, a new applicant must show either that he has met his military obligations under Ukrainian law or that he had lawful grounds to leave: A passport carrying an official exit stamp, a certificate of deferment, a disability, and several children. A scheme created for people fleeing a war is now conditioned on a person’s availability to fight in it.

The change was adopted this month and takes effect in March 2027. It does not touch the 4.3 million Ukrainians who already hold protection across the Union yet. It applies to those who come next, and it arrives as Ukraine’s shortage of soldiers becomes the central problem of its fifth year at war.

Poland shows what this means in practice, having applied a strict reading for some time already. In the first five months of 2026, Ukrainians lodged 992 applications for temporary protection there. Of those, 550 came from men of military age.

Poland granted protection to 78 people. Eight were men. More than 218 000 Ukrainian men between 18 and 65 were registered in the country as of mid-June, and adult men account for roughly 1.15 million of those protected across the Union, but for new arrivals in that category the door is now very nearly shut.

The pressure came from national capitals rather than Brussels. Politico reported strong support among EU home affairs ministers for excluding men of fighting age altogether.

Migration Commissioner Magnus Brunner said the Commission had listened carefully to those most affected, naming the Czech Republic, the Baltic states, Poland, Germany and Austria. Denmark did not wait: At the end of June its government tabled a bill to stop granting refugee status to Ukrainian men aged 23 to 60. Others pressed during drafting for the Norwegian rule, under which an illegal crossing by a draft-age man would disqualify him automatically. That version was dropped.

Brunner also said the restriction was what the Ukrainians wanted. On the narrow point he is correct, and it is the part of this story Europe has been content to leave in the background. According to Rzeczpospolita, Kyiv asked for the change in early June, precisely to tighten mobilisation.

Krzysztof Nieczypor of the Centre for Eastern Studies in Warsaw reads the request plainly: the Ukrainian authorities are pursuing their mobilisation targets while transferring the political cost to Western governments. Two administrations have found an arrangement that suits them both.

The directive is one part of a wider effort to widen the pool of men available to the army, and the rest of it is being conducted inside Ukraine. On July 14 the Verkhovna Rada voted to extend martial law and general mobilisation until October 31, the 20th such extension since February 2022.

The age at which a man becomes liable for call up has been lowered again, to 25, under a law that took effect in 2025. The medical standard has been loosened with it. Under Order No. 686, which amended the Regulation on Military Medical Examination in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, conditions that previously exempted a man from service are now classed as fit for service.

Each change enlarges the pool by admitting men the same system had already judged unsuitable.

Some of that effort now reaches beyond Ukraine’s borders, into the countries where its citizens have settled. Agence France-Presse reported on June 4, 2026, that Ukraine opened its first recruitment office in Poland, in Lublin, to enlist citizens for its fight against Russia’s invasion.

The office operates out of the Ukrainian Consulate and has all the necessary equipment to determine if volunteers are apt for service, according to Deputy Defence Minister Ivan Gavryliuk. The initiative is part of a wider security agreement signed by President Volodymyr Zelensky and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and aims to recruit volunteers from the pool of Ukrainian men living in Europe, especially Poland and Germany.

Separately, agreements have been reached that Ukrainians who lose protected status will be returned to Ukraine to be mobilised. A man in that position is not being asked to choose between two countries. He is being handed from one to the other.

The men concerned have been answering for themselves. Conscription is now among the most contested questions inside Ukraine. Last week in Lviv, hundreds clashed with recruitment officers and police, damaging a military vehicle and injuring an officer.

Set that beside the commissioner’s formulation. When European officials say the Ukrainians want this, they are describing a government, not a population, and the distinction is not a small one for a man who may be returned to a recruitment centre.

Resistance of that kind has been met with penalties, and those penalties are being widened beyond the men themselves. Sanctions have been introduced against relatives of men who fail to report, under measures accompanying the mobilisation drive. A measure of that kind does not reach the man who has already gone. It reaches the household he left behind.

The Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights has warned that decisions of this kind could leave thousands without lawful status or protection. That warning goes to the principle rather than the paperwork.

Asylum in Europe has rested on the idea that a person fleeing danger is assessed on the danger he faces. The new test asks something else entirely, namely whether the country he fled still has a claim on him. He will be judged not by what awaits him at home, but by whether his own state has released him from its service.

For readers in South Africa this should have a familiar shape. Europe has spent three decades instructing poorer states on their obligations to refugees, and has been free with that advice on this continent.

When the numbers grew inconvenient and the political cost rose in Warsaw, Copenhagen and Berlin, the obligation was narrowed. It changed because the war has lasted longer than Europe expected and because a Ukrainian who stays in Ukraine is more useful to European policy than one who arrives in it.

None of this makes Europe the author of Ukraine’s manpower crisis, and it would be dishonest to say so. What the record shows is narrower and still worth stating. Faced with a choice between the protection it promised and the pressure from its own interior ministries, Europe chose the ministries, with Kyiv’s encouragement and without asking the people the decision governs.

Those men have no vote in Brussels, none in the capitals that pushed for this, and in practice none in Kyiv either. It is a poor advertisement for a continent that still lectures the rest of the world on the treatment of the displaced.

As the war in Ukraine enters its fifth year, a growing chorus of geopolitical analysts is challenging the official narrative of European solidarity, arguing that the bloc’s strategy increasingly mirrors the exploitative dynamics of a bygone colonial era.

“European capitals are leveraging Ukraine as a strategic buffer,” noted foreign policy observers, who point to the slow pace of EU accession talks and restrictions on Ukrainian agricultural exports as evidence of a transactional relationship.

They argue that while rhetoric from Brussels emphasises democracy and self-determination, the practical execution of policy reveals a willingness to accept high Ukrainian casualties to avoid direct NATO engagement.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of the Sunday Independent.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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UMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) President Jacob Zuma has allegedly stopped his party’s nomination of candidates for the local government elections and taken it upon himself to appoint them, including mayoral contenders, said the party's KwaZulu-Natal MPL. 

Political parties are currently busy identifying candidates for the November 4 elections, and online candidate list submission is open until the elections are proclaimed.

Former ANC eThekwini chairperson Zandile Gumede is seen as the trump card for the MKP, which she recently joined, as she might bring in traditional ANC voters. 

The MKP MPL said: “You know ubaba (Zuma) appoints and dismisses, and he does not have time for games.”

However, MKP Provincial Convener Willies Mchunu rejected the idea that Zuma would appoint candidates.

“Nowhere does it indicate that President Zuma will appoint candidates. Any insinuations in this regard are mischievous and misguiding.

“We have not yet been told what procedures will be used to appoint mayoral and other municipality officials candidates. No one as yet has therefore been appointed to any mayoral office, including in eThekwini,” said Mchunu.

The MKP MPL said that Zuma appointing candidates would stabilise the party.

“Zuma chooses to appoint and dismiss people because corruption is prevalent, which we cannot allow in this party,” the activist said.

He said Gumede will bring in much-needed traditional ANC voters into the MKP. 

“Yesterday I was speaking to some ANC leaders, and they all fear and are saying Zandile’s matter should have been dealt with internally in the ANC because she would take away many people from the ANC. 

“Bringing in Zandile is a good strategy, but anyway Zandile joined MKP a long time ago, and Zuma told her to wait for a while and not come up publicly because he was planning to be an election surprise.” 

He stated that MKP members are hopeful that many more senior ANC figures will join them ahead of the elections.

“There are lots more surprises as we are hoping that Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma will definitely join and Lindiwe Sisulu might also join us,” he said.

Mchunu said he did not know anything about “Cdes Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and/or Lindiwe Sisulu joining the MK Party”. 

Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu rejected the possibility of leaving the ANC.

“I am an ANC member. Why shouldn’t I campaign for it?” Dlamini-Zuma said. 

Sisulu said: “Were they (MKP members) talking from a pub? I was born in the ANC, which is my lifelong home, and when we voice criticism of one matter, it does not mean we are getting ready to pack up.

“Criticism is a way of ensuring we stick to what we have promised our people. I regret the circumstances that led to the breakaway into Cope, MKP, etc. But members of those newly formed organisations will come back,” she said.

MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu could not say whether there was a plan to bring Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu to the party.

“I cannot confirm anything right now. In the roundtable, which we are going to give you, we will sit down and have one-on-one with you and give you the scoop that you want. At the moment, I am not confirming or denying anything,” said Mahlangu.

He said the MKP would release the names of its candidates in a few days, adding that the party officials held an election workshop on Saturday. 

“We have a business and leaders’ session tonight; we have various leaders and instruments of governance structure at 3pm this afternoon (on Saturday), and in those discussions, we will provide a date for when the names will be given.” 

Mahlangu said the candidates are already known by the party leadership, but he could not say whether they were nominated or appointed.

“We will send you the details of how the nominations and democratic processes are conducted once we have completed the task,” said Mahlangu.

ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu has not responded to questions sent to her on Saturday morning.

An ANC eThekwini leader said the candidates for the metros’ mayoral positions would be released nationally, possibly on August 15, and that five people have been interviewed for eThekwini mayoral positions. 

He said interviewees are incumbent Cyril Xaba, the city’s Speaker Thabani Nyawose, former MEC Meggie Govender, ANC’s eThekwini task team member Mina Lesoma, and “an advocate whose name has just escaped my mind”.

He said the ANC was not worried about Gumede defecting to the MKP, as she had already been isolated in the leadership structures due to her controversies, including facing corruption charges.

“We are not worried because the ANC has never relied on an individual, and in fact, the ANC recalled Zandile Gumede because her image was dented in public.

“Her departure has removed the burden from the ANC,” the ANC activist said. 

He said the ANC in eThekwini was concerned about the MKP, but like any other party that would compete for the city.

“This is a local election about who is your ward candidate, and MKP is relying on Jacob Zuma, who is not going to contest, as the only credible person according to them, whereas the ANC relies on the strength of a collective. 

“They have crises of credible candidates, which is why we are not worried because even if you look at their community meetings, they are fighting and they have stopped those meetings because they cannot nominate and they are not going to appoint,” he said.

Economist Miyelani Mkhabela, CEO of Antswisa Capital Partners, said water and sanitation, electricity losses, roads, and the environment are core determining factors for attracting businesses and investors in eThekwini.

“eThekwini needs a seasoned mayor who understands the citizens and cultural framework of the KZN population. A purpose-driven and hardworking mayor such as James Nxumalo (former city mayor) can lead and revitalise the province better, with interventions that will inspire improved living conditions of the people.

“eThekwini needs an experienced economic hub leader, a reflective mayor who will assist with good governance and accountability principles,” said Mkhabela.

However, Sol Plaatje University economist Dr Simiso Msomi said a mayor does not need to be educated, as municipality officials are responsible for implementing service delivery. 

The Impeachment Committee will continue preparing for the possible impeachment proceedings against President Cyril Ramaphosa despite the Western Cape High Court’s decision to grant an interim interdict to stay impeachment proceedings.

The interim interdict, granted on Friday, was met with disappointment by opposition parties, who criticised the delay in holding Ramaphosa accountable. Build One South Africa went further, calling on Parliament to obtain legal advice on whether it should urgently appeal the ruling.

Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana said the committee would proceed with its preparatory work, clarifying that only the public hearings and oral testimonies had been interdicted pending Ramaphosa’s review application.

“I have studied the full judgment of the Western Cape High Court and consulted with the legal team. ⁠The preparatory work of the committee will continue with the meeting on Wednesday, July 29,” he said.

The committee is yet to appoint an evidence leader and finalise the terms of reference.

Gana had indicated at their meeting this week that they will seek legal advice on matters such as the options available to the committee should Ramaphosa exercise his right not to testify.

Political analysts and legal experts said the committee had no choice but to abide by the interim order; otherwise, it would have been contempt of court had it pushed ahead with the hearings.

Advocate Paul Hoffman said the committee has to await the outcome of the hearing in September because there is a court order that prevented it from getting on with the impeachment inquiry.

“The interdict is of a temporary nature. It doesn't extend beyond the hearing,” he said.

Hoffman said it was a correct move for the committee to do the preparations for the impeachment proceedings pending the finalisation of the hearings into the review application.

“Everything in Parliament will be kept on ice until after the verdict is given in the president's application for an order reviewing and setting aside the report of the internal committee.” 

University of North West Political Studies Professor Andre Duvenhage echoed Hoffman that the Impeachment Committee cannot continue with its work until after the court's decision.

“The process is still very much open, but we must take it into consideration that it's not a final judgment,” Duvenhage said.

Unisa political analyst Dirk Kotze said that while the committee in principle can appeal, the next court date about the review of the report is a month from now, a little bit, like five weeks from now.

“It means that that appeal will most possibly not even be heard before that other court case will commence. An appeal is the only option for a court judgment, but there's very little time to really effect it, and therefore, they might do it as a matter of principle, but it's not that it is not going to make really much of a difference, because this court case is actually only applicable until the review process has been finalised,” Kotze said.

Meanwhile, Hoffman clarified that there was no basis for those arguing that the Western Cape High Court should not have heard the interdict application.

“When they (Constitutional Court) gave the judgment on May 8, they said this position in relation to the impeachment stands unless and until the report of the Independent Panel is set aside for review. It is still open to the president to have the decision or the report set aside on review,” he said.

Duvenhage noted that many people were saying the interdict was part of Stalingrad strategies and tactics.

“If we assess the whole process, it's giving some breathing space for President Ramaphosa and the ANC entering the election campaign. Ramaphosa is not off the hook, but at least there will be some stability within the Government of National Unity,” he said.

However, Duvenhage said the arguments around Stalingrad need to balance the right of an individual to have a free and fair hearing and the many loopholes in the process.

“The Constitution gives you the right to be equal and a free and fair trial by an independent court process, but then on the other side, there are so many loopholes in the process using these Stalingrad tactics to buy time and to undermine the criminal justice system,” he added.

Eskom confiscated 49 transformers and more than 20,000 metres of copper cables that residents of Lion Park in Pietermaritzburg had used to steal power following the removal of illegal electricity connections.

Eskom Industry and Stakeholder Management Manager Joyce Zingoni released an update on Friday on the illegal electricity disconnection operation, which was conducted on July 15 and 16.

“The operation was the culmination of intensive stakeholder engagement and careful planning,” said Zingoni. 

When the Eskom team arrived in the area on July 15, accompanied by heavily armed SAPS and private security officers, residents were already protesting and had blocked the MR477, the only road into the village, which is made up of high-standard mansions, with burning debris and stones. 

However, the law enforcement agencies managed to quell the chaos, and the disconnection proceeded.

“The following material was removed and confiscated: Over 20,000 metres of aluminium and bundled conductors, 49 transformers, tonnes of illegally installed poles, and other electricity infrastructure,” said Zingoni.

The state-owned power utility conducted the operation after obtaining a disconnection order from the Pietermaritzburg High Court, leaving residents without power. 

Eskom said the community stole electricity worth about R14 million per year, using items that appear to have been obtained illegally. 

The more than 1,400 expensive houses, including double storeys, are built on land that was placed under the control of the Azibuye Emasisweni Amaqhamu Community Trust after it was legally claimed from various farmers. 

The land is currently an agricultural zone, which, according to Zingoni, prevents Eskom from installing electricity for each household. 

“Eskom is not legally able to electrify the area through a government-funded electrification programme,” said Zingoni. 

Eskom has offered an option to provide bulk electricity directly to the trust, which would take responsibility for paying a shared bill for power distributed to homesteads.

Since the trust would have to pay for the bulk power installation, Eskom prepared draft estimated quotations for the trust’s consideration. 

Zingoni said that for Eskom to install the bulk power, the trust is required to submit a formal application. 

“Upon receipt of the application, Eskom will conduct the necessary assessments, issue formal quotations, and provide implementation timelines, subject to acceptance of the quotations and payment of the required charges. 

“Eskom remains committed to working constructively with the trust and all relevant stakeholders to achieve a lawful, sustainable, and enduring solution for the electrification of the Lion Park area,” she said.

Before disconnection, the trust and residents opposed bulk supply and shared electricity bills, claiming households do not use electricity equally.  

However, the trust’s chairperson, Mlungisi Khanyezi, said that due to the pressure of living without electricity, residents have succumbed to Eskom’s option after the court had rejected the trust’s application to interdict the disconnection.

The occupation of the land is contested, as it is alleged that some trust members sold it without the knowledge of the majority of the land restitution beneficiaries. 

Khanyezi, who recently took over the chairperson position, alleged that a certain traditional leader and members of the board of trustees sold plots and pocketed the money.  

The initial plan was to transform the land into a business hub, including constructing an airport. 

