On 19 May 2026, the SABC reported that Willah Joseph Mudolo is “a front runner in Zambia's upcoming presidential elections scheduled for August”, elections now just two months away.

Shortly after that report emerged, the NPA indicated that it intends to seek the cancellation of Mudolo’s bail, following earlier reports that Mudolo had sought to acquire an aircraft ahead of his planned presidential campaign.

The timing was striking: Mudolo was about to sign his formal acceptance letter to contest the Presidency of Zambia, and the candidate nomination deadline was fast approaching. The NPA argued that the aircraft inquiry proved he intended to flee South Africa.

Mudolo’s legal team responded that if he truly wanted to flee, he could have done so at any time over the past five years through South Africa’s notoriously porous land borders, by road, or even on foot. He did not need a plane.

This swift decision by the NPA to revoke Mudolo's bail has fed into a troubling perception taking hold: that Mudolo is being cynically scapegoated to restore the NPA’s shattered credibility post Shepherd Bushiri's escape from South Africa, a man with apparently powerful protectors, who escaped from South Africa under the nose of law enforcement, the NPA suffered a humiliating blow to its public standing.

If this reading is correct, Mudolo is not a genuine co‑accused in a legitimate prosecution. He is a fall guy, a substitute defendant paraded before the public to distract from the NPA’s own institutional collapse in the Bushiri matter.

Yet the State, which has failed to bring his case to trial for half a decade, now claims he is a flight risk. For five years, his supporters and legal team have argued that this prosecution is nothing but a politically engineered delay tactic, a holding action to immobilise a rising political threat. The public interest is acute: the integrity of the NPA is now under continental scrutiny.

Mudolo’s supporters argue that the timing of legal pressures aligns ominously with the political calendar. The NPA’s sudden push to cancel his bail reportedly using a section 68 application to “prevent delays to the start of the trial, came around the final day of signing papers affirming his eligibility to formally contest the Zambian elections.

As the SABC’s own reporting confirms his frontrunner status, the suspicion that the prosecution is being weaponised to sideline a political rival can no longer be dismissed as mere paranoia.

On 2 April 2026, the Pretoria High Court dismissed Mudolo’s bid to have two prosecutors removed from his case, describing his application as “a desperate attempt to stop the prosecutor from prosecuting the matter”. The NPA welcomed the ruling, with spokesperson Kaizer Kganyago stating that an accused cannot simply demand a change of prosecutor because he is dissatisfied.

But a detailed legal brief prepared by Mudolo’s legal team, a copy of which I have reviewed, paints a far more troubling picture. Whether the allegations are ultimately proven or not, they raise fundamental questions about prosecutorial independence, institutional accountability, and the right to a fair trial.

The legal team’s brief alleges that two prosecutors assigned to the case, Advocate Desire Rosenblatt and Advocate Adina Van Deventer, are so personally embroiled in the litigation history that they cannot continue as objective officers of the court.

Advocate Van Deventer, it is claimed, has deposed affidavits in related interlocutory proceedings, thereby placing herself in the position of a potential witness. A prosecutor cannot be both prosecutor and witness in the same matter. That principle is not a technicality; it is a cornerstone of due process.

Advocate Rosenblatt faces even more serious allegations. According to the brief:

• · She failed to serve court papers relating to bail proceedings, depriving Mudolo’s legal team of an opportunity to respond.
• · She made contradictory statements before court regarding summons and documentation.
• · Most significantly, Mudolo has opened a criminal complaint against her under Rosebank CAS 39/12/2024 for defeating the ends of justice.

The legal team argues that it is untenable for Rosenblatt to continue prosecuting Mudolo while she herself is the subject of a criminal complaint laid by him. Even if the complaint is ultimately unfounded, the appearance of a personal interest is undeniable. The test is not whether actual bias exists, but whether a reasonable observer would perceive the prosecution as independent and fair.

The NPA has not publicly responded to these specific allegations in detail. In court, it has maintained that the complaints are without merit and form part of a pattern of delay tactics by Mudolo. The High Court’s dismissal of the removal application suggests that, on the papers before it, the court was not persuaded that the prosecutors’ continued involvement amounted to a violation of fair trial rights.

The most explosive allegation in the brief concerns Acting Deputy Public Prosecutor Marika Jasen Van Vuren. It is claimed that Van Vuren interfered with the Legal Practice Council (LPC) investigation into the complaint lodged against Rosenblatt. Specifically, the brief states that Van Vuren “asked or influenced the LPC to ignore, dismiss, or not properly pursue the complaint”.

If true, this would constitute improper institutional interference by the NPA in an independent disciplinary process. The LPC exists precisely to investigate allegations of professional misconduct without fear, favour or prejudice. A senior NPA official intervening in such an investigation, particularly where the subject prosecutor is actively handling a case against the complainant, would be a serious abuse of power.

The legal team has demanded disclosure of all communications between Van Vuren, the NPA, and the LPC concerning the Rosenblatt complaint. To date, no such disclosure has been made. The NPA has not publicly confirmed or denied the allegation.

It is important to note that these are allegations. The LPC has not issued a public finding, and Acting DPP Van Vuren has not had an opportunity to respond in a formal setting. But the mere fact that such a serious allegation has been made, and that the NPA has not provided a transparent account of what transpired, is itself a matter of public concern.

In an affidavit filed in the section 68 bail‑cancellation proceedings, Colonel Daniel Hosea Marais of the South African Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI) reportedly confirmed that the Zambian Embassy had contacted him regarding Mudolo’s status.

The defence has asked whether the NPA investigated whether this contact created political‑interference concerns and whether the diplomatic involvement, combined with prosecutorial misconduct complaints and NPA interference in the LPC process, creates a reasonable apprehension that the prosecution is not being conducted independently.

The NPA has dismissed this as speculative. There is no public evidence that the Zambian government has sought to influence the South African prosecution. However, the contact from the Zambian Embassy, admitted by Colonel Marais, at least warrants an inquiry into whether any improper influence was attempted. The legal team has called for such an inquiry. The NPA has not indicated that one has been conducted.

Why should the public care about one accused’s complaints? Because the issues at stake go far beyond Mudolo.

• · If a senior NPA official can intervene with the LPC to protect a prosecutor from disciplinary scrutiny, the entire system of legal professional oversight is compromised.
• · If a prosecutor can continue to handle a case while being the subject of a criminal complaint by the same accused, the right to a fair trial becomes a hollow promise.
• · If the NPA refuses to explain its decisions, it operates in a zone of unaccountable power.

The public interest in this case is not about Mudolo’s innocence or guilt. It is about whether the NPA is willing to hold its own members to account, to disclose its internal processes, and to ensure that no accused person is prosecuted by someone with a direct personal interest in the outcome.

And with Zambia’s election approaching, and the media itself confirming Mudolo as a front runner, the stakes are no longer merely legal. They are democratic.

The NPA has a constitutional duty to prosecute crime effectively. That duty does not require it to accommodate every complaint but it does require it to act transparently, to investigate allegations of misconduct within its ranks, and to remove prosecutors whose continued involvement creates a reasonable apprehension of bias.

On the evidence available, including the undisputed fact of a criminal complaint against Rosenblatt and the alleged LPC interference, a reasonable observer could well conclude that the prosecution of Willah Mudolo is no longer beyond reproach. The NPA can restore confidence by doing what it has so far refused to do: disclose, investigate, and if necessary, replace.