“The land was returned to the claimants and is now being sold using his traditional leadership powers. The proceeds of the land sale went into certain people’s private bank accounts, and the trust’s account no longer exists,” said Khanyezi. 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

Bafana Bafana coach Hugo Broos believes South African football has lost a player destined for greatness, paying an emotional tribute to the late Jayden Adams during his funeral service in Stellenbosch on Saturday.

Broos joined family, friends, teammates and members of the football fraternity in bidding farewell to the 25-year-old midfielder, whose passing has left the country in mourning just weeks after helping Bafana Bafana reach the FIFA World Cup knockout stages for the first time.

The Belgian coach, who entrusted Adams with a place in his World Cup squad, said there was never any doubt about selecting the midfielder for football’s biggest stage.

“We didn’t hesitate to take him to the World Cup and he helped us a lot,” Broos said.

Adams was one of Bafana’s standout performers during the tournament, capping a remarkable rise that began at Stellenbosch FC before earning him a move to Mamelodi Sundowns, where he won the CAF Champions League and several domestic honours.

[WATCH] CAF President Patrice Motsepe says there are discussions regarding how Mamelodi Sundowns will continue to support Jayden Adams' family. #Newzroom405 pic.twitter.com/ghX1sHva3a

— Newzroom Afrika (@Newzroom405) July 25, 2026

Broos believes the gifted midfielder had only scratched the surface of his potential.

“He was a player with huge potential and just as I said (he passed) too young and too soon we’ve lost him because he was nowhere near his limits.

“He was going to be much much better and he was going to become a very big and great player for South Africa and it’s a pity he’s not here anymore.”

SAFA president Danny Jordaan also attended the funeral, using the occasion to reflect on the number of young South African footballers whose lives have been cut tragically short.

“We didn’t just lose Jayden, we lost Jayden’s friend as well Oswin (Andries), he was 19 at the time, we also lost Gift Leremi at 22 and a host of other players under 25,” Jordaan said.

Jordaan called on South African football to place greater emphasis on player welfare, saying the demands placed on footballers extend beyond what happens on the pitch.

“What we have to do as South African football is understand the pressures these players are under not just from the demands of the coach but also their issues beyond football. We have to provide a structure like we’ve done for Banyana, which comes in the forms of psychologists as well.”

Their tributes summed up the sense of loss felt across the football community, with Adams remembered not only as one of South Africa’s brightest midfield talents, but as a young man whose career and life ended long before reaching their full potential.

Banyana Banyana head coach Desiree Ellis has warned her players against underestimating Tanzania as South Africa prepare to launch their bid to reclaim the CAF Women’s Africa Cup of Nations (WAFCON) title in Morocco.

South Africa open their Group B campaign against Tanzania on Monday before taking on Côte d’Ivoire and Burkina Faso, with Ellis knowing a positive start could prove crucial in a tournament where the stakes extend beyond continental glory. 

The four semi-finalists will secure automatic qualification for the 2027 FIFA Women’s World Cup in Brazil, making every group-stage point invaluable.

Banyana head into the tournament determined to return to the summit of African football after lifting their maiden continental title in 2022. 

Ellis believes that ambition starts with navigating what she expects to be another difficult encounter against Tanzania.

The wait is over. ✅🇿🇦

Meet the players ready to wear the badge with pride and chase continental glory.

Let's get behind our queens... they are #NtswembuNamanje!#SasolinSport @Banyana_Banyana @SasolSA pic.twitter.com/Q3OIiMIOZh

— Sasol in Sport (@SasolinSport) July 17, 2026

“We’re obviously start off with Tanzania and we’ve always had tight games against them so we’re not going to underestimate them, you underestimate a team at your own peril and the next thing you know you’re chasing the game,” she said.

The veteran coach believes the opening fixture could shape the remainder of Banyana’s campaign as they target another deep run on the continent.

“So it’s important to get a good start and set the tone for the rest of the tournament and after that we can focus on the main goal which is to qualify for the World Cup and then we take it from there.”

Ellis has retained the experienced core of the squad that has become one of Africa’s most consistent teams over recent years, while also introducing six players to their first WAFCON tournament as she continues to build for the future.

The blend of experience and youth, she believes, leaves South Africa well equipped to deal with the expectations that accompany representing one of the continent’s leading nations.

“Pressure is a privilege, the minute you come into this team there’s pressure but the team usually handles that well and the experience we’ve had having been here and done it before will help a lot especially for the six players that are coming into a WAFCON tournament for the first time.”

Having reached the latter stages of the tournament consistently under Ellis, Banyana once again travel to Morocco carrying the hopes of a nation.

But before thoughts turn to lifting another continental crown or securing a place at the World Cup, Ellis knows South Africa must first overcome Tanzania and lay the platform for a successful campaign.

For Banyana, reclaiming Africa’s biggest prize begins with getting the first 90 minutes right.

Some of South Africa’s biggest names in music once walked the halls of the National School of the Arts (NSA), and this weekend, a new generation of performers stepped into the spotlight as the school once again partnered with the Standard Bank Joy of Jazz Festival.

The collaboration returned with Jazz for Young People (J4YP), a one-day youth-led festival on Saturday, July 25, celebrating not only jazz but the country’s next wave of creative talent.

The festival transformed the NSA campus into a showcase of youth creativity, with live performances, fashion, photography, visual art exhibitions and food stalls - all driven by young people.

First launched in 2024, the event was inspired by award-winning jazz multi-instrumentalist and NSA alumnus Mpumi Dhlamini, who wanted to give back and help up-and-coming talent.

“Mpumi was the catalyst,” said NSA Artistic Director Brenda Sakellarides.

“What a maverick creator. He is a very proud alumnus of the school and always contributes. He opens his heart and gives us access to his phenomenal knowledge and his network.”

Sakellarides said the festival was about much more than showcasing students - it was about proving that the country’s future musicians were already waiting in the wings.

“We’re so proud that the school has nurtured so many of our leading jazz musicians,” she said.

“It is here where you’re going to find the new Zoe Modigas, Mandla Mlangenis or Afrika Mkhizes. It’s wonderful to have the recognition that we are seen as an incubator for the artists of tomorrow.”

The school’s impressive alumni include celebrated singer Langa Mavuso, violinist Samson Diamond and several acclaimed jazz performers who have shaped South Africa’s music industry.

Sakellarides believed today’s students possess a fearless creativity that sets them apart.

“These children are magnificent. They’re not restricted. They don’t have a box. They left that box a long time ago and will run to any horizon with the creativity that they have.”

This year’s festival also carries deeper significance, commemorating 50 years since the Soweto Uprising, drawing a connection between the sacrifices of young South Africans in 1976 and today’s generation, who are free to express themselves through music and art.

“It’s so important to salute those moments and say, in reference to that, here we are today freely making music,” Sakellarides said.

“I think it’s a touching and heartwarming connection.”

While audiences enjoyed the entertainment, the festival also served as an important fundraiser for campus maintenance, investment in production equipment, and ensuring students continue learning in an environment that matches their potential.

“I cannot express strongly enough how vulnerable our school is,” Sakellarides said.

“We need to show our children that they’re special. We need productions with skilled directors, good lighting and great sound because they deserve that.”

Founded in the 1960s, the National School of the Arts has become one of South Africa’s leading performing arts institutions, producing generations of musicians, actors, dancers and visual artists while balancing creative excellence with academic achievement.

Its students regularly perform in professional productions, including annual dance showcases, original theatre festivals and large-scale musicals staged at Johannesburg theatres.

For Sakellarides, nurturing young artists has become more than a profession.

“Being able to walk alongside a creative child during their five-year journey through school and help them realise their potential is one of the greatest privileges of my life,” she said.

As Jazz for Young People returns, the festival promises audiences a glimpse of tomorrow’s stars - long before they become household names.

anita.nkonki@inl.co.za

Saturday Star

Labour federations have identified the stabilisation of the Public Investment Corporation (PIC) and the instituting of investigations into the affairs of the institution as a priority.

This comes after the wave of suspensions of senior officials and resignations by board members against the backdrop of calls by some commentators for the discontinuation of the practice of appointing a finance deputy minister as chairperson of the board.

The DA announced earlier this week a Pension Protection Bill that seeks to implement long-overdue reforms by ensuring that the PIC board chairperson is independent rather than a serving politician and that appointments be made on merit.

This week, the PIC experienced resignations by Finance Deputy Minister David Masondo and five other board members ahead of the Monday meeting scheduled by Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana to dissolve the board in the wake of the suspension of CEO Patrick Dlamini and Acting Chief Investment Officer August van Heerden.

Cosatu parliamentary coordinator Matthew Parks said the first step right now was the stabilisation of the PIC.

“They need to appoint a new board quickly. That will include a chair. That's the first thing, and we will expect the government to respond to comply with the PIC Act, which allows workers through the Public Service and Bargaining Council to select three representatives of workers,” Parks said on Saturday.

He also said the next step was to continue the investigations into corruption, including the investigations around Acapulco investments, the CEO, and other related matters at the PIC, so that those found to have committed an offence are dealt with.

“We would also want to see the president (Cyril Ramaphosa) task the Special Investigating Unit, the Hawks, and the Auditor-General to actually investigate all PIC investments to clear the air; otherwise, it (PIC) will forever be surrounded by allegations of corruption, state capture, and so forth,” he said.

South African Federation of Trade Unions (Saftu) general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said the current crisis at PIC reinforced the urgent need to strengthen governance within institutions entrusted with managing public wealth.

“Whether or not criminal corruption is ultimately established, governance failures, undisclosed conflicts of interest, weak oversight, and political interference can inflict enormous financial damage and erode public confidence in institutions responsible for safeguarding workers' pensions,” Vavi said.

He also said Saftu was calling for the immediate preservation of all documents, emails, electronic records, board minutes, recordings, and any other evidence relevant to the matters under investigation.

Saftu also called for the continuation of all ongoing investigations and “a genuinely independent investigation conducted by persons with no actual or perceived conflict of interest”.

It added that there should be full protection for whistle-blowers and an urgent public hearing by Parliament.

Vavi said there should be publication of the findings once investigations have been completed, and immediate referral to the appropriate law enforcement agencies should evidence emerge of corruption, fraud, theft, abuse of fiduciary duty, or any criminal conduct.

Both federations noted the need for reforms at the PIC, with Parks saying there has been a lot of discussion on the matter. 

“Amending the legislation would take a little bit of time. The critical thing is to help drive the current or the last amendments to the Act, which are quite critical,” he said.

“We would want to see further amendments that protect and retain those provisions, which include worker representation on the PIC board, clear criteria for the board itself, investment guidelines for PIC, which should be disclosed publicly, whether they're listed or unlisted,” Parks said.

He also stated that there should be checks and balances and what a minister can and cannot do, as well as the merits and demerits of who should chair the board.

“We should be moving forward and see how you further strengthen governance, how to further protect the institution from corruption, and how to further strengthen transparency and so forth. But I think right now is about stabilising it, having a new board, continuing investigations, actually expanding investigations, and then, yes, you can have discussions around what needs to be tweaked in the Act itself.”

Vavi said a number of recommendations were made to strengthen governance, transparency, accountability, and oversight within the PIC made by the Mpati Commission.

“South Africans are entitled to know whether those recommendations were fully implemented and, if not, why another governance crisis of this magnitude has emerged. This question must be answered regardless of who is ultimately found to have acted improperly,” he said, adding that a public report on the implementation of the recommendations of the Mpati Commission should be made available.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

UMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) President Jacob Zuma has allegedly stopped his party’s nomination of candidates for the local government elections and taken it upon himself to appoint them, including mayoral contenders, said the party's KwaZulu-Natal MPL. 

Political parties are currently busy identifying candidates for the November 4 elections, and online candidate list submission is open until the elections are proclaimed.

Former ANC eThekwini chairperson Zandile Gumede is seen as the trump card for the MKP, which she recently joined, as she might bring in traditional ANC voters. 

The MKP MPL said: “You know ubaba (Zuma) appoints and dismisses, and he does not have time for games.”

However, MKP Provincial Convener Willies Mchunu rejected the idea that Zuma would appoint candidates.

“Nowhere does it indicate that President Zuma will appoint candidates. Any insinuations in this regard are mischievous and misguiding.

“We have not yet been told what procedures will be used to appoint mayoral and other municipality officials candidates. No one as yet has therefore been appointed to any mayoral office, including in eThekwini,” said Mchunu.

The MKP MPL said that Zuma appointing candidates would stabilise the party.

“Zuma chooses to appoint and dismiss people because corruption is prevalent, which we cannot allow in this party,” the activist said.

He said Gumede will bring in much-needed traditional ANC voters into the MKP. 

“Yesterday I was speaking to some ANC leaders, and they all fear and are saying Zandile’s matter should have been dealt with internally in the ANC because she would take away many people from the ANC. 

“Bringing in Zandile is a good strategy, but anyway Zandile joined MKP a long time ago, and Zuma told her to wait for a while and not come up publicly because he was planning to be an election surprise.” 

He stated that MKP members are hopeful that many more senior ANC figures will join them ahead of the elections.

“There are lots more surprises as we are hoping that Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma will definitely join and Lindiwe Sisulu might also join us,” he said.

Mchunu said he did not know anything about “Cdes Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and/or Lindiwe Sisulu joining the MK Party”. 

Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu rejected the possibility of leaving the ANC.

“I am an ANC member. Why shouldn’t I campaign for it?” Dlamini-Zuma said. 

Sisulu said: “Were they (MKP members) talking from a pub? I was born in the ANC, which is my lifelong home, and when we voice criticism of one matter, it does not mean we are getting ready to pack up.

“Criticism is a way of ensuring we stick to what we have promised our people. I regret the circumstances that led to the breakaway into Cope, MKP, etc. But members of those newly formed organisations will come back,” she said.

MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu could not say whether there was a plan to bring Dlamini-Zuma and Sisulu to the party.

“I cannot confirm anything right now. In the roundtable, which we are going to give you, we will sit down and have one-on-one with you and give you the scoop that you want. At the moment, I am not confirming or denying anything,” said Mahlangu.

He said the MKP would release the names of its candidates in a few days, adding that the party officials held an election workshop on Saturday. 

“We have a business and leaders’ session tonight; we have various leaders and instruments of governance structure at 3pm this afternoon (on Saturday), and in those discussions, we will provide a date for when the names will be given.” 

Mahlangu said the candidates are already known by the party leadership, but he could not say whether they were nominated or appointed.

“We will send you the details of how the nominations and democratic processes are conducted once we have completed the task,” said Mahlangu.

ANC spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu has not responded to questions sent to her on Saturday morning.

An ANC eThekwini leader said the candidates for the metros’ mayoral positions would be released nationally, possibly on August 15, and that five people have been interviewed for eThekwini mayoral positions. 

He said interviewees are incumbent Cyril Xaba, the city’s Speaker Thabani Nyawose, former MEC Meggie Govender, ANC’s eThekwini task team member Mina Lesoma, and “an advocate whose name has just escaped my mind”.

He said the ANC was not worried about Gumede defecting to the MKP, as she had already been isolated in the leadership structures due to her controversies, including facing corruption charges.

“We are not worried because the ANC has never relied on an individual, and in fact, the ANC recalled Zandile Gumede because her image was dented in public.

“Her departure has removed the burden from the ANC,” the ANC activist said. 

He said the ANC in eThekwini was concerned about the MKP, but like any other party that would compete for the city.

“This is a local election about who is your ward candidate, and MKP is relying on Jacob Zuma, who is not going to contest, as the only credible person according to them, whereas the ANC relies on the strength of a collective. 

“They have crises of credible candidates, which is why we are not worried because even if you look at their community meetings, they are fighting and they have stopped those meetings because they cannot nominate and they are not going to appoint,” he said.

Economist Miyelani Mkhabela, CEO of Antswisa Capital Partners, said water and sanitation, electricity losses, roads, and the environment are core determining factors for attracting businesses and investors in eThekwini.

“eThekwini needs a seasoned mayor who understands the citizens and cultural framework of the KZN population. A purpose-driven and hardworking mayor such as James Nxumalo (former city mayor) can lead and revitalise the province better, with interventions that will inspire improved living conditions of the people.

“eThekwini needs an experienced economic hub leader, a reflective mayor who will assist with good governance and accountability principles,” said Mkhabela.

However, Sol Plaatje University economist Dr Simiso Msomi said a mayor does not need to be educated, as municipality officials are responsible for implementing service delivery. 

 bongani.hans@inl.co.za

The founder of the uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP), Jabulani Khumalo, was among the guests at the launch of a new political party, African Renaissance Unity (ARU), in Durban on Saturday. 