Justice delayed is justice denied. But justice perceived as compromised is justice destroyed. The NPA must act before the damage becomes irreparable.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

As South Africa marks Youth Month and commemorates 50 years since the Soweto uprising, new labour market data has again laid bare the difficult reality facing young people trying to enter the workforce.

According to Statistics South Africa’s Quarterly Labour Force Survey for the first quarter of 2026, only about three in 10 South Africans aged 15 to 24 who want to work currently have a job.

Youth unemployment among people aged 15 to 34 reached 45.8% in Q1:2026, while about 3.9 million young people aged 15 to 24, representing 37.6% of this age group, were not in employment, education, or training.

The figures come as Higher Education and Training Minister Buti Manamela this week briefed the media on the phasing out of certain pre-2009 qualifications and the move towards occupational qualifications, as part of efforts to better align education, training, and the labour market.

The briefing, held on Thursday, followed public concern over the transition and its implications for learners, training providers, and employers.

Manamela said the changes formed part of the government’s broader skills revolution agenda, aimed at modernising the post-school education and training system, and strengthening the connection between qualifications and workplace needs.

"Education remains at the centre of South Africa’s development agenda," Manamela said.

He said qualifications already awarded would remain valid and recognised, but argued that the country had to move towards qualifications that better prepare learners for the realities of work.

Manamela said legacy qualifications had often favoured the classroom over the workshop, while occupational qualifications were intended to include stronger practical training, workplace placement, and clearer links to industry demand.

For young people, the challenge is already stark. Stats SA reported that young people constituted 21 million, or 49.7%, of the country’s working-age population in the first quarter. However, labour market outcomes remained deeply unfavourable, with 5.6 million young people aged 15 to 34 employed, 4.7 million unemployed, and 10.6 million outside the labour force.

The unemployment rate for those aged 15 to 24 stood at 60.9%, compared to 40.6% for those aged 25 to 34.

Harambee Youth Employment Accelerator’s latest Breaking Barriers publication, which draws on QLFS data, SA Youth platform data, and an income survey of 3,167 young people, placed unemployment among young people aged 18 to 35 at 54.65%.

According to Harambee, 255,000 fewer young people were employed in the first quarter of 2026, with job losses split evenly between men and women. The hardest-hit sectors included community and social services, construction, and retail.

The publication also found that discouraged young workers increased from 10.75% to 11.33%, while the total number of young people not in employment, education, or training reached 9.2 million.

"Growth creates jobs, but not automatically for young people," Harambee stated.

It said its income survey of 3,167 young people found that securing a first structured work experience makes a young person 10 percentage points more likely to remain in the labour market and 10 percentage points more likely to secure further wage employment.

Meanwhile, the University of Johannesburg’s Centre for Social Development in Africa on Friday launched a joint policy brief series examining the role of the Generating Better Livelihoods Project and the Basic Package of Support in improving pathways to livelihoods, employment, and economic participation.

One of the briefs, From Margins to Mainstream: In-Person Support as a Policy Lever for Livelihood Outcomes, argues that many young people need more than digital platforms or jobs programmes.

It says human support is critical in helping excluded young people navigate barriers such as transport costs, repeated rejection, poor mental health, food insecurity, and fragmented public services.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

Even before uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) MP Edward Mzikayise Ntshingila was laid to rest, his death became the centre of a bitter dispute involving allegations that Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla and suspended former party spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela were barred from attending his funeral and memorial service.

The controversy unfolded ahead of Ntshingila's funeral on Sunday at Johannesburg's Westpark Cemetery. Ntshingila, 43, a member of Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence (JSCI) and the MKP's former national elections manager, died on June 4 following an illness. 

His death triggered tensions within both the party and sections of his family. At the heart of the dispute are claims that Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela were instructed not to attend events commemorating Ntshingila's life and were warned they would be forcibly removed if they did so.

The disagreement appears to stem from divisions within Ntshingila's family, with his maternal relatives, who use the Kubheka surname, openly supporting Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela's attendance at both the memorial service and funeral. 

It remains unclear who allegedly issued the instructions to prevent them from attending. According to sources close to the matter, Zuma-Sambudla has been accused of interfering with Ntshingila's personal affairs, including his belongings and bank cards, while Ndhlela has been accused of spreading claims that Ntshingila's illness was the result of poisoning. 

No evidence has been presented publicly to substantiate either allegation.

Ndhlela strongly denied spreading rumours about the cause of Ntshingila's illness.

"I never met the father, mother, wife, sisters or anyone else in the family. How could I have made those allegations?" he said.

He confirmed that he and Zuma-Sambudla were told their presence at the funeral events was unwelcome.

"We received a call. The party spokesperson called the head of communications, who then called Dudu and said we must not attend because they don't want us there and that we would be removed violently," said Ndhlela.

He alleged that recently appointed MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu had instructed head of communications Sipho Tyira to communicate the message.

According to Ndhlela, the dispute was rooted in internal political tensions within the MKP.

"The problem is that there are people who have recently come on board who are not happy with the relationship between Dudu and myself. 

"They are fighting us, which is expected in a political environment," he said.

Ndhlela described Ntshingila as one of their closest allies within the party.

"He was closer to us than almost anyone else in the party from day one," he said.

Despite the alleged threats, Ndhlela said both he and Zuma-Sambudla attended the memorial service and were saddened by what he described as the politicisation of a close friend's death.

"Settling political scores using one side of a family, which Muzi never lived with while we lived with him, just shows that there is no more ubuntu," he said.

However, Tyira flatly denied that he had ever communicated any instruction preventing Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela from attending the memorial service or funeral.

"There is no story here. You must ask him which day I called and how I communicated such a message," said Tyira.

"Generally, in matters involving funerals and death, because they are sensitive and involve families and children, I do not involve myself in sensationalism."

Tyira said Ntshingila had been a colleague and friend and that he respected the family's grief.

"I generally do not like anything that sensationalises death, especially before a person has even been buried," he said.

Neither Zuma-Sambudla nor Mahlangu responded to questions sent to them on Thursday and Friday, respectively.

Meanwhile, Ntshingila's cousin, Pule Kubheka, who is acting as spokesperson for the maternal side of the family, publicly defended Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela.

Kubheka released a statement on behalf of the family on Wednesday, which Zuma-Sambudla shared on her X account, and added: "Some Leaders Have Made It Their Full Time Job To Try And Deal With @NhlamuloNdhlela And I, Even In Our Time Of Grief."

Kubheka said the family was disturbed by reports that the pair had been sidelined, excluded, or discouraged from participating in events honouring Ntshingila.

"Equally concerning are the public and private attacks that have reportedly been directed at Ms Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla and Hon Nhlamulo Ndhlela.

"These are individuals who stood with the family during our darkest hours and whose only concern throughout this tragedy was the well-being of Muzi and those who loved him," the statement read.

Speaking telephonically, Kubheka said the matter had since been resolved and that both Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela had attended the memorial service at the Johannesburg City Hall.

"I don't want to dwell on it because it has been resolved. They were there at the memorial service and we don't want to escalate matters," he said.

Kubheka, however, criticised what he described as attempts by political figures to exploit family disagreements.

"Sometimes politicians take advantage of family dynamics and disagreements to advance their own agendas. I felt compelled to issue a statement because I could see some people trying to politicise the circumstances and use Duduzile Zuma and Nhlamulo against Muzi," he said.

While the immediate dispute appears to have been resolved, the episode has exposed underlying tensions within both Ntshingila's family and the MKP, where factional battles continue to play out even in the wake of the party stalwart's death.

Attempts to obtain comment from members of Ntshingila's paternal family were unsuccessful.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za  

ACCORDING to Stats SA, in the first quarter of 2026, 60.9% of South Africans aged 15 to 24 were unemployed.

When considering the number of people that are not in employment, education or training (NEET), Statistics South Africa’s Quarterly Labour Force Survey revealed that 37.6% of people aged 15-24 were in the NEET category. This is the description of a generation that has been locked out of the economy before it has had a fair chance to enter it.

As we celebrate and commemorate Youth Day in South Africa, we acknowledge and remember the courage of young people who changed the course of history. In doing so, we must not find undue comfort because the youth of 1976 showed us and generations to come, what resistance and activism truly is.

They also showed us who are the chief architects of change: youth.

Our world is typified by disruption and rapid change because of technology in large part and the risk we face as a result, is that society is becoming increasingly comfortable with technology, rather than humanity driving disruption and change.

The heroes of 1976 disrupted a system that denied them dignity, opportunity and self-determination. Many sacrificed their education, their futures and, in some cases, their lives. Physical and political freedom was what was at stake.

Today it is perhaps not those freedoms, but economic freedom and freedom of the mind that is at stake and we must ask, should we not be doing all we can to fight for that?

This is not to romanticise the past or condemn the present. The conditions are different. Apartheid presented young people with a visible enemy, a visible state and a visible injustice.

Today’s youth face a more complex system: unemployment, inequality, corruption, weak growth, underperforming schools, fragile municipalities, digital disruption and an economy that often demands experience from people it has never allowed to gain experience.

Political freedom delivered rights access. It opened institutions that had been closed to the majority. It created the possibility of economic participation. But it did not guarantee economic independence. Today, a young person can vote, study, graduate and still remain unemployed.

A young person can complete a qualification and still be told they lack experience. A young person can attend an entrepreneurship workshop and still have no access to markets, mentorship or start-up capital.

This is the unfinished business of freedom.

Education still matters deeply. The problem is not that qualifications have become irrelevant. The problem is that qualifications alone are no longer enough.

South Africa has spent three decades expanding access to many things, including education. The next phase must be about conversion: converting learning into thinking, and thinking into work, skills into income, and qualifications into economic agency.

We count the number of young people trained, not the number of businesses still operating two years later. So, what then about entrepreneurship and its role in affording young people pathways to freedom? We celebrate pitch days, certificates and incubator launches; but we are less disciplined about tracking revenue growth, job creation or market access.

Entrepreneurship cannot be built through motivation alone. Young people need practical ecosystems: customers, finance, networks, digital tools, compliance support and experienced mentors.

The same applies to skills development. South Africa does not suffer from a shortage of policies, levies or programmes. It suffers from weak alignment between money spent and outcomes achieved.

The purpose of skills development should not be to process learners through administrative systems. It should be to move people into work, enterprise or further learning with thoughtfulness, mindfulness and a moral compass underpinning their contribution to the world.

If a programme cannot show that movement, we should ask whether it is development or merely activity and whether it is of any value.

We must also be honest about youth agency. Young South Africans are not passive, but many are exhausted, disillusioned and uncertain about where to direct their frustration.

Their activism often takes different forms from previous generations: digital campaigns, social commentary, community initiatives, creative enterprise and informal economic survival. But digital expression is not always the same as organised social change.

The deeper question is whether we have lowered our expectations of young people or placed impossible expectations on them. We tell them they must take their destiny into their own hands and to be proactive in all that they do.

But can we expect them to solve unemployment, corruption, inequality, climate change and technological disruption while many are still trying to secure their first stable income? I think not. At the same time, we sometimes speak about youth only as recipients of support, not as citizens with responsibility, agency and power.

Both extremes are unhelpful. Young people should not be blamed for a system they inherited. But neither should they be excused from shaping the future they will inhabit. Every generation that changed South Africa had to sacrifice something.

The sacrifice required today may not be the same as 1976, but it is still real: the discipline to acquire relevant skills, the courage to build enterprises, the responsibility to participate politically, and the willingness to organise beyond complaint.

Government, business and education institutions must also stop treating youth development as a slogan. First, public and private funding for education and skills programmes should be tied to measurable outcomes. Enrolment and completion are not enough.

Second, every business and professional qualification should embed AI literacy, entrepreneurship and work-integrated learning as core competencies. These should not be optional extras for privileged students. They are now basic tools for economic participation.

Third, employer-education partnerships should become part of formal corporate accountability. Companies that claim to invest in skills development should report how many young people they place, mentor, retain and promote.

The youth of 1976 fought for political freedom. The youth of 2026 face a different struggle: economic freedom in a country that has opened the door but left too many standing outside. The responsibility does not rest with young people alone. But it cannot exclude them either.

Each generation must decide what it is prepared to build, disrupt and sacrifice for the next. South Africa’s next youth struggle will be won by converting education into opportunity, frustration into organisation, and political freedom into economic power.

* Born and bred in Johannesburg, Dr Shahiem Patel holds a Bachelor of Commerce degree in Law, an Honours degree in business management, a Master of Commerce in leadership studies and a Doctor of Philosophy in leadership. He joined Regent Business School in 2019, leading the institution’s flagship Master of Business programme on a new journey towards innovation, technology and making the students happy.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

South African authorities have warned that it would be impossible to inspect or search all cargo ships for possible drug trafficking and smuggling without severely disrupting legitimate export trade and national economic activity.

Security in the country’s seaports has come under scrutiny following evidence presented before the Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry, revealing that these facilities are among the key routes in the smuggling of large consignments of drugs into the country.

The commission, headed by retired Constitutional Court Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, has heard testimony the theft of 541kg cocaine bricks with the street value of about R200 million at a storage facility a few months after being seized at the Durban Harbour in June 2021.

Also on the commission’s radar is another seizure in July 2021 of over 715kg of cocaine with a street value of R300m in Aeroton, Johannesburg, which led to accusations and counter- accusations among different law enforcement agencies as part of the operation.

The drugs seized in Aeroton had been smuggled from Brazil and transported by truck from the Durban Harbour.

Acting Police Minister Firoz Cachalia said the SA Police Service’s (SAPS) Border Policing capability primarily focuses its profiling and searching functions on imports entering the country, where containers manifest and shipping documentation are available in advance and where intelligence-led profiling can be conducted to identify high-risk consignments.

“SAPS Border Policing does not have access to the shipping manifest and related container information prior to departure of the vessel, and in many instances the manifest information becomes available to SAPS only after the vessel has departed the port, sometimes up to approximately three days later,” he explained.

Cachalia added that as a result, SAPS Border Policing does not systematically profile or search containers for export, particularly in the perishable goods environment, unless specific actionable intelligence is provided, indicating the potential concealment of contraband.

The acting minister was responding to questions from uMkhonto weSizwe Party MP Zelna Saira Abader on the interception by Indian authorities of R4.3 billion worth of crystal methamphetamine (tik) and cocaine (with street values of R3.2bn and R1.1bn, respectively) in a week in early October 2022 hidden in oranges, pears, and green apples from South Africa.