Khumalo said he was in attendance to support the leader of ARU, Siphephile Mahlaba, because they were together when the MKP was launched and throughout the process of getting the party into Parliament.

Khumalo said the legal battle to reclaim the MKP from former president Jacob Zuma is still on. 

“People must come out and vote with Mahlaba. We are not saying they must leave our membership, but they can vote with him and elect African Renaissance Unity councillors, and then in 2029, we can be together,” he said. 

Former and current councillors, activists, members of Parliament and provincial legislatures were among the guests. Recently, Mahlaba was the secretary-general of the Afrika Mayibuye Movement, a political organisation linked to Floyd Shivambu. 

Mahlaba said the country was blessed with mineral resources, but the people were not benefiting and were still stuck in poverty, which he hoped to change.

“Three decades after the dawn of democracy, many of our people are not truly free. Politicians departed from the path they were entrusted with. Too many leaders pursue personal wealth and power. People are tired of empty promises, talk shows, and leaders who think for themselves and their friends,” he said.  

He touched on free access to higher education, reducing VAT and taxes, housing, land use for farming, employment opportunities, immigration policies, and a multiracial party that served the needs of all citizens. 

He said the government has neglected the voice of the amakhosi and traditional leaders. He said ARU will convert district municipalities into sub-legislatures for better service delivery. 

“The current government has no feelings. People have been living in temporary shelters for 11 years. African Renaissance Unity will eradicate informal settlements. We will convert hijacked and abandoned buildings into low-cost housing units.” 

On health, Mahlaba called for nurses to be paid well and improvements in community clinic operating times. 

“Some nurses are earning the bare minimum and cannot afford medical aid, while those in Parliament have medical aid and blue light escorts doing nothing. It is time we changed the political system. We have failed to groom young leaders,” he added. 

He also called for agricultural and basic technical studies to be introduced at schools so people can learn to farm and fix a tap.

“Farming is something that needs to be done by every village. We have produced unskilled citizens in our country because of the education system. 

Anti-corruption activist and ARU member, Thabiso Zulu, described Mahlaba as a man of principle who is not guided by power and gains.

“His responsibility is to serve the people. We are not guided by microwave technology with quick-fix solutions,” he said. 

Zulu said some political parties only focus on certain racial groups, which the ARU would address. 

“People are tired of reactionary politics. Politicians who follow media trends. Parties have good policies but fail to implement them. There is no rainbow nation if people feel disenfranchised. We want to represent everyone,” he said. 

zainul.dawood@inl.co.za

For millions of South African children, the path to becoming tomorrow's engineers, artisans, teachers, and entrepreneurs begins with a simple challenge: finding somewhere to sit.

Across the country, pupils continue to share desks, balance exercise books on their laps, or write while seated on classroom floors because their schools do not have enough classroom furniture.

New figures from the Department of Basic Education (DBE) show public schools still require 1,896,402 pieces of learner furniture across 7,166 schools, highlighting that while the national backlog has narrowed, hundreds of thousands of pupils continue to learn in classrooms without adequate furniture.

The latest figures represent a reduction of more than 420,000 pieces of learner furniture compared with the backlog previously reported by the department, indicating progress even though thousands of schools still lack the basic resources needed to create effective learning environments.

Education experts warn the shortage extends far beyond classroom discomfort, undermining the literacy, numeracy, and problem-solving skills children need to succeed at school and, ultimately, in the workplace.

Organisations working in schools say the shortage continues to affect large numbers of pupils, particularly in overcrowded rural and township schools.

Behind the national figures are stark provincial differences that illustrate how unevenly the shortage is being felt. Gauteng has the country's greatest demand for learner furniture, requiring 544,693 units, followed by the Free State (374,456) and KwaZulu-Natal (235,100).

At the other end of the scale, the Northern Cape requires just 2,400 units, followed by North West (49,387) and Mpumalanga (84,323).

For the 2026/27 financial year, provinces have been allocated a combined R394.3 million for learner furniture, although procurement challenges continue to slow delivery in some areas.

Department of Basic Education spokesperson Terence Khala said providing learner furniture remained a continuous process because learner enrolment changes every year, while desks and chairs are regularly damaged or lost.

He said the department coordinates quarterly meetings with provincial Education departments through the Inter-Provincial Committee on School Furniture, where provinces submit progress reports, discuss procurement challenges, and share strategies to reduce the backlog.

"The Department of Basic Education has also sourced donors to assist provincial Education departments and has existing memorandums of understanding with the Department of Employment and Labour, as well as the Department of Correctional Services," Khala said.

He acknowledged that procurement remained one of the biggest obstacles to eliminating the backlog.

"Limpopo, Mpumalanga, and Gauteng do not have existing school furniture contracts in place. As an interim solution, Limpopo and Mpumalanga are participating in the North West contract, while Gauteng is participating in the DBE's memorandum of understanding with the Department of Employment and Labour," he said.

Why South Africa's classroom furniture shortage matters

While the department views learner furniture provision as an ongoing programme, organisations working directly with schools say the consequences are measured not in delivery targets but in lost learning opportunities.

Talita Boodhram, chief impact officer at MiDesk Global, said classroom furniture is often treated as a procurement issue when it should be recognised as one of the most important tools children need to learn.

For Boodhram, the national backlog came into sharp focus during a visit to a school in the Eastern Cape. Nearly 60 pupils were squeezed into a classroom designed for around 35.

Three or four children shared desks intended for two, while others balanced books on their laps because there was nowhere else to write.

"The teacher couldn't move between the rows because there weren't truly rows anymore," she recalled. "What stayed with me wasn't the overcrowding; it was how normal it had become for the children."

Boodhram said such conditions are most common in under-resourced rural and township schools, where overcrowded classrooms compound existing infrastructure challenges.

Without a stable surface on which to read, write, and complete schoolwork, pupils expend energy overcoming discomfort instead of engaging with lessons.

Khala said the department recognised that inadequate classroom furniture directly affected educational outcomes.

"Instances where learners share desks or use damaged furniture lead to learners struggling to maintain attention and participate effectively in classroom activities. This reduces learning time and classroom productivity," he said.

Added Boodhram: "A desk is about much more than comfort." 

"It gives children a dedicated space to learn, helping foster concentration, confidence, and a sense of dignity. While a desk alone won't solve South Africa's education challenges, it creates the conditions that allow teaching and learning to happen more effectively."

MiDesk's monitoring found improved learner focus and classroom comfort at every participating school. Nine out of 10 participating schools also reported better attendance and mathematics performance, while 70% recorded improvements in handwriting.

The impact on pupils and learning

For organisations advocating for equal access to education, the shortage is also a reminder that South Africa's classroom inequalities remain deeply entrenched despite years of investment in school infrastructure.

Equal Education said pupils in under-resourced public schools continue to bear the brunt of inadequate classroom infrastructure, with many forced to share desks or work without appropriate furniture while better-resourced schools offer vastly different learning conditions.

"The shortage of desks is one of the issues that most public schools are currently facing every day, and the people who pay the price are learners from marginalised communities," the organisation said.

Equal Education said desks are essential to pupils' constitutional right to basic education because they support literacy, numeracy, and classroom participation.

The organisation attributed the persistent shortages to a combination of poor infrastructure planning, rapid population growth in some provinces, corruption affecting infrastructure programmes, and budget constraints that have slowed the replacement of damaged furniture.

The South African Democratic Teachers' Union (SADTU) said the shortage places additional pressure on educators already working in overcrowded classrooms with limited resources.

"When learners have nowhere to place their books while reading or writing, effective learning is affected." 

The union added that desks promote dignity and help teachers manage overcrowded classrooms.

Building South Africa's future workforce

For education expert Professor Mary Metcalfe, the shortage of classroom furniture should be viewed as one part of a much broader challenge confronting South Africa's education system.

She cautioned against viewing the country's skills crisis only through the lens of unemployment.

"The skills crisis must not be confused with the limited labour absorption of the economy," Metcalfe said.

"The real issue is the wasted potential of so many young people who have not achieved strong foundational learning and limp through the system with poor achievement, grade repetition, and eventually drop out of school."

Metcalfe said children who fail to master literacy and numeracy in the early grades are more likely to repeat years, disengage from school, and leave without the skills needed for employment.

She said addressing South Africa's skills shortage requires sustained investment in the foundation phase, where literacy, numeracy, and critical thinking skills are first developed.

While adequate classroom furniture alone will not solve the country's education challenges, she said it forms part of the basic conditions required for effective teaching and learning, alongside qualified teachers, appropriate learning materials, manageable class sizes, and strong school leadership.

Metcalfe also called for improved management of infrastructure budgets and more equitable investment to ensure schools with the greatest need receive resources more quickly.

Khala said the department believed improving basic classroom infrastructure was essential to preparing South Africa's future workforce.

"A conducive learning environment, including well-equipped and furnished classrooms, is critical to fostering a positive and productive learning atmosphere. This environment supports the development of critical skills and knowledge needed for future workforce participation and economic growth," he said.

He added that refurbishing damaged school furniture through partnerships with the Department of Employment and Labour and the Department of Correctional Services was helping address shortages while creating jobs, supporting small, medium and micro enterprises, and providing skills development opportunities for young people and people with disabilities.

Although the national backlog has declined, education experts argue the remaining shortage still demands greater urgency if South Africa is serious about improving educational outcomes and preparing young people for an increasingly competitive economy.

South Africa's ambitions to produce more engineers, artisans, teachers, and entrepreneurs begin long before young people enter the labour market. They begin in classrooms, where children first learn to read, write, and solve problems.

Until every learner has the basic tools needed to participate fully in those classrooms, the country's efforts to build a skilled workforce will continue to be undermined by one of the simplest — and most preventable — barriers to education.

Have thoughts on this topic or other subjects you’d like us to explore? Want to share your experiences? Reach out to me at karen.singh@inl.co.za  

The infamous Ndimande brothers, together with one of their co-accused in the murder case of South African rapper Kiernan “AKA” Forbes, are set to appear for a pre-trial conference in a separate murder case relating to the fatal shooting of a taxi boss at Seadoone Mall in Amanzimtoti.

Lindokuhle Thabani Mkhwanazi, the first accused in the AKA matter, Philani Innocent Sikhosana, and brothers Siyabonga Gezani and Malusi Dave Ndimande are accused of conspiring with other unknown persons to murder William Kunene in November 2022. 

Kunene was a taxi owner and a member of the Folweni, Adams and Stanger Taxi Association.

According to the State, the accused became aware that Kunene would be shopping at the Checkers store at Seadoone Mall on November 9, 2022. Unaware that his movements were allegedly being monitored, Kunene completed his shopping and walked to his vehicle in the parking area.

After loading his groceries into the vehicle, he returned the shopping trolley to the trolley bay. It was then, the State alleges, that he was approached by armed assailants who shot him multiple times before fleeing the scene. Kunene died instantly.

Earlier this week, Mkhwanazi and Sikhosana briefly appeared in the Durban High Court. However, the Ndimande brothers, who were due to join them in the dock for the first time, were absent.

Deputy Director of Public Prosecutions Advocate Lawrence Gcaba told the court that Correctional Services had been unable to locate the J7 warrants required to bring the brothers to court. He explained that when the matter was last postponed in 2025 to this week, the Ndimande brothers were incarcerated in the Kingdom of Eswatini.

The brothers were later extradited to South Africa in November 2025 to stand trial for the murders of AKA and his friend, Tebello “Tibz” Motsoane.

“There is certain crucial evidence that was obtained while they were in the Kingdom of Eswatini, which is required for this trial,” Gcaba told the court as he requested a postponement.

He said that once the State has the evidence, it would be disclosed to the defence. Gcaba added that a further reason for the postponement was to allow Sikhosana, who is represented by Clinton Short, to pursue a fresh bail application based on new facts.

KwaZulu-Natal Judge President Thoba Poyo-Dlwati accepted the explanation for the Ndimande brothers’ absence and granted Sikhosana leave to approach the Magistrate’s Court with his new bail application.

She subsequently postponed the pre-trial conference to August 13.

The Ndimande brothers and Mkhwanazi are represented by attorney Sibusiso Dlamini, the instructing attorney for all seven accused in the AKA and Tibz matter.

nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za

Questions over the credibility of key witnesses and the legality of key investigative decisions dominated this week's Madlanga Commission hearings, with Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Advocate Andrea Johnson coming under sustained scrutiny before the inquiry concluded with arguments over North West businessman Suliman Carrim's fifth application to postpone his testimony.

Over four days, Johnson faced sustained questioning over decisions taken by IDAC, her interpretation of the law, and inconsistencies between evidence she gave before Parliament's Ad Hoc Committee on the SAPS inquiry and her testimony before the commission.

Commissioners also examined whether IDAC acted within its statutory powers when investigating and arresting Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

The week concluded on Friday with Commission Chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga reserving judgment after hearing competing arguments over whether Carrim should receive an open-ended postponement on medical grounds or return to testify on a fixed date following an independent medical assessment.

Appearing before the commission on Monday, Johnson rejected allegations that she formed part of a cabal involving SAPS Crime Intelligence and Major-General Feroz Khan, whom she described as "affable".

"It follows that if such a cabal exists, I am not a party to it. I have not authorised, encouraged, facilitated its existence," she told the commission.

She also rejected suggestions that Khumalo's arrest in June 2025 was linked to his role as coordinator of the Political Killings Task Team, maintaining the arrests were carried out professionally and lawfully.

Tuesday's proceedings shifted focus to Johnson's own legal position when she informed the commission she intended to invoke her constitutional right against self-incrimination because allegations of criminal conduct against her had been referred to the National Prosecuting Authority for a decision on whether she should face prosecution.

The allegations relate to claims that, while serving as a senior prosecutor, she improperly disclosed information from a police docket involving suspended Crime Intelligence deputy head, Major-General Feroz Khan.

"I hold the view that the commission's fact-finding mandate does not override my constitutional protection against self-incrimination under any circumstances," Johnson said.

Commissioners then turned their attention to IDAC's decision to investigate allegations raised by MP Fadiel Adams after suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu's office requested that the directorate consider the complaint.

Madlanga repeatedly challenged Johnson's interpretation of Section 27 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act when questioning her decision to pursue the investigation, taking issue with her contention that the legal test was subjective rather than objective.

"Law 101 says subjective: you look to the person's mind. Objective: you test that in accordance with how a reasonable person would view a situation. The two are totally different. You cannot want to compound them," Madlanga said.

He also questioned why IDAC had not advised the minister that it could not proceed without the statutory requirements being met.

"What stopped you from writing back to the minister that without a Section 27 referral we, as IDAC, can't do anything? Were you fearful of the minister?"

Johnson denied acting out of fear.

The commission's scrutiny intensified later in the week when Johnson was confronted with differences between evidence she gave before Parliament and her testimony before the commission.

Under questioning, Johnson acknowledged that parts of her earlier evidence before Parliament were incorrect and accepted criticism over authorising investigations into several individuals without an adequate factual basis.

"I accept the point," she said after Co-commissioner Advocate Sandile Khumalo criticised the decision to include 12 names in an annexure forwarded to prosecutors.

Johnson also apologised to Dineo Mokwele after withdrawing her description of the civilian's appointment to Crime Intelligence as "a token appointment", which Khumalo described as insulting. She further conceded that information she had relied on regarding Mokwele's qualifications was inaccurate.

With Johnson's evidence adjourned until Monday, attention turned to Carrim, one of the inquiry's key witnesses, whose testimony has been delayed repeatedly because of his medical condition.

On Thursday, the commission ruled that proceedings relating to Carrim's evidence would remain open but imposed restrictions on the disclosure of his medical information. Although he has been scheduled to appear on several previous occasions, he has yet to testify.

On Friday, Evidence leaders and Carrim's legal team presented sharply differing views on whether his latest postponement should be granted.

Evidence leader Advocate Adila Hassim SC reminded the commission that Carrim had now sought five postponements.

"I'd remind the commissioners that this is the fifth postponement that Mr Carrim seeks," Hassim said.

She argued that the periods during which Carrim had been said to be medically unfit to testify had become progressively longer and that any postponement should be subject to a fixed return date and an independent medical examination.

"Our opposition as evidence leaders is that the commission should not grant a postponement without requiring an independent medical examination," she submitted.

Representing Carrim, Advocate Kameel Premhid argued that the commission had already accepted that a postponement was appropriate and that the dispute centred on the conditions attached to that postponement.

"The commission has itself now conceded that a postponement is appropriate," Premhid argued.

Madlanga questioned whether the relief sought by Carrim could result in the commission never hearing his evidence.

"The effect of what we have before us would be that Mr Carrim never ever testifies, so that's a serious issue that needs to be dealt with," he said.