Cachalia stated that, without intelligence indicators, export containers with legitimate agricultural commodities are typically processed through the port using the standard commercial export system.

He added that no SAPS officials have been identified or held accountable in relation to the specific export consignment intercepted in India and, therefore, no police officer has been suspended or subjected to disciplinary action in connection with the matter.

According to Cachalia, cargo moving through seaports operates within a multi-agency border management environment, where different authorities perform distinct statutory functions.

The SA Revenue Service’s (Sars’) responsibility is customs declarations, cargo compliance, and customs risk management, while the SAPS is responsible for criminal law enforcement functions and targeted searches where criminal suspicion or intelligence exists.

The Border Management Authority (BMA) takes care of border law-enforcement functions in terms of its legislative mandate and port and terminal operators are responsible for cargo handling and access control within the harbour environment.

Transnet National Ports Authority (TNPA) and Transnet Port Terminals (TPT) are Transnet’s distinct but complementary operating divisions. The TNPA regulated and managed the country's eight commercial seaports, while TPT manages the cargo-handling operations in these ports.

Responding to questions about the TNPA and TPT’s role in the fight against drug trafficking and smuggling through the country's seaports, the state-owned freight and rail transport company indicated that the dangers posed by this transnational crime are taken very seriously, as it is recognised as one of the security threats identified under the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) code and various security measures are implemented to mitigate the risks it poses.

Transnet said the TNPA and TPT work closely with various law enforcement and security agencies, including the SAPS, BMA, police crime intelligence, defence intelligence and the State Security Agency, among others, in efforts to prevent, detect, and combat criminal activities within the port environment.

“Regular multi-agency security meetings are conducted, chaired by the BMA and SAPS, where incidents occurring within the port environment are discussed, intelligence is shared where appropriate, risks are assessed, and coordinated security plans are developed and implemented to address identified threats,” the entity stated.

Transnet said these collaborative efforts are aimed at protecting port infrastructure, safeguarding legitimate trade and ensuring that employees, contractors, and stakeholders comply with all applicable security requirements.

In addition, it maintains a zero-tolerance stance towards corruption, misconduct, and any form of criminal activity within the port environment.

“Employees and contractors operating within the port environment are regularly reminded that any suspicious parcels, packages, activities or behaviour must be reported immediately to security for investigation and appropriate action,” Transnet explained.

The entity said through strong collaboration with relevant stakeholders, customers, and law enforcement authorities, safeguarding the integrity, security, and efficiency of port operations remains its top priority.

Other measures implemented by Transnet include screening of employees, contractors, and visitors entering and exiting terminal facilities, strict access control procedures at all designated entry and exit points, and continuous monitoring and surveillance through various security systems and operational security measures.

Transnet also conducts security assurance activities to ensure that all operations comply with organisational policies, regulatory requirements, and industry security standards, as well as compliance with the requirements of the ISPS code and other applicable security regulations.

Last weekend, Sars and the SAPS seized 30 bricks of cocaine at the Port of Durban, an operation conducted three days after about 90kg of cocaine concealed in trucks arriving from Brazil was intercepted at the same port.

The operation involved targeted inspections, supported by detector dogs and on-site verification, after which preliminary testing using a Sars mobile drug detection kit confirmed the substance to be cocaine, following an intelligence-led profiling and risk assessment conducted by Sars customs officers.

Sars Commissioner Dr Johnstone Makhubu lauded the latest operation as highlighting the impact of the tax revenue collection agency’s efforts, which has seen the entity investing in advanced cargo profiling systems, non-intrusive inspection technology, and data-driven risk engines that enable faster and more accurate detection of illicit goods.

He declared that Sars will sustain its crackdown on illicit trade with its modernised customs capabilities, which allow the agency to target high-risk shipments with precision while facilitating compliant trade.

“Through intelligence-led operations, Sars is targeting high-risk consignments with precision, disrupting cross-border smuggling and illicit financial flows that erode the domestic economy and undermine compliant trade,” said Makhubu, adding that Sars and its partners will continue to work together to dismantle these networks and protect the South African economy and its population.

The University of SA’s Dr Mokopane Marakalala and Dr Mokata Nkwana have indicated that maritime drug trafficking poses a significant threat to South African communities' security, economy, and social fabric.

The academics said as a transit point for illicit drugs flowing from Latin America and Asia to Europe and North America, South Africa's strategic position makes it a key target for transnational criminal networks.

“Despite efforts by South African communities and law enforcement agencies to combat the issue, challenges such as the vastness of the coastline, corruption within law enforcement, insufficient resources and the sophisticated nature of trafficking networks continue to undermine effective countermeasures.

Additionally, weak inter-agency coordination and the inadequate legal framework further exacerbate the problem, allowing traffickers to exploit systemic weaknesses,” stated Marakalala and Nkwana.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

ONE telephone number. Two years. Thousands of calls. Multiple victims. One bank. And a confidentiality clause attached to every settlement.

That sentence, drawn from a detailed case study submitted to IOL by a South African fraud investigator, could serve as the epitaph for the country’s banking fraud crisis – a crisis that, by the numbers, is accelerating.

The National Financial Ombud Scheme (NFO) recorded nearly double the number of fraud-related complaints in 2025 compared with the previous year, closing 3,651 fraud cases and recovering R442.9 million for consumers. Yet, in 85% of banking fraud disputes, rulings favour the banks.

Now, a court ruling from halfway across the world is threatening to rewrite the script.

On June 3, 2026, a court in Antwerp, Belgium, handed down a ruling that banking law specialists are already describing as groundbreaking. The case centred on an elderly couple who were defrauded of just under €50,000 (about R1 million) after being manipulated by a fraudster posing as a bank employee and persuaded to transfer the funds to an account in Portugal.

Banks in Belgium, as in South Africa, routinely refuse to reimburse such victims, arguing that they committed gross negligence by transferring the money themselves. The Antwerp court rejected that logic and, in doing so, may have established a precedent with significant global resonance.

Banking law specialist Geert Lenssens, commenting on the ruling to Cybernews, explained the principle affirmed by the judge.

“The bank is obliged to reimburse a customer who is a victim of phishing, unless the bank proves that the customer has committed a gross error.”

Until now, the standard practice had been the reverse: banks assumed customer negligence and customers were required to disprove it. The Antwerp court reversed that burden entirely.

The implications are significant. Lenssens estimates that true gross negligence – the legal threshold for denying reimbursement – applies in barely 1% of phishing cases.

“A gross error is the big exception,” he said. “If, for example, you enter or hand over your code as a result of a scam, that is not a gross error.”

The lawyer predicted that the ruling would be used “thousands of times in legal practice in the coming months and years” and described it as a wake-up call for the banking sector.

“The banking world needs to take a long, hard look at itself. Enough is enough.”

The Belgian ruling comes at a particularly sensitive time for South Africa’s banking sector, which is facing mounting pressure over its handling of fraud complaints, much of it documented in a series of IOL investigations.

A case study submitted to IOL by financial fraud investigator Patrick Le Roux lays out a pattern that will be chillingly familiar to victims across South Africa. A single telephone number, deceptively similar to a legitimate bank customer communications line, with only one transposed digit in the final four numbers, was flagged as a scam for 635 days before it was allegedly used to defraud his elderly client in February 2025.