After hearing submissions from both sides, Madlanga reserved judgment, saying the commission would announce in due course when it would deliver its ruling.

A ruling on Carrim's fifth postponement application, which Madlanga said would be delivered in due course, is expected to determine when one of the inquiry's most anticipated witnesses will finally take the stand.

The commission resumes on Monday with Johnson expected to continue her testimony.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

The Eastern Cape High Court has ordered Port St Johns Local Municipality to reinstate its municipal manager, Mluleki Fihlani, after finding that the council unlawfully extended his precautionary suspension and then attempted to justify its actions with arguments that the judge described as "brazenly disingenuous" and a "seriously shocking disregard for the rule of law."

In a judgment delivered on July 8, with implications for municipalities across South Africa, Judge MS Jolwana also dismissed the municipality's constitutional challenge to Regulation 6(6) of the Local Government: Disciplinary Regulations for Senior Managers, ruling that councils cannot simply extend precautionary suspensions beyond three months if disciplinary hearings have not commenced.

Fihlani, who was appointed municipal manager in January 2023, was suspended on November 22, 2024, pending an investigation into allegations of serious misconduct relating to the appointment of a senior manager for engineering services. After the investigation was completed, the municipal council resolved on January 22, 2025, to extend his suspension until the conclusion of his disciplinary hearing.

Fihlani approached the High Court, arguing that the municipality had no legal authority to extend his precautionary suspension beyond the period prescribed in the regulations.

Instead of only opposing his application, the municipality launched a counter-application to declare Regulation 6(6) unconstitutional.

It argued that the regulation unlawfully restricted municipal councils' constitutional powers by preventing them from extending precautionary suspensions, where disciplinary hearings had not yet begun.

It further contended that forcing a suspended municipal manager to return to work could jeopardise disciplinary proceedings because witnesses could be influenced and evidence interfered with.

Jolwana rejected those arguments.

"In all the circumstances, Mr Fihlani must succeed in the main application as the extension of his suspension effected on 22 January 2025 was without any legal basis, it having been effected contrary to the clear provisions of Regulation 6(6) of the Regulations," the judge ruled.

One of the municipality's principal arguments was that there had been two separate suspensions, one pending an investigation and another pending the disciplinary hearing.

The judge was not convinced. "I do not understand the municipality's pleaded case for two suspensions. I am not aware of any legal basis for this proposition which, in any event, flies in the face of the entire processes as set out in the Regulations." 

He noted that the municipality's own council resolution expressly recorded that Fihlani's suspension had been extended, contradicting later attempts to characterise it as a new suspension.

"The resolution of council of the municipality was, in no uncertain terms, to extend the precautionary suspension," the judgment states.

The court reserved some of its strongest criticism for the municipality's explanation of what had happened.

"Mr Sicotho's bizarre averments about the suspension not having been extended... are him being brazenly disingenuous and, as a state functionary, deliberately misleading this court in an attempt to manipulate the council resolution," Jolwana said.

"It exercised self-help" instead of approaching the courts for relief and "came up with a theory of two distinct suspensions" because it knew it could not lawfully extend the precautionary suspension.

The judge was equally critical of a municipal council resolution authorising an appeal before judgment had even been delivered.

He said the municipality had effectively resolved that it "would not apply its mind to a judgment that the court would deliver in due course," but instead decided in advance that if it lost "for any reason", it would appeal.

"For an organ of state not to apply its mind to a judgment and orders issued by a court but pre-emptively authorise an appeal, cannot possibly be anything else but a seriously shocking disregard for the rule of law and even an abuse of court process," Jolwana wrote.

The court declared that Fihlani's precautionary suspension terminated on February 21, 2025, reviewed and set aside the council's decision to extend it.

It ordered that he return to work immediately, interdicted the municipality from unlawfully preventing him from performing his contractual duties, and ordered the municipality to pay the costs of both the main application and its unsuccessful constitutional challenge, including the costs of two counsel.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

The Impeachment Committee will push ahead with the preparations for the impeachment of President Cyril Ramaphosa after the Western Cape High Court granted an interim interdict to stay impeachment proceedings.

This was after the judgment, which was delivered on Friday, was received with disappointment by opposition parties, complaining about delays in holding Ramaphosa to account, and Build One South Africa even calling on Parliament to seek legal advice on whether to lodge an urgent appeal.

Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana said on Friday the committee will continue its preparatory work.

Gana said the part of the committee’s work that has been interdicted is the public hearings and oral testimonies pending Ramaphosa’s review application.

“I have studied the full judgment of the Western Cape High Court and consulted with the legal team. ⁠The preparatory work of the committee will continue with the meeting on Wednesday, July 29,” he said.

The committee is yet to appoint an evidence leader and finalise the terms of reference.

Gana had indicated at their meeting this week that they will seek legal advice on matters such as the options available to the committee should Ramaphosa exercise his right not to testify.

Political analysts and legal experts said the committee had no choice but to abide by the interim order; otherwise, it would have been contempt of court had it pushed ahead with the hearings.

Advocate Paul Hoffman said the committee has to await the outcome of the hearing in September because there is a court order that prevented it from getting on with the impeachment inquiry.

“The interdict is of a temporary nature. It doesn't extend beyond the hearing,” he said.

Hoffman said it was a correct move for the committee to do the preparations for the impeachment proceedings pending the finalisation of the hearings into the review application.

“Everything in Parliament will be kept on ice until after the verdict is given in the president's application for an order reviewing and setting aside the report of the internal committee.” 

University of North West Political Studies Professor Andre Duvenhage echoed Hoffman that the Impeachment Committee cannot continue with its work until after the court's decision.

“The process is still very much open, but we must take it into consideration that it's not a final judgment,” Duvenhage said.

Unisa political analyst Dirk Kotze said that while the committee in principle can appeal, the next court date about the review of the report is a month from now, a little bit, like five weeks from now.

“It means that that appeal will most possibly not even be heard before that other court case will commence. An appeal is the only option for a court judgment, but there's very little time to really effect it, and therefore, they might do it as a matter of principle, but it's not that it is not going to make really much of a difference, because this court case is actually only applicable until the review process has been finalised,” Kotze said.

Meanwhile, Hoffman clarified that there was no basis for those arguing that the Western Cape High Court should not have heard the interdict application.

“When they (Constitutional Court) gave the judgment on May 8, they said this position in relation to the impeachment stands unless and until the report of the Independent Panel is set aside for review. It is still open to the president to have the decision or the report set aside on review,” he said.

Duvenhage noted that many people were saying the interdict was part of Stalingrad strategies and tactics.

“If we assess the whole process, it's giving some breathing space for President Ramaphosa and the ANC entering the election campaign. Ramaphosa is not off the hook, but at least there will be some stability within the Government of National Unity,” he said.

However, Duvenhage said the arguments around Stalingrad need to balance the right of an individual to have a free and fair hearing and the many loopholes in the process.

“The Constitution gives you the right to be equal and a free and fair trial by an independent court process, but then on the other side, there are so many loopholes in the process using these Stalingrad tactics to buy time and to undermine the criminal justice system,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Questions over the credibility of key witnesses and the legality of key investigative decisions dominated this week's Madlanga Commission hearings, with Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) head Advocate Andrea Johnson coming under sustained scrutiny before the inquiry concluded with arguments over North West businessman Suliman Carrim's fifth application to postpone his testimony.

Over four days, Johnson faced sustained questioning over decisions taken by IDAC, her interpretation of the law, and inconsistencies between evidence she gave before Parliament's Ad Hoc Committee on the SAPS inquiry and her testimony before the commission.

Commissioners also examined whether IDAC acted within its statutory powers when investigating and arresting Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

The week concluded on Friday with Commission Chairperson Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga reserving judgment after hearing competing arguments over whether Carrim should receive an open-ended postponement on medical grounds or return to testify on a fixed date following an independent medical assessment.

Appearing before the commission on Monday, Johnson rejected allegations that she formed part of a cabal involving SAPS Crime Intelligence and Major-General Feroz Khan, whom she described as "affable".

"It follows that if such a cabal exists, I am not a party to it. I have not authorised, encouraged, facilitated its existence," she told the commission.

She also rejected suggestions that Khumalo's arrest in June 2025 was linked to his role as coordinator of the Political Killings Task Team, maintaining the arrests were carried out professionally and lawfully.

Tuesday's proceedings shifted focus to Johnson's own legal position when she informed the commission she intended to invoke her constitutional right against self-incrimination because allegations of criminal conduct against her had been referred to the National Prosecuting Authority for a decision on whether she should face prosecution.

The allegations relate to claims that, while serving as a senior prosecutor, she improperly disclosed information from a police docket involving suspended Crime Intelligence deputy head, Major-General Feroz Khan.

"I hold the view that the commission's fact-finding mandate does not override my constitutional protection against self-incrimination under any circumstances," Johnson said.

Commissioners then turned their attention to IDAC's decision to investigate allegations raised by MP Fadiel Adams after suspended Police Minister Senzo Mchunu's office requested that the directorate consider the complaint.

Madlanga repeatedly challenged Johnson's interpretation of Section 27 of the National Prosecuting Authority Act when questioning her decision to pursue the investigation, taking issue with her contention that the legal test was subjective rather than objective.

"Law 101 says subjective: you look to the person's mind. Objective: you test that in accordance with how a reasonable person would view a situation. The two are totally different. You cannot want to compound them," Madlanga said.

He also questioned why IDAC had not advised the minister that it could not proceed without the statutory requirements being met.

"What stopped you from writing back to the minister that without a Section 27 referral we, as IDAC, can't do anything? Were you fearful of the minister?"

Johnson denied acting out of fear.

The commission's scrutiny intensified later in the week when Johnson was confronted with differences between evidence she gave before Parliament and her testimony before the commission.

Under questioning, Johnson acknowledged that parts of her earlier evidence before Parliament were incorrect and accepted criticism over authorising investigations into several individuals without an adequate factual basis.

"I accept the point," she said after Co-commissioner Advocate Sandile Khumalo criticised the decision to include 12 names in an annexure forwarded to prosecutors.

Johnson also apologised to Dineo Mokwele after withdrawing her description of the civilian's appointment to Crime Intelligence as "a token appointment", which Khumalo described as insulting. She further conceded that information she had relied on regarding Mokwele's qualifications was inaccurate.

With Johnson's evidence adjourned until Monday, attention turned to Carrim, one of the inquiry's key witnesses, whose testimony has been delayed repeatedly because of his medical condition.

On Thursday, the commission ruled that proceedings relating to Carrim's evidence would remain open but imposed restrictions on the disclosure of his medical information. Although he has been scheduled to appear on several previous occasions, he has yet to testify.

On Friday, Evidence leaders and Carrim's legal team presented sharply differing views on whether his latest postponement should be granted.

Evidence leader Advocate Adila Hassim SC reminded the commission that Carrim had now sought five postponements.

"I'd remind the commissioners that this is the fifth postponement that Mr Carrim seeks," Hassim said.

She argued that the periods during which Carrim had been said to be medically unfit to testify had become progressively longer and that any postponement should be subject to a fixed return date and an independent medical examination.

"Our opposition as evidence leaders is that the commission should not grant a postponement without requiring an independent medical examination," she submitted.

Representing Carrim, Advocate Kameel Premhid argued that the commission had already accepted that a postponement was appropriate and that the dispute centred on the conditions attached to that postponement.

"The commission has itself now conceded that a postponement is appropriate," Premhid argued.

Madlanga questioned whether the relief sought by Carrim could result in the commission never hearing his evidence.

"The effect of what we have before us would be that Mr Carrim never ever testifies, so that's a serious issue that needs to be dealt with," he said.

After hearing submissions from both sides, Madlanga reserved judgment, saying the commission would announce in due course when it would deliver its ruling.

A ruling on Carrim's fifth postponement application, which Madlanga said would be delivered in due course, is expected to determine when one of the inquiry's most anticipated witnesses will finally take the stand.

The commission resumes on Monday with Johnson expected to continue her testimony.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

The Impeachment Committee will push ahead with the preparations for the impeachment of President Cyril Ramaphosa after the Western Cape High Court granted an interim interdict to stay impeachment proceedings.

This was after the judgment, which was delivered on Friday, was received with disappointment by opposition parties, complaining about delays in holding Ramaphosa to account, and Build One South Africa even calling on Parliament to seek legal advice on whether to lodge an urgent appeal.

Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana said on Friday the committee will continue its preparatory work.

Gana said the part of the committee’s work that has been interdicted is the public hearings and oral testimonies pending Ramaphosa’s review application.

“I have studied the full judgment of the Western Cape High Court and consulted with the legal team. ⁠The preparatory work of the committee will continue with the meeting on Wednesday, July 29,” he said.

The committee is yet to appoint an evidence leader and finalise the terms of reference.

Gana had indicated at their meeting this week that they will seek legal advice on matters such as the options available to the committee should Ramaphosa exercise his right not to testify.

Political analysts and legal experts said the committee had no choice but to abide by the interim order; otherwise, it would have been contempt of court had it pushed ahead with the hearings.

Advocate Paul Hoffman said the committee has to await the outcome of the hearing in September because there is a court order that prevented it from getting on with the impeachment inquiry.

“The interdict is of a temporary nature. It doesn't extend beyond the hearing,” he said.

Hoffman said it was a correct move for the committee to do the preparations for the impeachment proceedings pending the finalisation of the hearings into the review application.

“Everything in Parliament will be kept on ice until after the verdict is given in the president's application for an order reviewing and setting aside the report of the internal committee.” 

University of North West Political Studies Professor Andre Duvenhage echoed Hoffman that the Impeachment Committee cannot continue with its work until after the court's decision.

“The process is still very much open, but we must take it into consideration that it's not a final judgment,” Duvenhage said.

Unisa political analyst Dirk Kotze said that while the committee in principle can appeal, the next court date about the review of the report is a month from now, a little bit, like five weeks from now.

“It means that that appeal will most possibly not even be heard before that other court case will commence. An appeal is the only option for a court judgment, but there's very little time to really effect it, and therefore, they might do it as a matter of principle, but it's not that it is not going to make really much of a difference, because this court case is actually only applicable until the review process has been finalised,” Kotze said.

Meanwhile, Hoffman clarified that there was no basis for those arguing that the Western Cape High Court should not have heard the interdict application.

“When they (Constitutional Court) gave the judgment on May 8, they said this position in relation to the impeachment stands unless and until the report of the Independent Panel is set aside for review. It is still open to the president to have the decision or the report set aside on review,” he said.

Duvenhage noted that many people were saying the interdict was part of Stalingrad strategies and tactics.

“If we assess the whole process, it's giving some breathing space for President Ramaphosa and the ANC entering the election campaign. Ramaphosa is not off the hook, but at least there will be some stability within the Government of National Unity,” he said.

However, Duvenhage said the arguments around Stalingrad need to balance the right of an individual to have a free and fair hearing and the many loopholes in the process.

“The Constitution gives you the right to be equal and a free and fair trial by an independent court process, but then on the other side, there are so many loopholes in the process using these Stalingrad tactics to buy time and to undermine the criminal justice system,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Orlando Pirates concluded their Spanish pre-season tour with a narrow 1-0 defeat to Neom FC on Friday, but the camp provided Abdeslam Ouaddou with valuable preparation ahead of a season where the Buccaneers will be expected to compete on multiple fronts.

The defeat brought an end to a two-week training camp that saw Pirates test themselves against quality opposition from Spain and Saudi Arabia as they worked towards building a squad capable of defending their Betway Premiership title while also challenging for cup honours and continental success.

Pirates finished the tour with two victories, one draw and two defeats from their five friendly matches, with the results secondary to the technical team’s focus on fitness, tactical development and strengthening combinations within the squad.

The Buccaneers enter the new campaign with increased expectations after Ouaddou guided them to a historic domestic treble last season, winning the Betway Premiership, MTN8 and Carling Knockout Cup.

Maintaining that level of success will require more than simply relying on the squad that delivered silverware last season.

Pirates Fall to NEOM

💻 Read More : https://t.co/8WUGQPjqBc

⚫⚪🔴⭐#PreSeason#OrlandoPirates#OnceAlways pic.twitter.com/V8t8cwFCy7

— Orlando Pirates (@orlandopirates) July 24, 2026

With a demanding schedule ahead, including domestic cup competitions and the CAF Champions League, Ouaddou has used pre-season to assess his options, provide opportunities to younger players and integrate the squad’s returning internationals following Bafana Bafana’s FIFA World Cup campaign.

The Spanish camp also offered the coaching staff the chance to work on defensive organisation, attacking patterns and the tactical flexibility required for a season that will present different challenges.