During the 60 days preceding that attack, the number made 4,736 outbound calls and generated 376 spam reports on Truecaller. As of March 2026, the platform still listed it as active.

“This was not occasional fraud. It was industrial-scale impersonation,” Le Roux writes.

The first documented victim linked to the same number filed a sworn affidavit with the South African Police Service in August 2023. According to Le Roux, that victim also warned the bank that the fraudsters appeared to possess personal customer information in a format consistent with historical bank records, raising concerns about a possible internal data compromise.

The bank, he said, indicated that it would investigate. The number continued operating.

What followed his client’s attack echoed patterns IOL has documented across Standard Bank and Nedbank. The fraud unfolded over more than three hours, with scammers using authority, urgency and sustained psychological pressure to coerce the victim into moving his own funds while believing he was protecting them.

Fraud alerts triggered during the attack – an SMS and a manual fraud call – both failed to reach the victim in a state capable of acting on them because he was simultaneously speaking to someone impersonating his bank.

“OTP delivered. Trusted device. Customer performed the transactions.”

The bank called it authorisation. Le Roux calls it a reasoning error.

IOL has previously reported on a pattern, now also independently documented by Le Roux, in which South African banks attach confidentiality clauses to fraud settlements. Each offer contains materially identical terms: the recipient may not disclose the existence or terms of the agreement without the bank’s prior written consent. Breach the clause, and the recipient must repay the full amount, plus interest and legal costs.

Multiple victims linked to the same scam number received individual settlement offers for different amounts, at different times and on different accounts. Every offer was confidential. None of the recipients were willing to be identified.

“If every settlement is individually silenced, no regulator, no adjudicator, no future victim and no journalist has an accurate picture of how many times this number has been used and how many times the bank has paid,” Le Roux writes.

The consequence, as this publication has documented, is a fragmented picture at the NFO. Each case is adjudicated in isolation. Regulators are unable to build a comprehensive picture of recurring patterns.

For victims such as Anastasia Radebe, who lost nearly R60,000 in a Standard Bank fraud incident and was offered R16,000 in settlement, and the Hendriks family, whose account was emptied within hours of a gunpoint robbery, the individual fight against an institution with full access to its own transaction data often feels insurmountable.

At the legal and technical heart of these cases lies a distinction that South African banks have consistently failed to draw: the difference between a transaction being authenticated and a transaction being genuinely authorised.

When fraud victims dispute transactions, banks typically produce logs showing OTP delivery, trusted-device recognition and alert dispatch. Each of these answers a narrow system-state question: Did the credential arrive? Was the device recognised?

They do not, and were never designed to, answer the question that matters most in coercion cases: Was the customer in a state capable of providing meaningful consent?

The Antwerp court’s reasoning, which requires banks to reimburse victims first and then prove gross negligence through litigation, implicitly recognises this distinction. Under that logic, OTP delivery does not settle the question of liability. It merely confirms that a credential was entered. How it came to be entered is the crucial issue.

One case from IOL’s Standard Bank investigation illustrated the gap with disturbing precision. Karen Segers lost R435,350 through three transactions in August 2025.

The NFO ruled in the bank’s favour, citing evidence of a “trusted device”. Her son, Justin, later noticed that the ombud’s determination referenced a device running “Android OS 36”, a version that does not exist. Android 16 is the current version. The family has since submitted a Promotion of Access to Information Act application to obtain the underlying technical evidence.

In October 2024, the United Kingdom became the first country to implement a mandatory Authorised Push Payment (APP) fraud reimbursement scheme. Under the framework, payment institutions must reimburse victims of APP fraud, including vishing and impersonation scams, up to £85,000 (approximately R2 million), except in cases of gross negligence.

Critically, the cost is split equally between the sending and receiving institutions, creating a direct financial incentive for banks to monitor mule accounts and flag anomalies rather than relying on OTP delivery as a blanket defence.

South Africa has no equivalent framework.

Le Roux notes that the regulatory architecture for mandatory reimbursement obligations already exists through the Financial Sector Regulation Act, the Conduct Standard for Banks and Treating Customers Fairly obligations, but has not been activated for this purpose. The Financial Sector Conduct Authority’s NPS 2030+ framework remains under development.

The question, he argues, is whether South African banks will lead the transition or be compelled into it.

“Those that continue to rely on ‘OTP delivered’ as a comprehensive defence in coercion cases will find that position increasingly difficult to sustain before regulators, adjudicators and the public,” Le Roux writes.

The Belgian ruling adds urgency to that argument. While it applies only to Belgian banking law, its moral logic – that a bank cannot simply assume customer negligence and force victims to fight for reimbursement – is precisely what South African advocates have argued for years.

Now there is a court that has agreed.

Drawn from the Le Roux case study and IOL’s broader investigation, several questions remain unanswered and, in light of the Antwerp ruling, increasingly difficult to avoid:

• When stacked anomalies – a scam number operating for 635 days, thousands of calls and multiple prior victims linked to the same institution – reach a certain threshold, should mandatory transaction holds apply regardless of OTP delivery?
• When a fraud alert goes unanswered during an active incident, what escalation obligations does a bank carry?
• When settlement offers are systematically subject to confidentiality clauses, at what point does a regulator treat the absence of disclosed prior complaints as a systemic risk indicator rather than evidence of a clean record?
• Should coercion negate meaningful authorisation? And if not in South Africa, why not in every jurisdiction moving in that direction?

South African authorities have warned that it would be impossible to inspect or search all cargo ships for possible drug trafficking and smuggling without severely disrupting legitimate export trade and national economic activity.

Security in the country’s seaports has come under scrutiny following evidence presented before the Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry, revealing that these facilities are among the key routes in the smuggling of large consignments of drugs into the country.

The commission, headed by retired Constitutional Court Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, has heard testimony the theft of 541kg cocaine bricks with the street value of about R200 million at a storage facility a few months after being seized at the Durban Harbour in June 2021.

Also on the commission’s radar is another seizure in July 2021 of over 715kg of cocaine with a street value of R300m in Aeroton, Johannesburg, which led to accusations and counter- accusations among different law enforcement agencies as part of the operation.

The drugs seized in Aeroton had been smuggled from Brazil and transported by truck from the Durban Harbour.

Acting Police Minister Firoz Cachalia said the SA Police Service’s (SAPS) Border Policing capability primarily focuses its profiling and searching functions on imports entering the country, where containers manifest and shipping documentation are available in advance and where intelligence-led profiling can be conducted to identify high-risk consignments.

“SAPS Border Policing does not have access to the shipping manifest and related container information prior to departure of the vessel, and in many instances the manifest information becomes available to SAPS only after the vessel has departed the port, sometimes up to approximately three days later,” he explained.

Cachalia added that as a result, SAPS Border Policing does not systematically profile or search containers for export, particularly in the perishable goods environment, unless specific actionable intelligence is provided, indicating the potential concealment of contraband.

The acting minister was responding to questions from uMkhonto weSizwe Party MP Zelna Saira Abader on the interception by Indian authorities of R4.3 billion worth of crystal methamphetamine (tik) and cocaine (with street values of R3.2bn and R1.1bn, respectively) in a week in early October 2022 hidden in oranges, pears, and green apples from South Africa.

Cachalia stated that, without intelligence indicators, export containers with legitimate agricultural commodities are typically processed through the port using the standard commercial export system.