The departure of key players has also increased the importance of rebuilding and ensuring there is enough depth across the squad to handle the demands of competing in South Africa and on the continent.

While pre-season results are rarely the ultimate measure of success, Pirates will take confidence from the progress made during their time abroad.

The performances against varied opposition gave Ouaddou a clearer picture of his squad’s strengths and areas requiring improvement before competitive football resumes.

The Moroccan coach will now turn his attention to finalising his plans ahead of the season opener, where Pirates begin the defence of their league crown against newly promoted Milford FC at Orlando Stadium.

However, the challenge extends far beyond the opening fixture.

Pirates will be aiming to retain the trophies they won last season while also improving their fortunes in the CAF Champions League, where they will compete against the continent’s best clubs.

The foundations built in Spain will now be tested when the Buccaneers return home, with the objective clear: remain South Africa’s leading force while proving they can compete consistently at the highest level.

US President Donald Trump’s brokered nuclear deal between the US and Saudi Arabia poses more danger to world peace at the behest of sectarian interests that propel the international community dangerously closer to a world war.

The news of this selfish and careless deal — replete with arrogance of power and might — will highly likely trigger an arms race not only throughout Asia and the Middle East but also across a world order so desperately thirsting for peaceful coexistence.

From the outset, the deal is shrouded in predictable controversy and anxiety alike. It is struck at a time of escalating conflict between the US and Iran and at a great cost to the global economy.

President Trump and his GOP base insist that their bombardment of Iran — happening this week for more than a dozen consecutive days — is premised on Washington’s unwavering stance that Iran must not, nay, will never have a nuclear weapon.

Paraphrased, Iran will never be allowed to develop nuclear power, not even for civilian use, as Tehran “cannot be trusted”.

Conversely, the US displays sheer arrogance in announcing the signing of a “civilian nuclear cooperation deal” with the Saudis, Iran’s adjacent neighbours that historically do not drink from the same well.

In my book, there can be too few occasions that can compete with this development in illustrating the self-serving nature of the powerful forces against their weaker adversaries.

Now, no one needs to be on the side of Iran to reach a worrying conclusion from the Trump’s latest diplomatic triumph. Washington’s only interest in the region is the insulation of Israel from all forms of harm — real or perceived.

Trump’s revelation of the “condition of sale” of a nuclear deal to the Saudis was as more telling as it was concerning.

The Saudis, insisted the notoriously transactional US president, will have to first join the “Abraham Accords” that normalises ties with Israel.

That’s the sting in the tail, the cost of the deal. Take it or leave it. And this stance of the US alone seeks to alter the path of history and map out the new route to destiny.

The Abraham Accords — a series of landmark normalisations of ties between Israel and a host of Middle Eastern, predominantly Muslim countries — is a fundamental objective of Washington’s foreign policy.

The overall strategic objective of the Abrahams Accords is to build “an integrated regional alliance to counter primarily threats like Iran”. However, more significantly, the goal of the pact is aimed at bolstering American geopolitical influence throughout the region.

Through the Abraham Accords, the US seeks to dismantle the already weakened Arab League and build Israel into an omnipotent nuclear power that it already is anyway.

The pact was first signed by the UAE and Bahrain in 2020, formalising ties with apartheid Israel and abandoning support for the liberation of Palestine. Morocco is also in this group, so is poor Sudan, who signed a “general declaration” whose implementation has been delayed by civil war.

“Steady but sure” appears to be the US strategic motto in systematically destroying Islamic opposition to Israel’s genocidal occupation of Palestine. Getting Riyadh as a signatory to the Abrahams Accords is a major coup for the Trump administration.

The Saudis are a regional power of note. To have Saudi Arabia abandoning support for the Palestinian revolution is no mean feat. It is therefore inconceivable to see meaningful opposition to Israel’s reign of terror in Gaza and the occupied territories.

Lebanon is a de facto territory of Israel. Hezbollah has been terribly weakened and poses minimal threat to the hegemony of Israel in the region.

With the Saudis finally in the back pocket of the US hook, line and sinker — the “Greater Israel” agenda of unfettered expansion is in full swing.

The influence of the US in the region is almost total. It is a complete takeover, a bloody coup of the region, as the annihilation of Iran shows.

Syria, one-time nemesis of the Jewish state, has long been put in its place. It would not be a surprise if Syria, too, append their signature to the Abraham Accords in exchange for an economic boom characterised by the erection of a US military base.

All members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), ie, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, are proud homes to the US military bases from where Iran is being attacked amid a relentless wave of wanton bombardment.

For the uninitiated, this is why Iran is retaliating by attacking these GCC countries in pursuit of US interests under a policy of “an eye for an eye”. Hypocritical Western nations condemning Iran’s retaliatory military fightback claim Iran “is attacking innocent countries not involved in the conflict”. Well, do the maths.

All of the GCC countries pay lip-service to the Palestinian cause for self-determination and statehood. Their membership in the GCC means the end of hostility to Israel and adoption of the “silence of the lambs” towards freedom for the beleaguered Palestinians. That is the price the GCC nations are prepared to pay for their spineless bilateral ties with the US.

Given Trump’s aggressive push for Israel’s uninterrupted dominance of the region, the bombardment of Iran — including nuclear facilities, as Trump warned this week — is a fait accompli.

Trump probably meant it when he warned several weeks ago that with Iran not signing Abrahams Accords-style deal to end the war, the US military will erase Iranian civilisation and wipe Tehran off the face of the earth.

Saudi Arabia’s signing up to the Abraham Accords is the final nail in the coffin of Palestinians. It is made more tragic by the fact that the Arab League is all but dead. New bodies such as the GCC and appetising bilateral relations with the US are the new normal.

A flurry of diplomatic ties with Israel by more Muslim-majority Middle Eastern nations looms ever so large under the supervision of the world’s leading superpower.

The lure of economics over politics or morality and principle has triumphed hands-down. And these developments mark a historic shift, particularly in regional but also generally in international diplomacy.

It paves a way for unprecedented cooperation with Israel, not so long ago a pariah across the Muslim as well as majority worlds. This will in due course be underscored by dramatically increased trade and tourism marked by people-to-people diplomacy.

Mark my words, these developments will soon be sealed with a greater, broader military cooperation. More willing Middle Eastern nations, feeling isolated by their economically performing neighbours that list the US as a “big brother”, will highly likely walk away from supporting Palestinians to demonstrate their embrace of Israel.

Theirs will be a script written in the White House. Its main theme will be politics of the stomach disguised as preparations against “imminent Iranian attack”.

It should therefore surprise no one that more Middle Eastern nations, like Saudi Arabia, will be lured to sign the Abraham Accords in return for “civilian nuclear cooperation” with the US. This will be cited as protection of their sovereignty against “imperial” Iran.

Through it all, Israel will grow truly omnipotent, arrogant and offensive, buoyed by the new status as the world’s new “mini-US”.

And then, countries such as South Africa and many across the Global South will continue to be isolated for taking a stance against Israel or for not signing the Abraham Accords that could soon be globalised with a threat of tariffs.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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Mamelodi Sundowns chairman Thlopie Motsepe has paid an emotional tribute to the late Jayden Adams, describing the Bafana Bafana midfielder as a “special human being” whose legacy extends far beyond the football field.

Motsepe was among hundreds of mourners who gathered in Stellenbosch on Saturday to bid farewell to Adams, who passed away last week at the age of 25. 

Family, friends, teammates, coaches and football officials came together to celebrate the life of one of South African football’s brightest talents.

Speaking at the funeral service, Motsepe said it was important to remember Adams not only for his football ability but also for the person he was away from the game.

“Yes he was a footballer but first and foremost he was a son, brother and father, a very special human being. Of course he made a name for himself by bringing joy to everybody by playing the game he loves most and made us all so happy,” Motsepe said.

[WATCH] Coach Hugo Broos says Bafana Bafana and Mamelodi Sundowns midfielder Jayden Adams was a good player. #Newzroom405 pic.twitter.com/aT89R55UzN

— Newzroom Afrika (@Newzroom405) July 25, 2026

The Sundowns chairman reflected on the midfielder’s contribution to one of the club’s most successful periods, having helped Masandawana lift the CAF Champions League and several domestic honours during his time in Tshwane.

“We were just honoured as Mamelodi Sundowns to be able to achieve a very special moment in our club’s history with Jayden there beside us and that’s going to stay on the walls and memories of Sundowns.”

Motsepe also shared memories of Adams’ personality, describing him as someone who naturally brought warmth and humour into the dressing room despite his quiet nature.

“His presence, he had a special way of being seen and heard but without really saying much. I loved how he’d poke fun at some of the more serious guys in his own special way but of course on the pitch, Steve Barker last week mentioned he was a complete footballer.”

Adams’ rise from Stellenbosch FC to Mamelodi Sundowns and Bafana Bafana made him one of South African football’s most admired young midfielders. 

His performances earned him a place in the national team squad that reached the FIFA World Cup knockout stages for the first time in the country’s history.

CAF president Patrice Motsepe also attended the funeral service to pay his respects, joining representatives from across the South African and African football fraternity.

The CAF president said his role was simply to convey condolences on behalf of the continent’s football family.

“The families and community of Bafana Bafana, Stellenbosch and Mamelodi Sundowns are in a better position to speak today. I’m just here to pass on my condolences from the Motsepe family and of course the 54 nations in Africa whose member associations are part of CAF,” he said.

The funeral marked an emotional farewell to a player whose career had appeared destined for even greater heights, with tributes continuing to pour in from across the football world in honour of a life and career cut tragically short.

THE conversation around cryptocurrency is often dominated by stories of overnight millionaires, volatile price swings and speculative trading. While these headlines attract attention, they do not reflect how long-term wealth is typically created.

Digital assets represent one of the most significant financial innovations of our generation. Like any emerging asset class, they present both opportunities and risks. The difference between building sustainable wealth and simply gambling often comes down to education, discipline and a well-defined investment strategy.

As leaders within the fintech industry, our responsibility extends beyond developing innovative financial solutions. We also have a duty to promote financial literacy and encourage responsible participation in the digital asset economy.

At Indexa South Africa, we do not provide personalised financial or investment advice; however, we believe it is critical that our clients and the broader investing public understand the principles that underpin responsible investing.

Risk management comes before returns

One of the greatest mistakes investors make is focusing exclusively on potential profits while overlooking risk.

Every investment carries uncertainty, and cryptocurrencies are no exception. Responsible investors establish clear financial objectives, understand their risk tolerance, and invest only capital they can afford to commit over the long term.

The first rule of successful investing is not simply to generate returns—it is to protect your capital.

Consistency often outperforms perfect timing

Many investors spend considerable time trying to predict the perfect moment to buy or sell cryptocurrency. In reality, consistently timing the market is extremely difficult, even for experienced professionals.

A disciplined strategy such as dollar-cost averaging (DCA) — investing a fixed amount at regular intervals regardless of market conditions — helps reduce emotional decision-making and allows investors to build exposure over time.

Rather than attempting to predict every market movement, consistency has historically been one of the strongest foundations for long-term investing.

Diversification remains a timeless investment principle

Diversification is not a new concept, nor is it unique to cryptocurrency. It has long been recognised as one of the most effective ways to manage investment risk.

Concentrating an entire portfolio in a single asset increases exposure to market fluctuations. A diversified portfolio — constructed according to an individual’s financial objectives and risk profile — can help reduce concentration risk while creating greater resilience during periods of market uncertainty.

Successful investing has never been about finding one perfect investment. It has always been about building a balanced portfolio over time.

Education is the greatest investment

Technology continues to reshape the financial services industry, and digital assets are becoming an increasingly important part of global capital markets. Yet no investment should be made without understanding the underlying asset, its risks and its long-term potential.

Financial literacy empowers investors to make informed decisions rather than emotional ones. The more informed investors become, the better equipped they are to navigate market cycles with confidence.

Final Thoughts

Building wealth through cryptocurrency should never be approached as a game of chance. Sustainable financial growth is achieved through discipline, patience, sound risk management and continuous education — not by chasing headlines or attempting to get rich overnight.

As South Africa’s digital asset ecosystem continues to mature, investors who prioritise knowledge over speculation will be better positioned to benefit from the opportunities this emerging asset class presents.

This article is intended for educational purposes only and should not be construed as financial, investment, legal or tax advice. Readers should conduct their own research and, where appropriate, consult a licensed financial adviser before making investment decisions.

* Sebaga Manyeula is chief executive officer of Indexa South Africa, an FSCA Approved Key Individual, a European Money Awards nominee, and a FinTech & Digital Assets thought leader.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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Kaizer Chiefs captain Brandon Petersen has thrown his support behind the signing of fellow goalkeeper Renaldo Leaner, insisting the new arrival will strengthen Amakhosi as competition for the number one jersey intensifies ahead of the 2026/27 season.

Leaner joined Chiefs on a free transfer after leaving Sekhukhune United, becoming one of several additions as Fernando Da Cruz continues to reshape his squad before the new Betway Premiership campaign.

For Petersen, however, the signing is about more than adding another quality goalkeeper to the squad. It also marks the reunion of two players whose football journeys have been closely intertwined from an early age.

The pair attended the same high school, where Petersen served as head boy while Leaner was still making his way through the ranks. They also graduated from the renowned Ajax Cape Town academy (Cape Town Spurs), which has produced a host of South African internationals over the years.

Although their careers later took different paths, Petersen says he has followed Leaner’s progress closely.

“I think it’s a good signing for the team. Renaldo is a phenomenal goalkeeper. I’ve known him since we were very young, I was his head boy in high school and we’ve always had a good relationship,” said Petersen.

Leaner endured a difficult start to his senior career after being part of the Ajax Cape Town side that suffered relegation from the Premiership in 2018.

Rather than allowing that setback to define him, the 28-year-old rebuilt his career through spells at the now-defunct Maritzburg United, before impressing at Sekhukhune United to earn another opportunity at one of South Africa’s biggest clubs.

Petersen believes that journey reflects Leaner’s character.

“It’s been great for me to see how he grow as a goalkeeper coming from the Ajax Academy and how he fought his way back into the PSL to be where he is today. It’s a great opportunity for him as well.”

The arrival of Leaner also increases competition in the Chiefs goalkeeping department, with Petersen making it clear he welcomes the challenge rather than fearing it.

The Chiefs skipper believes internal competition will ultimately benefit both the players and the club as Amakhosi look to return to competing for major honours.

“I think for us as a goalkeeping department, the competition is good and I don’t mind competition. If we can push each other to be the best, it doesn’t matter who gets the nod on the day, we know they’ll do well and I’m looking forward to working with him throughout the season and I know he’s going to do well.”

With Chiefs entering a new era under Da Cruz, Petersen’s endorsement of Leaner highlights the culture the club hopes to build.

Rather than viewing the battle for places as a source of division, the captain believes healthy competition will raise standards across the squad as Chiefs chase silverware and look to re-establish themselves among the country’s elite during the new campaign.

SO deeply systemic is the generalised crisis in South Africa that there is no lack of combustible issues in everyday life. The country is truly a tinderbox in so many respects.

That is largely why the ongoing migrant crisis has been so socially explosive across the country, but especially in Johannesburg and Durban. Though very complex and often confusing to many, the immigrant crisis, especially for those who were undocumented, has had international repercussions, especially the relations between South Africa and other African countries from which African migrants come.

But the explosive effects of the widespread marches and protests across the country have certainly been to deepen and worsen the crisis we have had for many years in South Africa. The crux of this crisis is undoubtedly socioeconomic.

As a result, unemployment, poverty and social inequalities are arguably worse today than they have ever been in South Africa. In fact, not only during the post-apartheid period, from 1994, when we had our Uhuru elections.

I think that the socioeconomic crisis in South Africa, especially in Black townships, is so bad that we can go as far back as 1910, when the whites-only Union of South Africa was formed. We have had the worst unemployment, arguably ever, in South Africa, and poverty and social inequalities are worse today than they were in apartheid times.

That is largely the social context within which March and March was formed in 2024 and took to the streets over the past few months, especially in the month of June. Black South Africans were struggling like hell to survive in Black townships.

But the biggest problem and weakness of the fight against African migrants was that it was largely misplaced. By far most of those people have been struggling too to survive in a cutthroat, competitive small-business or spaza-shop environment in highly impoverished Black townships.

That is why, in an article a few weeks ago, I tried to argue that it was effectively one section of the struggling Black working class attacking another section. In this case, struggling Black South Africans are attacking African migrant workers.

But these matters and the details of the concrete conditions and daily lives of Black South Africans, compared to those of migrants who either have informal jobs or run spaza shops, are very complex. However, there can be little doubt that all of them would have much more in common than any big and strong social differences between them.

And right there lies the tragedy of the violence and killings of migrants over the past few weeks. Undoubtedly, there was much scapegoating of migrants and opportunistic criminality by Black South Africans who looted many spaza shops of migrants, which created enormous damage to the interests and lives of migrants and their families.

While it will take a long time for the many deep wounds to heal, if it ever will, a sober reflection is urgently required by all parties concerned. The biggest and most painful lesson is that this terrible tragedy should never have happened.

Black South Africans, especially those who were involved in the killings, injuries and looting, have a great deal to be regretful for. To not feel any remorse would be deeply unconscionable, so heinous were the brutalities inflicted on African migrants, whether documented or undocumented.

I think of the many fleeing and terrified African migrants and their families who for several days had no shelter, food, or medicine in cold winter weather. All these terrible details spread through various social media platforms were probably the very worst developments I have seen in the post-apartheid period.

But what the anti-migrant crisis has now done is to deepen the multifaceted and generalised crisis we have had for over a decade. Huge questions have been raised about what has happened in South Africa since 1994, including why only Black African migrants were targeted, and no questions were raised about white migrants whose ancestry goes back to 1652.

However, I predict that the growing socioeconomic crisis, which the migrant crisis will further deepen, is probably going to lead to a radicalising effect on South African politics. This must be attributed to the fact that today there are greater levels of Black poverty, unemployment and social inequalities than what we had under apartheid.

The notion of radical economic transformation, propagated by parties such as the EFF and MK Party, will probably be much more actively put forward as solutions to the numerous crises we face. What specific policies and programmes will entail must still be very clearly spelt out by these parties.

But both these parties, especially the EFF, have repeatedly drawn attention to the more radical provisions of the Freedom Charter, such as the nationalisation of the mines, land and other commanding heights of the economy.

The key and critical question today is whether those parties will continue to propagate those radical policies in the future, especially in the run-up to and after the forthcoming local government elections. I suspect that this is going to happen, especially since the crisis in Black townships and in the municipalities is not only starkly evident but worsening all the time.

The biggest contributing factor to this most likely future is the indisputable fact that for at least a decade life has been getting harder for the Black working-class majority in Black townships.

Nothing shows this more than the present continuously soaring cost of living crisis and the fact that, 32 years since our 1994 elections, the vast majority of people are desperately seeking a better and brighter future. They gave the beleaguered ANC notice of this fact when, in 2024, for the first time, they lost the 2024 national elections.

There must be no doubt that South Africa is facing a very serious multifaceted crisis, including a blatant lack of strong leadership. In fact, we have for many years faced a leadership crisis.

This lack of leadership is a very serious problem, and I frankly cannot currently see strong and visionary leaders from among the existing political parties. This is probably why we have had a seriously declining voter registration, as has been the actual voter turnout on polling days.

Perhaps this lack of strong leadership is itself a big part of our generalised crisis. Will it be any different after the November local government elections? It is very difficult to see now how things will turn out after the elections.

Can the EFF and the MKP, with their emphasis on radical economic transformation, make a big difference and particularly make significant gains in the crucial areas of jobs, social inequalities and rising levels of poverty?

All we can do is wait and see, but there must be no doubt at all that we urgently require policies and programmes which are going to make a significant difference to the miserable lives of the Black working-class majority.

Today, conditions have never been as bad as they are in both Black townships and in our decaying cities and towns. Basic municipal infrastructure is in a dreadful mess across the country, including in our big cities, except to a considerable extent in Cape Town.

But the situation is very different and, in fact, bleak when we look at conditions in the Black townships and informal settlements of Cape Town. The actual conditions there are not much different from what they were when the DA took office in 2006 and, in fact, what they were like under apartheid.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst, and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

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HalaalGoods Market

Food lovers are in for a treat as the HalaalGoods Market returns to Waterfall Park in Midrand. Visitors can sample a variety of local and international street food, including kimbap, pizzas, karak chai and brisket burgers, all prepared with halaal-friendly ingredients.

New this year is First Taste Friday, an exclusive opening experience offering early access to selected vendors, limited-edition menu items and product launches.

Where: Waterfall Park at the Mall of Africa.

When: From Friday, July 24, to Sunday, July 26, with different opening times each day.

Joburg Golden July

Horse racing, fashion and music come together at Joburg Golden July at Turffontein Race Course this Saturday.

The event features a day of thoroughbred racing, luxury car displays, premium hospitality experiences and fashion competitions, including the sought-after Best-Dressed awards.

Guests can also enjoy live music performances throughout the day and into the evening.

Where: Turffontein Race Course, Johannesburg South.

When: Saturday, July 25, from 9am.

702 Jozi My Jozi Walk the Talk

Thousands are expected to take part in the reimagined 702 Jozi My Jozi Walk the Talk on Sunday.

Participants can choose from 5km, 8km and 15km routes that take in some of Johannesburg's best-known landmarks, including the Nelson Mandela Bridge and Newtown precinct.

All routes are wheelchair- and pram-friendly, while food, entertainment and family activities will be available at the finish village.

Where: Ellis Park Stadium in New Doornfontein.

When: Sunday, July 26, with staggered start times.

"My breakthrough song ended up being an amapiano track, so I had to figure out how to bring both worlds together," said Coolpixie, reflecting on the turning point that shaped his career.

The artist has embraced a sound that blends hip hop, amapiano and afrobeat, proving that following instinct can sometimes lead to the biggest opportunities.

Although amapiano introduced him to a wider audience, Coolpixie said that hip hop remains at the heart of everything he creates. 

"I started as a hip hop artist. That was my first love. The bars, the storytelling and the energy," he explained.

When his breakout record found success in the amapiano space, he knew that he did not want to abandon the style that first inspired him.

"Genre-fluid just happened because I couldn't leave the old me behind. It's me mixing the hip hop foundation that I grew up on with the amapiano sound that opened new doors. Now the afrobeat sits in there too because rhythm is rhythm. I just follow what feels honest."

That honesty is at the centre of his latest project, “Love Land (Phase 1)”, an EP built around romance and emotional connection.

Unlike many love-themed projects that focus on heartbreak, Coolpixie wanted to celebrate affection, admiration and commitment.

"'Love Land' is all about love songs expressing love to someone, so I wrote from that space of admiration and softness. It's easy to write about the spark, butterflies and choosing someone every day. The EP pushed me to sit in that space."

His music often feels personal because many of the stories begin with real moments from everyday life.

Coolpixie said that inspiration can appear almost anywhere.

"Conversations I overhear at taxi ranks, hair salons and even late-night talks with friends. I'm always collecting those little moments. ‘Love Land’ came from all those everyday moments of love."

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A post shared by coolpixie_rsa (@coolpixie_rsa)

While he is comfortable writing about his own experiences, he wants listeners to make each song their own.

"I write for one person first, usually someone I love or my younger self. If it's real to me, someone else will feel it too. I try not to overexplain. I leave space for people to put their own person into the song."

That same approach carries into the recording studio, where collaboration plays a major role in his creative process.

For Coolpixie, the best partnerships happen when everyone brings something different to the table.

"Energy and creativity. If you walk into the studio and you're really listening, not just waiting for your turn, we'll make magic. I also look for people who have their own world. I don't want a copy of me. I want someone who brings a colour I don't have, then we mix it."

Away from the microphone, Coolpixie said that there is much more to him than fans may realise.

Music may be his first love, but it is not his only passion.

"Beyond the music, I'm just a versatile guy who wears a lot of hats. I've got different passions outside of music. I'm gentle, I move with energy, and I'm a man of my word."

He also enjoys working behind the scenes.

"People hear the music first, but there's more to me than that. I also love being behind the camera; that's where a lot of the magic happens for me."

SOME questions outlive the proceedings in which they are asked.

During the testimony of Colonel Brian Padayachee before the Madlanga Commission, Judge Mbuyiseli Madlanga posed a question that deserves to resonate far beyond the walls of the hearing room.

“Does suspecting make someone a suspect?”

It was a brief exchange, but it captured a dilemma that reaches into the heart of South Africa’s constitutional democracy. At first glance, the question seems almost philosophical.

On closer examination, it exposes one of the greatest risks confronting modern public life: The temptation to confuse suspicion with evidence, allegation with proof, and repeated assertion with established fact.

That temptation is hardly unique to commissions of inquiry. It is increasingly visible across politics, the media, corporate governance, and even everyday public debate.

We live in an age where information moves at extraordinary speed, where reputations can be damaged in a matter of hours, and where public opinion often settles long before the facts have been fully examined.

Against that backdrop, Madlanga’s question serves as a timely reminder that the rule of law is built upon a discipline that is both simple and demanding. We are entitled to suspect. We are obliged to investigate. But we are not entitled to treat suspicion as though it were proof.

The distinction is fundamental.

Every investigation begins with unanswered questions. An investigator notices inconsistencies. A whistleblower raises concerns. Financial records reveal anomalies. Witnesses tell conflicting stories.

These circumstances create a reason to investigate further. They justify curiosity. They justify scrutiny. They may even justify a formal investigation. But they do not, by themselves, settle the matter.

To suspect someone is an act of human judgment. People draw inferences every day based on the information available to them. Some suspicions prove justified. Others do not. The purpose of an investigation is precisely to determine which is which.

Evidence exists to test suspicion, not merely to confirm it.

That principle lies at the heart of every society governed by the rule of law.

South Africa’s constitutional order was deliberately designed to prevent power from resting on assumption alone. Our legal system requires allegations to be tested, witnesses to be questioned, documents to be scrutinised, and competing versions to be examined before conclusions are reached.

Due process is not an administrative inconvenience. It is the mechanism through which justice distinguishes itself from arbitrary power.

This is particularly important in a society carrying the scars of both state capture and systemic corruption.

The public’s demand for accountability is entirely understandable. Years of institutional failure have created understandable impatience. Citizens want answers. They want consequences. They want those who have abused public office to face justice.

Those expectations are legitimate. Yet they also create a subtle danger.

The greater the public appetite for accountability, the greater the temptation to lower the evidentiary threshold required to satisfy it. When that happens, the pursuit of justice risks becoming driven by confidence rather than proof.

Constitutional democracy demands more of us.

It insists that the search for accountability be conducted according to principles that protect everyone, including those against whom suspicion is ultimately proven unfounded. Those safeguards are not obstacles placed in the path of justice. They are the very conditions that make justice possible.

History repeatedly demonstrates what happens when societies abandon that discipline.

Throughout the world, reputations have been destroyed by allegations later shown to be false. Careers have ended because suspicion became indistinguishable from guilt. Political opponents have been neutralised not through evidence, but through carefully cultivated perception.

Once public discourse accepts that suspicion alone is sufficient, the line separating democratic accountability from arbitrary accusation begins to disappear.

That erosion seldom happens dramatically. It occurs gradually. Each untested allegation is accepted as fact. Each rumour is repeated without verification. Each assumption is presented as a certainty.

Over time, the distinction between investigation and condemnation quietly fades.

The digital age has accelerated this process. Social media rewards speed over verification. Algorithms favour outrage over nuance. A claim can travel across the country before anyone asks whether it is supported by evidence.

Corrections rarely receive the same attention as the original accusation. By the time the truth emerges, public judgement has often already been passed.

This reality places even greater responsibility on our institutions.

Commissions of inquiry occupy a distinctive constitutional role. They are not courts deciding criminal guilt, nor are they political theatres designed simply to satisfy public anger. Their legitimacy depends upon careful examination of evidence, rigorous questioning, and intellectual independence. They strengthen democracy when they illuminate facts rather than amplify assumptions.

It is in this context that Madlanga’s question assumes broader significance.

Whether directed at a particular answer or intended to probe a particular line of reasoning, it reflected a judicial instinct that deserves wider appreciation: Careful distinctions matter. Precision matters. The difference between what someone believes and what can be established matters.

Those distinctions have implications beyond the courtroom.

In boardrooms, allegations can influence executive appointments before investigations conclude. In politics, accusations often become campaign weapons irrespective of their evidentiary foundation. In the media, the pressure to publish first can sometimes compete with the obligation to verify thoroughly.

Even in ordinary conversation, we can find ourselves repeating claims because they sound plausible rather than because they have been demonstrated. These are not merely communication failures. They are governance failures.

For years, I have argued that South Africa risks confusing the performance of accountability with accountability itself. Public hearings, dramatic revelations, and forceful rhetoric all have their place. But none of them is a substitute for the painstaking work of establishing facts, testing evidence, and reaching conclusions that can withstand scrutiny.

This is the difference between governance and governance theatre.

Governance theatre thrives on appearances. It values dramatic moments, compelling narratives, and immediate public reaction. Governance, by contrast, values something less spectacular but infinitely more durable: credibility. Credibility is earned through evidence, consistency, and fairness. It cannot be manufactured through repetition.

Perhaps that is the enduring lesson of Madlanga’s question.

It reminds us that constitutional democracy demands intellectual humility. It asks us to acknowledge the difference between what we suspect and what we know. It requires institutions to resist the pressure to convert public expectation into premature certainty.

It challenges citizens to recognise that justice is not measured by the speed with which conclusions are reached, but by the integrity of the process through which they are reached.

South Africa does not need fewer investigations. It needs investigations that remain steadfastly committed to evidence. It does not need less accountability. It needs accountability that is credible because it is built on proof rather than presumption.

Most importantly, it needs institutions willing to ask uncomfortable questions, even when those questions interrupt an apparently compelling narrative.

Perhaps that is why Madlanga’s simple question deserves to be remembered. Not because it settled a controversy. But because it reminded us that the strength of a constitutional democracy lies not in how quickly it reaches conclusions but in how carefully it earns them.

The distance between suspicion and proof may sometimes feel frustratingly long. Yet that distance is where the rule of law lives. And it is a distance that no democracy can afford to shorten.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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PERCHED on Pretoria’s Muckleneuk Ridge, the University of South Africa (Unisa) has grown into one of the world’s largest universities, providing higher education to more than 370 000 students across South Africa, the African continent and beyond.

According to the university’s published figures, Unisa awards nearly 13% of all degrees conferred by South Africa’s 26 public universities and universities of technology, making it the country’s largest producer of graduates.

As Africa’s leading Open Distance and e-Learning (ODeL) institution, Unisa has transformed access to higher education through a network of seven regional campuses, 28 learning centres across South Africa and an international campus in Ethiopia.

Its story stretches back more than 150 years.

Founded in 1873 as the University of the Cape of Good Hope (UCGH), Unisa is South Africa’s oldest dedicated distance education institution and one of the pioneers of correspondence education worldwide.

Established through an Act of the Cape Colony Parliament and modelled on the University of London, the institution initially functioned as an examining body rather than a teaching university. It set academic standards and conducted examinations for affiliated colleges, laying the foundations for a higher education system that would evolve dramatically over the following century.

Over time, the institution transformed from a colonial examining authority into a university committed to expanding access to learning for students from every corner of South Africa and, eventually, the rest of the continent.

Retired Research Professor Andrew Manson says the institution’s transformation into the University of South Africa in 1916 marked one of the defining moments in its history.

Following the formation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the university became a federal examining body supporting teaching colleges across the country before relocating to Pretoria in 1918 under its new name.

Manson notes that the university reflected the realities of colonial South Africa, having been established to meet the Cape Colony’s growing educational and economic needs.

“Numerous colleges, such as the South African College and Stellenbosch Gymnasium, laid the foundations for higher learning in the region, ultimately leading to the establishment of a university that could respond to an evolving educational landscape,” Manson says.

Although Unisa was established to broaden educational opportunities, its history is closely intertwined with South Africa’s political and social evolution.

Many institutions that it once examined, including what later became the University of Cape Town and Stellenbosch University, eventually gained independence, prompting Unisa to redefine its own role as a teaching institution.

A watershed moment came in 1946 with the establishment of the Division of External Studies. The move made Unisa the first public university in the world to teach exclusively through distance education, revolutionising access to higher learning by enabling students to study regardless of where they lived.

The milestone, however, unfolded during the apartheid era, adding complexity to the university’s legacy. During this period, Unisa regulated syllabi and examinations for racially segregated colleges, reflecting the contradictions of operating within an unequal education system while simultaneously expanding access through distance education.

Despite these constraints, historians point out that Unisa remained one of the few South African universities to enrol students of all races throughout apartheid, largely because its distance-learning model operated outside the traditional residential university system.

Over the decades, Unisa continued to adapt as South Africa underwent profound political change, from colonial rule and apartheid to democracy and the transformation of the country’s higher education sector.

One of the institution’s most significant milestones came on January 1, 2004, when it merged with Technikon South Africa and incorporated the distance education campus of Vista University.