He added that no SAPS officials have been identified or held accountable in relation to the specific export consignment intercepted in India and, therefore, no police officer has been suspended or subjected to disciplinary action in connection with the matter.

According to Cachalia, cargo moving through seaports operates within a multi-agency border management environment, where different authorities perform distinct statutory functions.

The SA Revenue Service’s (Sars’) responsibility is customs declarations, cargo compliance, and customs risk management, while the SAPS is responsible for criminal law enforcement functions and targeted searches where criminal suspicion or intelligence exists.

The Border Management Authority (BMA) takes care of border law-enforcement functions in terms of its legislative mandate and port and terminal operators are responsible for cargo handling and access control within the harbour environment.

Transnet National Ports Authority (TNPA) and Transnet Port Terminals (TPT) are Transnet’s distinct but complementary operating divisions. The TNPA regulated and managed the country's eight commercial seaports, while TPT manages the cargo-handling operations in these ports.

Responding to questions about the TNPA and TPT’s role in the fight against drug trafficking and smuggling through the country's seaports, the state-owned freight and rail transport company indicated that the dangers posed by this transnational crime are taken very seriously, as it is recognised as one of the security threats identified under the International Ship and Port Facility Security (ISPS) code and various security measures are implemented to mitigate the risks it poses.

Transnet said the TNPA and TPT work closely with various law enforcement and security agencies, including the SAPS, BMA, police crime intelligence, defence intelligence and the State Security Agency, among others, in efforts to prevent, detect, and combat criminal activities within the port environment.

“Regular multi-agency security meetings are conducted, chaired by the BMA and SAPS, where incidents occurring within the port environment are discussed, intelligence is shared where appropriate, risks are assessed, and coordinated security plans are developed and implemented to address identified threats,” the entity stated.

Transnet said these collaborative efforts are aimed at protecting port infrastructure, safeguarding legitimate trade and ensuring that employees, contractors, and stakeholders comply with all applicable security requirements.

In addition, it maintains a zero-tolerance stance towards corruption, misconduct, and any form of criminal activity within the port environment.

“Employees and contractors operating within the port environment are regularly reminded that any suspicious parcels, packages, activities or behaviour must be reported immediately to security for investigation and appropriate action,” Transnet explained.

The entity said through strong collaboration with relevant stakeholders, customers, and law enforcement authorities, safeguarding the integrity, security, and efficiency of port operations remains its top priority.

Other measures implemented by Transnet include screening of employees, contractors, and visitors entering and exiting terminal facilities, strict access control procedures at all designated entry and exit points, and continuous monitoring and surveillance through various security systems and operational security measures.

Transnet also conducts security assurance activities to ensure that all operations comply with organisational policies, regulatory requirements, and industry security standards, as well as compliance with the requirements of the ISPS code and other applicable security regulations.

Last weekend, Sars and the SAPS seized 30 bricks of cocaine at the Port of Durban, an operation conducted three days after about 90kg of cocaine concealed in trucks arriving from Brazil was intercepted at the same port.

The operation involved targeted inspections, supported by detector dogs and on-site verification, after which preliminary testing using a Sars mobile drug detection kit confirmed the substance to be cocaine, following an intelligence-led profiling and risk assessment conducted by Sars customs officers.

Sars Commissioner Dr Johnstone Makhubu lauded the latest operation as highlighting the impact of the tax revenue collection agency’s efforts, which has seen the entity investing in advanced cargo profiling systems, non-intrusive inspection technology, and data-driven risk engines that enable faster and more accurate detection of illicit goods.

He declared that Sars will sustain its crackdown on illicit trade with its modernised customs capabilities, which allow the agency to target high-risk shipments with precision while facilitating compliant trade.

“Through intelligence-led operations, Sars is targeting high-risk consignments with precision, disrupting cross-border smuggling and illicit financial flows that erode the domestic economy and undermine compliant trade,” said Makhubu, adding that Sars and its partners will continue to work together to dismantle these networks and protect the South African economy and its population.

The University of SA’s Dr Mokopane Marakalala and Dr Mokata Nkwana have indicated that maritime drug trafficking poses a significant threat to South African communities' security, economy, and social fabric.

The academics said as a transit point for illicit drugs flowing from Latin America and Asia to Europe and North America, South Africa's strategic position makes it a key target for transnational criminal networks.

“Despite efforts by South African communities and law enforcement agencies to combat the issue, challenges such as the vastness of the coastline, corruption within law enforcement, insufficient resources and the sophisticated nature of trafficking networks continue to undermine effective countermeasures.

Additionally, weak inter-agency coordination and the inadequate legal framework further exacerbate the problem, allowing traffickers to exploit systemic weaknesses,” stated Marakalala and Nkwana.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana has lived up to his promise of acting against the government departments that owe municipalities a whopping R15 billion in unpaid rates and services for water and electricity.

Godongwana has now set his eyes firmly on the provinces for placing strain on municipal sustainability and service delivery by not paying their debts.

This was disclosed by Godongwana when he wrote to Parliament informing it of the National Treasury’s intention to invoke Section 216(2) of the Constitution to withhold provincial Equitable Share transfers to the implicated provinces.

He cited “persistent and material non-compliance by provincial departments in settling municipal property rates and service charges, including charges relating to water, electricity, sanitation, and other related municipal services owed to municipalities”.

The letter emerged in the parliamentary communique known as Announcements, Tablings and Committee that was published on Thursday.

It has been referred to the Select Committee on Finance for consideration while provinces have an opportunity to pay up or have their Equitable Share Allocation transfers withheld.

DA MP Dennis Ryder, a member of the select committee, welcomed the National Treasury's decision to invoke Section 216(2) of the Constitution and potentially withhold provincial Equitable Share allocations from provinces that continue to default on payments owed to municipalities.

Ryder said the DA has for years argued that accountability in public finance cannot be selective.

“Government departments cannot expect residents and businesses to pay their municipal accounts while the state itself accumulates billions in unpaid debt.”

He noted that provincial departments owe municipalities almost R15 billion, with more than R8.5 billion outstanding for over a year.

Ryder also said provincial government departments were among the largest debtors owing many struggling municipalities and recovering these funds could provide immediate relief to municipalities battling to maintain roads, keep water flowing, and keep the lights on.

“Consequence enforcement must mean more than strongly-worded letters. Provinces that fail to meet their legal obligations must face real consequences,” he said.

Last month, Godongwana told Parliament that municipalities have been accusing him of bias for deducting funds directly from municipal allocations when they owe organs of state, whereas the same principle has not been consistently applied to national and provincial departments that owe municipalities outstanding amounts.

He said the National Treasury has taken a decision to deduct monies from national and provincial departments to settle outstanding debts owed to affected municipalities.

According to Godongwana, Director-General Duncan Pieterse had written to the departments warning that if they did not pay municipalities, the National Treasury will make deductions from their allocations.

Godongwana said the National Treasury has quantified the amount owed to the municipalities.

“Provincial governments owe about R14 billion. The national government owes R8.2 billion. That takes us to R22 billion, which is owed to municipalities,” he said.

“We intend to make sure that money is transferred back to municipalities,” said Godongwana when he tabled the budget vote in the National Assembly.

The minister had stated that the provincial debt owed to municipalities continued to place a strain on municipal sustainability and service delivery. 