The merger created the modern comprehensive university known today, bringing together three distinct institutional traditions: a traditional university, a technically focused technikon and a distance-learning institution that had primarily served Black township communities.

Manson says the university was also shaped by nationwide student movements demanding affordable and accessible higher education.

“These movements culminated in former President Jacob Zuma’s 2017 announcement introducing fee-free higher education for qualifying students. That decision reignited debate about the history of South African universities and the role they should play in a democratic society,” he says.

Announced on December 16, 2017, shortly before the ANC’s 54th National Conference, the policy committed the government to funding tuition, accommodation, meals and study materials through grants for qualifying students from households earning less than R350 000 annually.

The decision followed years of #FeesMustFall protests that swept across university campuses from 2015 and came despite the Heher Commission concluding that South Africa did not yet have the fiscal capacity to provide free higher education for all.

Today, Unisa remains one of South Africa’s most influential higher education institutions under the leadership of Principal and Vice-Chancellor Professor Puleng LenkaBula, who became the first woman to hold the position when she assumed office in January 2021.

In December 2024, the university's council reappointed her for a second five-year term, effective from January 1, 2026.

The university’s continental footprint also continues to expand. Its Ethiopia Regional Learning Centre in Addis Ababa, established in 2007, will have produced more than 1 160 graduates, including more than 600 doctoral graduates, by the end of 2025. Unisa has identified the centre as a strategic hub for further growth across Eastern Africa.

More than 150 years after its establishment, Unisa’s history mirrors South Africa’s own journey through colonialism, apartheid, democracy and transformation. From its beginnings as an examining body to its emergence as one of the world’s largest distance-learning institutions, the university has continually reinvented itself to meet changing educational needs.

As it looks to the future, Unisa faces the challenge of preserving its remarkable heritage while responding to the demands of a rapidly evolving higher education landscape.

For millions of alumni whose qualifications have unlocked careers, leadership opportunities and social mobility across Africa and beyond, the university’s enduring legacy is one of resilience, transformation and the life-changing power of education.

Sipho Jack is a journalist in the Department of Institutional Advancement.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

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“Words & Nightmares” at Theatre on the Square is a highly recommended choice for anyone seeking a poignant show.

This production is written and performed by Seiphemo Motswiri, the multi-award-winning and internationally acclaimed theatre maker, and is directed by the inimitable Themba Mkhoma.

The narrative revolves around a journalist gathering accounts for his upcoming book on geopolitical conflicts. Throughout this process, he grapples with his personal demons while deeply empathising with the war victims whose stories he documents.

Through this journey, he confronts the devastating reality of conflict and the widespread helplessness it leaves behind. Ultimately, he must separate himself emotionally from the narratives to preserve an objective viewpoint.

This hard-hitting production invites the audience on an emotional rollercoaster, fostering deep empathy and encouraging thought-provoking narratives.

Where: Theatre on the Square.

When: Runs until July 26, 7.30pm. 

The Big Bad Musical

In this bold family courtroom musical comedy, young audiences witness the infamous Big Bad Wolf being hauled into the dock to face a class-action lawsuit brought by a collection of legendary storybook figures.

As such, a collection of legendary characters - including the Three Little Pigs, Little Red Riding Hood and her grandmother - unite in a legal quest to finally establish that the Big Bad Wolf is a public danger.

In the grandest legal proceeding the fairy-tale realm has ever witnessed, Judge Wise Old Man is tasked with hearing testimony from a series of witnesses, while the Fairy Godmother spearheads the prosecution.

Where: Roodepoort Theatre.

When: Runs until July 30. Times vary from 11am, 3pm and 7pm.

The Rocky Horror Show

If you are looking for a show that is pure escapism and a fun night out, then this iconic cult classic is for you. 

Under the direction of the incomparable Steven Stead, this production is brought to life by Pieter Toerien Productions in partnership with the Luitingh Alexander Musical Theatre Academy (LAMTA).

Stead expertly captures the untamed spirit, sharp wit, and rock 'n' roll defiance that have defined the show's international legacy for more than half a century.

Craig Urbani, an award-winning performer, returns to his celebrated role as Frank-N-Furter. The principal cast features Léa Blerk as Janet, Robert Everson as Riff, and Jasmine Minter as Magenta.

They are joined by Anna Olivier as Columbia, Anna Power as the narrator, Micah Stokajovic as Rocky, and Zak Hendrikz as Eddie and Dr Scott.

The production also boasts a distinguished ensemble, which includes Miguel de Sampaio, Tjaart van der Walt, Cleo Wesley, Alessia Gironi, Taya Pearson, Gabi Knight, and Sasha Duffy.

Theatregoers are in for a treat with this high-energy, polished production that combines a cast of eccentric characters with a legendary soundtrack for an evening of pure, uninhibited entertainment.

The show carries a PG16 age restriction. 

Where: Pieter Toerien’s Montecasino Theatre.

When: Runs until August 16, 7.30pm. Weekend times vary.

AFRIFORUM Youth has challenged Barbara Creecy, Minister of Transport, to retake the learner’s licence test given that the new computerised tests have seemingly made it impossible for young people to obtain a learner’s licence.

According to reports, the national pass rate for this test has dropped by almost 30% while some provinces have reported pass rates as low as 17%. AfriForum Youth believe the Minister should put her own knowledge of the rules of the road to the test to prove that this system is indeed fair.

Moreover, AfriForum Youth will take this test alongside the Minister to provide insights into the experiences of thousands of young people with the new system.

Hanno Koster, Youth Leader of AfriForum Youth, said any initiative aimed at eliminating corruption and improving the integrity of this testing process was a welcome development. However, the system must still ensure that a candidate’s knowledge of the rules of the road is genuinely tested, rather than testing their ability to interpret complicated or ambiguous questions.

Numerous young people who have approached AfriForum Youth about this issue claim that some questions are ambiguous and that, as a result, they had to take the learner’s licence test several times before eventually passing it.

“It is undoubtedly in the public interest to ensure that drivers have a thorough knowledge of the rules of the road. However, the alleged decline in pass rates raises valid questions about whether the current system is achieving its objectives without creating a range of obstacles for prospective drivers,” Koster said. “It is therefore important that the reasons for this apparent decline are clearly communicated, as well as the measures in place to ensure that the current system is fair, transparent and accessible.”

In its letter to the Minister, AfriForum Youth asked, among other things, about the updating and translation of the current study material; whether an independent investigation into the fail rates had been conducted; and whether the wording of certain questions might be unfairly disadvantaging competent candidates.

“For many young people, a learner’s licence is the first step they take towards accessing further training, pursuing employment opportunities and gaining independence.

“While we welcome measures that strengthen the integrity of the system, the public also deserves assurance that the system is fair, that the study material is adequate and that candidates are assessed within reasonable limits on the basis of their knowledge of the rules of the road,” Koster said.

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There were winning starts for the Boland Kavaliers, Cheetahs, Sharks and Stormers XXIII in the opening round of the latest edition of the Currie Cup.

While the oldest domestic competition in South Africa had to take a back seat to the final Nations Championship Springbok Test in Durban, a number of impressive victories signalled that it will be a fiercely contested tournament this season.

On Sunday, in a muddy Wellington, the Kavaliers were almost their own worst enemies as they triumphed 24-10 over the visiting Bulls in an error-strewn encounter. While the home side, cheered on by a vociferous crowd in the Winelands, enjoyed plenty of possession and territory, they failed to make the most of it to put the Bulls away.

The rainy conditions did little to help, but both sides were also guilty of sloppy play in an ill-tempered match where referee Griffin Colby had his hands full. Knock-ons halted several promising opportunities, while poor discipline from both teams prevented the game from finding any real rhythm.

Both sides reverted to a forward-oriented battle, but the experience of the Boland pack ultimately carried them through. A powerful rolling maul at the death, one that will be spoken about for a while, resulted in a penalty try that sealed the victory.

“I have to give credit to our forwards for biting the bullet and they did well in the set piece and pick-and-go carries and those two maul tries we scored against a good Bulls team,” Boland head coach Hawies Fourie said afterwards

“The important thing was to maintain our discipline and we did not let other things affect us. It was important to concede less penalties than the Bulls. The conditions were difficult, but I am really proud of the efforts. We were maybe a bit overeager in the first half with risky passes but we can learn from that.”

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In Bloemfontein, the Cheetahs XV had to dig deep against the Lions, with the lead changing hands several times before the hosts eventually emerged with a 29-27 win in a highly entertaining, albeit error-filled, contest.

Double World Cup winner Faf de Klerk starred for the Cheetahs with his quick service at the breakdown and trademark sniping runs. His livewire performance will certainly have caught the attention of the Springbok coaches.

It was a strong Lions side they faced, and visiting head coach Mziwakhe Nkosi will not have been pleased with his team’s opening performance. There will be plenty of introspection from the visitors ahead of their second outing.

“The result wasn’t what we wanted,” Nkosi said afterwards.

“But there is lots to take out of this game. In the second half, we fought back well, and our defence also improved. However, our ill-discipline was probably our downfall towards the end. We also missed a few opportunities to finish off entries into their 22m area.”

The Stormers XXIII were the surprise package on Friday evening as they beat reigning champions Griquas 25-19 in Cape Town. A last-gasp try sealed a famous victory for the Cape side, who will be delighted with the perfect start to their campaign. Their next assignment is a tough away clash against neighbours Boland in Wellington.

In the opening match of the weekend in Mbombela, the Sharks XV also produced an impressive display, beating the Pumas 26-24 to get their campaign off to a winning start.

Kurt-Lee Arendse put in another fine performance against Wales on Saturday to take another step closer to cementing his place in the Springbok starting XV ahead of Rugby’s Greatest Rivalry series next month.

The pacey winger scored a try in the 43-0 victory at Kings Park, underlining his eye for the tryline, but his overall play, especially under the high ball, was equally impressive.

With the race for places heating up among the Bok wingers, and perhaps only Cheslin Kolbe assured of his spot, Arendse knows it will take more strong performances to stay in contention for the Greatest Rivalry. Canan Moodie, Edwill van der Merwe, Ethan Hooker and Jaco Williams are the other speedsters contesting for a place.

“The Greatest Rivalry will be massive and to be part of it will be special,” the Paarl-born World Cup winner said.

“But to be honest, I still have a lot of work to do in terms of my game; under the high balls, on the attack, so that is what I will focus on. If I get the opportunity, I will look to grab it with both hands. Even if I am not part of it, I will still cheer the boys on. However, we will prepare well for it and ensure we are ready for the All Blacks.”

According to Arendse, the conditions were tough against Wales with the slippery ball, but they prepared well for what Durban threw at them.

While the Boks scored seven tries, their handling let them down, and a few good chances were squandered by dropped balls on the attack. Despite that, it was still a top performance considering they changed the team again and four players made their debuts.

“We adapted to what the conditions asked of us. It wasn’t ideal, though. We prepared well and made the ball wet during training sessions.

“Vusi (Moyo, flyhalf) also controlled the game really well, with Cobus (Reinach) on his inside and Damian (de Allende) and Jesse (Kriel) on his outside. They also helped him during the week. I am happy for him; he is a Springbok now and can take things further from this.”

The speedster has scored 25 tries in 32 Tests since making his debut and is one score away from equalling former Bok winger Breyton Paulse, who scored 26 in 64 matches. However, Arendse said he is not keeping track of his tries or chasing records.

He is happy whenever he can contribute to the side and will look to continue doing so whenever he is selected.

Siya Kolisi, Eben Etzebeth and Lood de Jager could all be back for the final Test against Argentina in a couple of weeks before the Springboks begin Rugby's Greatest Rivalry against the All Blacks.

With a few rest weekends ahead following an undefeated opening three rounds in the Nations Championship, Springbok head coach Rassie Erasmus and his management team will have the opportunity to reflect on a successful campaign while planning for the trip to South America in August.

The Boks defeated Wales 43-0 at Kings Park in Durban as four rookies made their Test debuts, and they all put their hands up for selection ahead of the New Zealand series. However, some stalwarts are expected to return for the Argentine clash, aiming to prove their readiness for international rugby after recovering from injury.

In the absence of Kolisi, Etzebeth, De Jager, Ox Nché, Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu and a host of other senior players through injury, the world champions still collected victories over England, Scotland and Wales to finish the opening block of the tournament at the top of the Southern Hemisphere log.

The focus will now shift to the Test against Los Pumas and the Greatest Rivalry series, with the Nations Championship scheduled to resume in November.

“If you look at the Championship, we collected 15 points, and we are at the top of the table after playing against England and Scotland, who are in the top five in the world,” Erasmus said.

“I have to be honest, we tried to build our player depth more than going for outright wins in the tournament. Obviously, we’ll park the tournament now and only play it in November again. A lot will happen between now and then. But we know we have plenty to fix.

“But to be honest, in the last few games, we haven’t selected our best 23 yet, and I’ve found out from experience that a year from a World Cup you must ensure you have depth until a fourth player per position. In that respect, we are happy with the three Tests and where we are.”

According to Erasmus, they managed to give every player in the squad, apart from those sidelined by injury, valuable game time against England, Scotland and Wales. Before that, the Barbarians also provided the Boks with a stern examination to open the international season.

The focus will now be on getting the returning players back up to Test-match intensity before the Greatest Rivalry Tour arrives on South African soil. Erasmus said several players seized their opportunities and that he was pleased with the talent the coaching staff had uncovered.

Paul de Villiers produced three outstanding performances at flank in the absence of Kolisi, while flyhalf Vusi Moyo, tighthead Carlu Sadie and winger Jaco Williams all impressed against Wales on Saturday.

“We managed to give every player some good opportunities (over the last three games),” Erasmus added.

“Yes, I said we are building towards the World Cup (in 2027), but we still have the Greatest Rivalry, and hopefully if the plans come together and we do well against Argentina, we will see some more players come through in that game.

“Siya will be back, Eben, Lood and Sacha as well. Ox won’t be back yet. Cobus (Reinach) played a good 40-plus minutes after his knee injury. Ethan Hooker and Morné van den Berg will also be back against Argentina, and we will put them to the test then.”

The South African Football Association (SAFA) constitution has been “weaponised” by those in power and must be overhauled to protect the integrity of the organisation, presidential candidate Sandile Zungu has claimed.

Speaking at the launch of his presidential campaign at Emperors Palace in Johannesburg on Saturday, the AmaZulu FC owner accused the current SAFA leadership of using the constitution against regions perceived to support rival factions.

“At the moment it is used as a weapon by those who are in charge, it is not right that on the eve of elections, certain regions are afraid of being dissolved or disbanded simply because they are seen to be aligned with a certain faction,” said Zungu.

The businessman said reviewing the association’s constitution would be one of his key priorities if elected president, arguing that it should serve South African football rather than the interests of those occupying office.

“We’ve got to revisit the constitution of SAFA, it may not be overnight but it needs to be revisited and ensure that the refined constitution lives beyond any incumbent,” he said.

Zungu stressed that constitutional reform would form part of a broader governance agenda aimed at making SAFA more transparent, accountable and stable.

His comments come as campaigning gathers pace ahead of SAFA’s elective congress, where delegates will choose the association’s next president and executive committee.

The AmaZulu FC boss has centred his campaign on improving governance, reviving school football and expanding opportunities in the women’s game, arguing that South African football needs structural reform to realise its full potential.

His latest criticism of the constitution is likely to intensify debate ahead of the elections, with Zungu maintaining that no region should fear sanctions or dissolution because of its perceived political alignment.

If elected, he says, his administration would begin reviewing the constitution to ensure it safeguards the organisation’s democratic processes and remains relevant long after the current leadership has left office.

If you’d like, I can also make it punchier in the style typically used for Independent Media’s online sports stories.

All eyes will be on the newly appointed Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) Ombudsman, led by retired Judge Takalani Raulinga, today as he outlines the steps he intends to take in response to the growing controversies surrounding the directorate.

Raulinga is expected to address the media following the latest revelations involving IDAC that emerged at the Madlanga Commission.

The commission heard this week that the entity, which falls under the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), allegedly exceeded its mandate by laying criminal charges against Crime Intelligence (CI) senior officials over matters that should have been dealt with through the South African Police Service's human resources (HR) processes.

Another controversy is that IDAC abandoned charging CI head General Dumisani Khumalo and Major-General Nosipho Madondo, Intelligence Analysis and Coordination head, after they had submitted themselves at the Brooklyn police station in Pretoria on June 27. 

Responding to questions about Raulinga's plans regarding allegations that IDAC has been using state resources to settle scores against CI, the Ombudsman's spokesperson, Max Mpuzana, said the matter would be addressed during the media briefing today.