It was reported earlier this week that the debt owed by struggling municipalities to water boards has ballooned by almost R4 billion, reaching R28 billion over the past 10 months.

Water and Sanitation Minister Pemmy Majodina said municipalities blamed the non-payment on consumers, including departments, for not servicing the debt.

In an effort to make the defaulting municipalities cough up, the Department of Water and Sanitation requests the National Treasury to withhold Equitable Share allocations to defaulting municipalities.

The department previously said it used the withholding of the allocations as a last resort to force the councils to honour their obligations by paying their current invoices prior to their allocations being released by the National Treasury.

However, Majodina said the defaulting municipalities generally pay upon entering into payment agreements and two months down the line abscond, a move that forces the department to again approach the National Treasury to withhold the Equitable Share.

“We have already made a submission regarding close to 16 municipalities that are just not paying the water boards.”

Majodina stated on Wednesday that they have urged municipalities to apply what her department was doing regarding the direct deductions from their municipal allocations.

“They must ensure that the departments that owe them... that their budgets are withheld by the National Treasury, because if they do that, we know we are going to benefit and our water boards are going to be paid,” she said.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

The EFF and ATM moved swiftly on Saturday to indicate that they will oppose President Cyril Ramaphosa’s application to interdict Parliament from proceedings with the impeachment inquiry, pending the outcome of the separate court challenge.

Ramaphosa filed papers in the Western Cape High Court on Friday, asking that National Assembly Speaker Thoko Didiza and Impeachment Committee Chairperson Makashule Gana be stopped from commencing with the impeachment inquiry pending the decision on his review application on the Independent Panel report.

He said his attorney wrote to Didiza and Gana requesting the stay of the commencement of the proceedings until the review application has been determined.

However, Didiza told him the parliamentary committees determine their own working arrangements and agenda, and the State Attorney acting for Gana advised that his request was not acceded to as the committee was continuing with preparations for the inquiry.

Ramaphosa said he was left with no option but to institute the urgent application.

“This is because there is a possibility, and in fact a likelihood, that the Impeachment Committee will begin the impeachment hearings before the court has made a decision on the review application,” he said.

The president added that if the impeachment process was allowed to proceed on the basis of the Independent Panel report, which he is challenging its validity, he would suffer irreparable harm and prejudice.

“I submit that, absent the interim interdictory relief, there is a high risk and in fact an inevitability of irreparable harm. This harm is neither speculative nor remote. It will arise immediately and directly from the commencement of the impeachment inquiry.”

Gana confirmed receiving the court papers on Friday.

“Our lawyers are studying the court, and we will comment after,” he said, adding that the committee meeting was scheduled for June 24.

The EFF, which is cited as responding along with the ATM, said the application for an interdict confirmed that Ramaphosa will exhaust every legal and political avenue to delay accountability and avoid facing the impeachment inquiry.

“The EFF will oppose this urgent interdict application. We will continue to defend the Constitutional Court's judgment, which unequivocally directed Parliament to establish an Impeachment Committee to inquire into the findings of the Section 89 Independent Panel report,” spokesperson Sinawo Thambo said.

The ATM has advised Ramaphosa's legal representatives that it was opposing the urgent application.

“Although our clients intend to advance the argument that the application is not urgent, and that any urgency may have been self-created, they request that the matter be heard on an expedited basis during the week of 22 June 2026,” said Asherson Attorneys.

The ATM legal team also said one day should be sufficient for the hearing of the application.

“Our client's firm view is that this application, by its nature, requires the court to deal with it and dispose of it as soon as possible.”

In his review application papers, Ramaphosa said his application was not to prevent the Impeachment Committee from exercising its powers.

“The issue is whether the National Assembly and the Impeachment Committee should exercise those powers at a time there is a legal dispute as to whether they actually have such powers, because the process is triggered by the report whose validity is presently the subject of review proceedings before this court.”

ActionSA’s Lerato Ngobeni said her party rejected Ramaphosa's urgent application to interdict the Impeachment Committee from commencing its work.

Agreeing with the EFF, Ngobeni said the application does not suspend Parliament's duty to hold Ramaphosa accountable.

“ActionSA remains firmly of the view that the Section 89 Committee must proceed with its work unless and until a competent court orders otherwise,” she said.

Legal analyst Modidima Maanya said he was not surprised by Ramaphosa's decision to seek to interdict the impeachment process, as he had indicated his intention. 

Maanya said there is no obligation in law for Parliament to accede to his demand.

“It is at the discretion of Parliament to put the process on hold pending the review,” he said.

Maanya further said that as a matter of law, the president did not have the right to get the interdict just because he had taken the Independent Panel report on review.

“He will have to make out a strong case,” he said.

Political analyst Sandile Swana said the interdict application was characteristic of ANC leaders to engage in Stalingrad strategy.

Swana said Parliament has guidance for the court ruling that they must continue with the inquiry, and the report of the Independent Panel still stands until set aside by the court.

“They have to follow the spirit and letter of what the Constitutional Court has told them to do,” he added.

Another political analyst, Professor Dirk Kotze said Ramaphosa sought urgent relief to avoid being jeopardised should the report be set aside when evidence has been led.

“We don't know whether the interdict will be granted or not. That is very much uncertain,” he said.

Kotze also said Parliament had no choice but to proceed with the inquiry because of the instruction from the apex court.

 “We don't know how long it will take to review the panel’s report,” he added.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Happy SpaceX Day everyone. 

Today may go down in history as the day Elon Musk could become the world's first trillionaire, and the day SpaceX blasted off into the public markets.

The company already made history yesterday by selling 555.6 million shares priced at $135 each, raising the $75 billion that it was looking for and giving the company nearly achieved the $1.8 trillion valuation that it was targeting.

It equals the combined value of the 29 biggest IPOs in US history since 2000 – adjusted for inflation – including Meta, Google, Hilton, Airbnb, DoorDash, Uber, Snowflake and GM.

Yes, it’s huge. So today, everyone will be watching SpaceX leave the launchpad. In yesterday’s note, I discussed in detail what to expect from this IPO today, and in the coming weeks and months, for those who are interested in what the future could hold for the company and for the rest of the market.

On earth, lunatic...

On Earth, it was a good old day where US President Donald Trump threatened to hit Iran hard – oil spiked, stocks fell – then he said that the countries were ‘close to a deal’ to extend the ceasefire and reopen the Strait of Hormuz – oil fell, stocks rallied.

What’s unbelievable is that after three months of this nonsense, markets still move on words that have little substance. Alas. This morning, US crude is testing the $85pb level to the downside, its lowest level since the early days of the Iranian conflict. Yet there is no confirmation from Iranian media, and there is nothing to suggest that this time will be the charm.

But US and European futures are in positive territory at the time of writing, before the European open, with European indices leading gains, showing how eagerly European investors await the end of this conflict.

ECB hikes

Beneath the market optimism, the euro area was hit by the European Central Bank’s (ECB) first rate hike in almost three years, aimed at fighting inflation that spiked past the 3% mark amid rising energy prices. Lagarde said that inflation is spilling over into the rest of the economy.

Now, note that yesterday’s market action was mostly driven by the fall in oil prices, and not by the ECB decision, as benchmark 10-year European yields fell sharply and equity indices gained on falling energy prices. But the ECB hike is fundamentally bad news for European economies.