He said the briefing, scheduled for 12.30pm in Pretoria, would be Raulinga's first opportunity to address the nation since assuming office.

“We don’t want to pre-empt ourselves, as it would not be prudent for him to speak even before that briefing,” said Mpuzana.

Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development (DoJCD) announced that the Ombudsman will investigate allegations of abuse of power, improper conduct, maladministration, and related complaints against IDAC.

IDAC’s alleged misconduct relates to laying criminal charges against Khumalo and Madondo for the employment of Brigadier Dineo Mokwele as CI’s technical support services head.  

NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago said the Ombudsman’s establishment, which was in March, had nothing to do with the controversies involving IDAC and CI. 

“On July 10, we announced where the public can find it; therefore, at that time, there was nothing at the Madlanga.

“People must not think we are doing this to respond to what is happening now,” he said.

He said NPA head Advocate Andy Mothibi said on July 10 that he was reviewing all cases related to CI. 

Those who might have damaged IDAC’s reputation include its head Advocate, Andrea Johnson, and its senior investigator, Brian Padayachee. Padayachee testified this week at the Madlanga Commission.

Johnson is yet to testify after her appearance was delayed due to her hospitalisation. 

The alleged IDAC’s misconduct was exposed when the Madlanga Commission was probing Padayachee regarding Mokwele’s employment. 

IDAC charged Mokwele with allegations that she was employed in the position without police experience.

Khumalo and Madondo, together with other senior police officers, were also charged with the same matter, but the Pretoria Magistrate's Court released them on bail on June 27, 2026, after concluding that the NPA had no convincing case against them. 

Police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe told the media that CI employed Mokwele after the police’s human resources management had verified her qualifications, which are a National Diploma in Mega mechatronics engineering and a B-Tech Degree in industrial engineering, with the South African Qualifications Authority.  

After scrutinising Padayachee over Mokwele’s appointment, the commission remarked that this matter should have been handled by the SAPS HR.   

The Police Portfolio Committee expressed concern over the alleged IDAC misbehaviour, but it said it will remain neutral. 

“The committee takes the allegations raised before the Madlanga Commission seriously,” said Chairperson Ian Cameron.

The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development Chairperson Xola Nqola did not respond.

Cameron said the issues raised in the commission would be addressed as soon as Parliament returns from its recess.

President Cyril Ramaphosa, Mothibi, and Kubayi have expressed concern about IDAC’s alleged misconduct. 

Cameron said it would be premature to conclude that IDAC acted in a rogue manner in laying the charges, as these would be serious characterisations that need verified evidence, “and tested through the appropriate legal and institutional processes”. 

“Any concerns raised by the National Director of Public Prosecutions, the Minister of Justice, the Presidency, or other institutions should be properly documented and placed before the relevant oversight, judicial, or disciplinary processes. Conflicting accounts must be tested objectively,” said Cameron.

In a joint statement released Friday, Kubayi and Mothibi, who met Johnson over the Madlanga issue on Friday afternoon, urged the public to continue supporting IDAC, whose reputation has already been tainted, “as no one is bigger than the organisation they serve”. 

“This has raised serious credibility concerns and has visibly impacted public trust in the IDAC operations. This has compelled the Minister and the NDPP to meet urgently with the IDAC Investigating Director to address these concerns and formulate practical solutions that will build public trust in institutions of government that are entrusted to deal with criminality,” read the statement.

Kganyago declined to reveal what Kubayi and Mothibi discussed with Johnson on Friday.

Kubayi and Mothibi said they would address the IDAC matter without interfering with the commission’s processes.

A few months ago, KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi told the Ad Hoc Committee that IDAC arrested Khumalo and other CI senior members to thwart a police investigation into R90 million corruption in Gauteng, but disguised it as a matter related to Mokwele’s employment.  

Crime and security expert Mike Bolhuis expressed concern about division among state law enforcement agencies.

In the allegations that IDAC was trying to prevent an investigation against its members, Bolhuis said: “If you have a concern to be investigated, you should be an open book.

“Whether it is an investigation or a lifestyle audit, it must be under scrutiny because the public needs to see an open book and transparency. I have no problem with IDAC, as I see them as a solution, but they must be open for any form of scrutiny.” 

All ears will be on the newly appointed Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC) Ombudsman, led by Retired Judge Takalani Raulinga, on Sunday, to hear what steps will be taken on IDAC’s multiplying controversies.

Raulinga will address the media following IDAC’s latest controversy, revealed at the Madlanga Commission.

The commission heard this week that the entity, which falls under the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), has overstepped its mark by laying criminal charges against Crime Intelligence (CI) bosses for matters that should have been handled by the police’s human resources (HR). 

Another controversy is that IDAC abandoned charging CI head General Dumisani Khumalo and Major-General Nosipho Madondo, Intelligence Analysis and Coordination head, after they had submitted themselves at the Brooklyn police station in Pretoria on June 27. 

Raulinga's spokesperson, Max Mpuzana, responded to enquiries about what Raulinga was doing regarding what appears to be IDAC utilising state resources to settle scores against CI by saying that all will be discussed during the media briefing.

He said the briefing, which would be Raulinga’s first platform to address the nation about his new responsibility, would be in Pretoria at 12.30 pm. 

“We don’t want to pre-empt ourselves, as it would not be prudent for him to speak even before that briefing,” said Mpuzana.

Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development (DoJCD) announced that the Ombudsman will investigate allegations of abuse of power, improper conduct, maladministration, and related complaints against IDAC.

IDAC’s alleged misconduct relates to laying criminal charges against Khumalo and Madondo for the employment of Brigadier Dineo Mokwele as CI’s technical support services head.  

NPA spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago said the Ombudsman’s establishment, which was in March, had nothing to do with the controversies involving IDAC and CI. 

“On July 10, we announced where the public can find it; therefore, at that time, there was nothing at the Madlanga.

“People must not think we are doing this to respond to what is happening now,” he said.

He said NPA head Advocate Andy Mothibi said on July 10 that he was reviewing all cases related to CI. 

Those who might have damaged IDAC’s reputation include its head Advocate, Andrea Johnson, and its senior investigator, Brian Padayachee, who testified this week at the Madlanga Commission.

Johnson is yet to testify after her appearance was delayed due to her hospitalisation. 

The alleged IDAC’s misconduct was exposed when the Madlanga Commission was probing Padayachee regarding Mokwele’s employment. 

IDAC charged Mokwele with allegations that she was employed in the position without police experience.

Khumalo and Madondo, together with other senior police officers, were also charged with the same matter, but the Pretoria Magistrate's Court released them on bail on June 27, 2026, after concluding that the NPA had no convincing case against them. 

Police spokesperson Brigadier Athlenda Mathe told the media that CI employed Mokwele after the police’s human resources management had verified her qualifications, which are a National Diploma in Mega mechatronics engineering and a B-Tech Degree in industrial engineering, with the South African Qualifications Authority.  

After scrutinising Padayachee over Mokwele’s appointment, the commission remarked that this matter should have been handled by the SAPS HR.   

The Police Portfolio Committee expressed concern over the alleged IDAC misbehaviour, but it said it will remain neutral. 

“The committee takes the allegations raised before the Madlanga Commission seriously,” said Chairperson Ian Cameron.

The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Development Chairperson Xola Nqola did not respond.

Cameron said the issues raised in the commission would be addressed as soon as Parliament returns from its recess.

President Cyril Ramaphosa, Mothibi, and Kubayi have expressed concern about IDAC’s alleged misconduct. 

Cameron said it would be premature to conclude that IDAC acted in a rogue manner in laying the charges, as these would be serious characterisations that need verified evidence, “and tested through the appropriate legal and institutional processes”. 

“Any concerns raised by the National Director of Public Prosecutions, the Minister of Justice, the Presidency, or other institutions should be properly documented and placed before the relevant oversight, judicial, or disciplinary processes. Conflicting accounts must be tested objectively,” said Cameron.

In a joint statement released Friday, Kubayi and Mothibi, who met Johnson over the Madlanga issue on Friday afternoon, urged the public to continue supporting IDAC, whose reputation has already been tainted, “as no one is bigger than the organisation they serve”. 

“This has raised serious credibility concerns and has visibly impacted public trust in the IDAC operations. This has compelled the Minister and the NDPP to meet urgently with the IDAC Investigating Director to address these concerns and formulate practical solutions that will build public trust in institutions of government that are entrusted to deal with criminality,” read the statement.

Kganyago declined to reveal what Kubayi and Mothibi discussed with Johnson on Friday.

Kubayi and Mothibi said they would address the IDAC matter without interfering with the commission’s processes.

A few months ago, KwaZulu-Natal Police Commissioner Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi told the Ad Hoc Committee that IDAC arrested Khumalo and other CI senior members to thwart a police investigation into R90 million corruption in Gauteng, but disguised it as a matter related to Mokwele’s employment.  

Crime and security expert Mike Bolhuis expressed concern about division among state law enforcement agencies.

In the allegations that IDAC was trying to prevent an investigation against its members, Bolhuis said: “If you have a concern to be investigated, you should be an open book.

“Whether it is an investigation or a lifestyle audit, it must be under scrutiny because the public needs to see an open book and transparency. I have no problem with IDAC, as I see them as a solution, but they must be open for any form of scrutiny.” 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za   

Questions over the credibility of police evidence, the handling of a 27kg cocaine seizure, and the medical absence of North West businessman Suliman Carrim dominated proceedings at the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry this week, as commissioners intensified their scrutiny of witnesses and the evidence underpinning key aspects of the inquiry.

Over five days of hearings, the commission examined conflicting police records linked to the disappearance of cocaine from a Hawks evidence store, questioned the legal basis of high-profile corruption investigations, and set strict disclosure deadlines ahead of Carrim's bid to postpone his testimony.

Much of Friday's proceedings centred on Hawks Warrant Officer Mbongeleni Felix Mpangase, whose two-day testimony focused on the June 2021 seizure of 27kg of cocaine from a shipping container at the CHS depot in Isipingo.

The inquiry is investigating what happened to the drugs after their transfer to the Hawks' evidence store in Port Shepstone, where they subsequently disappeared.

Mpangase, who was attached to the Hawks' Serious Organised Crime Investigation Unit in Durban at the time and is now investigating cold cases in Pietermaritzburg, acknowledged that despite more than a decade of investigating street-level drug offences, he had never participated in a large-scale container interception.

"I have never attended a drug interception of this magnitude from start to finish, either at the harbour or container terminal," he told the commission.

He said he had asked Lieutenant Colonel Gavin Jacob to accompany the operation because he lacked experience with that type of intelligence-driven seizure.

"I stated that the information required someone who was experienced and well versed in these types of operations," Mpangase said.

Chairperson Mbuyiseli Madlanga repeatedly questioned why Jacob had bypassed experienced narcotics investigators in favour of officers with no container interception experience.

Mpangase replied that Jacob was 'not on good terms' with two specialist narcotics teams, but he could not explain why other experienced members of Jacob's own unit were also not deployed.

As his evidence continued, the focus shifted from his lack of experience to the accuracy of official records documenting the operation.

Commissioners challenged discrepancies between Mpangase's investigation diary, SAPS registers, witness statements, and oral testimony, raising concerns about whether some records were false or misleading.

One of the sharpest exchanges centred on an SAPS 13 register entry stating that the cocaine had been booked out "for investigation", although commissioners heard it had instead been transported directly to the Hawks' offices in Port Shepstone for storage.

"You took them out. You signed them out. You say they are going for analysis. We know that was not true," Co-Commissioner Sesi Baloyi told the witness.

Madlanga went further.

"The effect of that... is that you made a false entry, knowing it to be false," he said.

The commissioners also questioned conflicting versions about who attended the container search, when forensic evidence was collected, who retained the inquiry file, and how entries appeared in Mpangase's investigation diary while Jacob was officially on leave.

While Mpangase accepted that he had omitted some information from earlier statements, he denied any intention to mislead the commission.

"If I omitted anything, that could have been a mistake. There is nothing untrue in what I have written," he said.

Another major development this week involved Carrim, whose expected testimony was delayed after he submitted a medical certificate stating that he was unfit to appear before the commission.

The issue took a dramatic turn after evidence leader Advocate Matthew Chaskalson SC disclosed that whistle-blower reports alleged Carrim had been seen having lunch with an entourage at a Western Cape shopping centre and attending a separate social gathering while claiming to be too ill to testify.

Chaskalson said the shopping centre allegations had subsequently been corroborated through independent eyewitness accounts, prompting the commission to subpoena CCTV footage, hospital records, and information from Carrim's treating doctor.

The commission also noted that Carrim had yet to provide information previously requested under Regulation 10.6 notices, including details of auditors and financial records relating to several of his companies.

On Friday, Carrim's application to postpone his testimony was itself postponed until next week after commissioners agreed they required time to respond to papers filed only hours before the scheduled hearing.

Under the ruling, the commission must disclose cellphone geolocation records, call data, and any other investigative material it intends relying on before next Friday's hearing.

Carrim is also seeking to have the postponement proceedings heard in camera, arguing that the application contains confidential information relating to his health, family security, and private affairs.

Earlier in the week, attention turned to the Independent Directorate Against Corruption (IDAC), where senior investigator Brian Padayachee defended investigations that resulted in the arrests of Crime Intelligence head Lieutenant-General Dumisani Khumalo and other senior officers.

Padayachee maintained that the appointment of civilian Dineo Mokwele to a senior Crime Intelligence post was intended to "capture" the unit.

Commissioners, however, repeatedly questioned his legal reasoning and whether investigators had sufficient evidence when corruption charges were formulated.

He also defended IDAC's decision to investigate criminal complaints lodged by National Coloured Congress leader Fadiel Adams despite a SAPS Legal Services opinion that the allegations were too vague and largely based on hearsay.

Padayachee argued that investigators had a duty to pursue further inquiries rather than dismiss the complaints because they contained leads that warranted investigation.

The commission is expected to resume on Monday with a new witness.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

Despite notable progress in empowering and elevating South African women in science, Deputy Minister for Science, Technology and Innovation Nomalungelo Gina has urged greater national commitment to spotlighting the achievements of women in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM).

Ms Gina was delivering the keynote address at the seventh annual Women in Science Symposium, hosted by the University of Pretoria (UP) at Future Africa, UP’s pan-African platform for collaborative research.

Held under the theme ‘Unpacking STEM Careers: Her Voice in Science’, the Deputy Minister described the event as both a tribute and a call to action to celebrate, empower and propel the voices of women in science towards a future that truly reflects the diversity, strength and potential of South Africa.

“We must reflect on the strides we have made, acknowledge the work yet to be done, and commit ourselves to the determination required for real, lasting transformation,” she said. “Women in South Africa are contributing groundbreaking research, setting global standards in health, environmental sciences, data and digital technologies, and many more fields. Yet we cannot ignore that women and girls remain underrepresented, especially at senior and strategic levels.”

Ms Gina said UP’s Women in Science platform is a crucial platform through which to celebrate the achievements of South African women in science, including those who conduct cutting-edge research, lead multidisciplinary teams, head institutions, and inspire thousands of students. Similarly, the Department of Science, Technology and Innovation’s South African Women in Science Awards (SAWiSA) celebrates the outstanding achievements of women in STEM. 

UP Vice-Principal for Research, Innovation and Postgraduate Education Professor Sunil Maharaj applauded the phenomenal contributions and advancements that women have made in all areas of STEM. He acknowledged that these achievements were made in the face of many obstacles, with many more still to be overcome.

UP is home to more than 2 932 academics and researchers, of whom 57% are women. UP has 447 professors, of whom 39% are women. Women currently account for 40% of UP’s total of 570 National Research Foundation- rated researchers, and 50% of its South African Research Chair Initiative (SARChI) positions are held by women.

“Faced with a legacy of inequality, you have had to go all out to prove yourselves in what was, and in too many cases still is, a male-dominated world,” Prof Maharaj said. “My heartfelt wish is that in the near future we can dispense with terms like ‘male-dominated world’ as a never-to-be-repeated anachronism. At UP, we are entirely committed to achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment at all levels and in all fields.”

Dr Rakeshnie Ramoutar-Prieschl, UP’s Director of Internationalisation and Strategic Partnerships, said, “We can do so much more together through empowered intergenerational dialogue that starts to interrupt, disrupt, and break the cycle of stereotypes and gender biases. We must ask ourselves the painful questions about our youth. Who gets to see themselves become scientists? And who gets left out before they even get a chance? These questions need answers and call for transformative and inclusive change that supports the empowerment of girls and women beyond their current place of being relegated to the fringes of the economy and society.