A rate hike is obviously never good news. It increases borrowing costs for companies and households and slows growth. And in the particular case of the euro area, growth prospects are already very meagre – I say meagre not to say negative. In Q1, the euro area reported a negative growth figure (-0.2% q-o-q), and the situation has probably deteriorated in Q2 due to the Iran-war-led energy crisis. To make things worse, another hike in September remains very much in play unless energy prices retreat sustainably over the summer.

And worryingly, the ECB hike will probably not make much difference to inflation.

 A rate hike is very efficient in the context of an economy facing demand-led inflation. By raising rates and slowing the economy and demand, the central bank can tame inflation. But in today’s context, inflation comes from an external shock. So we know beforehand that ECB rate hikes will likely have a bigger impact on growth than on inflation.

So why does the ECB hike? Because it can’t just sit and watch inflation rise without doing anything. In 2022, the ECB was criticised for reacting too late to the Ukrainian war led energy crisis. But back in 2011, it moved and hiked rates twice to cool rising inflationary pressures, only to reverse course after the economy fell off a cliff.

So what I am trying to say is that monetary policy is not an exact science. There are too many factors at play that make the same decisions echo differently across the economy. And central bankers have little control over the vast majority of those factors.

Today, we know that whatever central banks do, only an end to the Iran war, the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz and a sustained decline in energy prices could ease global inflation worries and push the central bank hawks out of the room.

In summary, the positive reaction in European equity markets yesterday may hit a wall if oil prices spike again.

Keeping up with the central banks

Next week will be crowded with central bank decisions. The Bank of Japan (BoJ) is now increasingly expected to hike rates to slow the bleeding in the Japanese yen. The USDJPY fell sharply below the 160 mark yesterday after Trump called off attacks on Iran. But the pair rebounded above the 160 mark today. Intervention or not, the only thing that could stop the yen’s bleeding is a rate hike, ideally next week.

Then, the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) is broadly expected to hold fire next week after three rate hikes since January. The Bank of England (BoE) is expected to sit tight, too, as softer inflation has bought policymakers some breathing room. But that relief may prove temporary, as inflation will likely readjust to reality when the energy price cap is revised and higher energy costs begin feeding through to household bills.

In Switzerland, well, the Swiss National Bank (SNB) is safe for now. Inflation in Switzerland rose too, but only to 0.6% on an annual basis as a reaction to rising energy prices, thanks to a strong franc that protected Swiss prices from rising too much. As such, low inflation gives the SNB the luxury to wait: wait for other central banks pressured by above-target inflation to raise rates, wait for the global economy to slow under the weight of the coming rate hikes, and wait for weaker demand to pull energy prices lower.

Time is everything in the current context. And in fine, if oil prices come down before Swiss inflation breaches the SNB's 2% target, Switzerland could emerge largely unscathed without lifting a finger.

Holy Switzerland.

Ipek Ozkardeskaya, Senior Analyst at Swissquote.

Follow Business Report on Facebook, X and on LinkedIn for the latest Business and tech news.

BUSINESS REPORT 

Group E offers an intriguing blend of football cultures and playing styles, with four nations carrying vastly different expectations into the Fifa World Cup.

Germany arrived as four-time world champions looking to reassert themselves among football’s elite, while Ecuador continued their rise as one of South America’s most organised sides. 

Ivory Coast carry Africa’s hopes of another deep World Cup run, and Curaçao enter the biggest stage in their history determined to upset the established order.

With Germany the clear favourites on paper, the battle for second place could be among the most competitive in the tournament.

GERMANY | A Giant Seeking Redemption

Head coach: Julian Nagelsmann

Captain: Joshua Kimmich

Key Player: Florian Wirtz

FIFA ranking: 10

Best World Cup Finish: Winners (1954, 1974, 1990, 2014)

Germany arrive in North America determined to restore their reputation after a turbulent decade at World Cups. 

Since lifting the trophy in Brazil in 2014, Die Mannschaft have suffered consecutive group-stage exits in 2018 and 2022 before reaching only the quarter-finals in 2026 qualifying preparations and major tournaments.

Under Julian Nagelsmann, Germany have embraced a younger generation led by Jamal Musiala, Florian Wirtz and Joshua Kimmich. The blend of youth and experience has injected renewed optimism into a nation accustomed to competing for titles.

Musiala is expected to be the creative spark in attack, while Kimmich remains the heartbeat of the side. Germany possess quality throughout the squad and will be expected to top Group E.

ECUADOR | South America’s Emerging Force

Head coach: Sebastián Beccacece

Captain: Moisés Caicedo

Key player: Moisés Caicedo

FIFA ranking: 24

Best World Cup Finish: Round of 16 (2006)

Ecuador have quietly become one of the most difficult teams to play against in South America. Their qualification campaign was built on defensive discipline, athleticism and a hardworking midfield capable of competing with the continent’s traditional powers.

Chelsea midfielder Moisés Caicedo has emerged as the face of the national team and one of the best midfielders in world football. His ability to win possession and dictate tempo makes Ecuador a dangerous opponent in tournament football.

The South Americans combine physicality with technical quality and will fancy their chances of progressing to the knockout stages for only the second time in their history.

IVORY COAST | The Elephants Weigh Heavy on the World 

Head coach: Emerse Faé

Captain: Franck Kessié

Key player: Simon Adingra

FIFA ranking: 34

Best World Cup finish: Group Stage (2006, 2010, 2014)

Despite their showing in the last tournament, Ivory Coast arrive at the World Cup carrying confidence following their dramatic 2023 Africa Cup of Nations triumph on home soil.

That victory reignited belief that the Elephants can finally translate continental success onto the global stage.

The squad blends experienced leaders such as Franck Kessié with exciting younger talents led by Simon Adingra. Their pace in wide areas, physical strength and attacking quality make them one of Africa’s most dangerous representatives.

Despite producing generations of elite players, Ivory Coast have never advanced beyond the World Cup group stage. Breaking that barrier will be a major objective in 2026.

_{CURACAO | Making History}

Head Coach: Dick Advocaat

Captain: Cuco Martina

Key Player: Juninho Bacuna

FIFA Ranking: 83

Best World Cup Finish: Debut Appearance

Curaçao are one of the feel-good stories of the tournament after securing a historic first-ever World Cup qualification. The Caribbean nation has steadily improved over the past decade through investment in development and the recruitment of players with Dutch football backgrounds.

Veteran coach Dick Advocaat has brought organisation and experience to the side, while players such as Juninho Bacuna provide quality and leadership.

As tournament debutants, expectations remain modest, but Curaçao have already exceeded predictions by reaching the World Cup. They will aim to frustrate opponents and seize opportunities on the counter-attack.

_{GROUP E FIXTURES:}

Matchday 1: Germany vs Curaçao • Ecuador vs Ivory Coast

Matchday 2: Germany vs Ivory Coast • Curaçao vs Ecuador

Matchday 3: Germany vs Ecuador • Curaçao vs Ivory Coast

Embrace Dignity is one of an array of civil organisations gearing up for a landmark case before the Western Cape High Court, which could shape whether South Africa moves towards full decriminalisation of the sex trade, including the buying of sex, brothel keeping, and pimping. 

As the court case nears for litigation in October 2026, Embrace Dignity has said that fully decriminalising the sex trade  would further normalise and increase the exploitation of women and girls, embolden sex buyers and traffickers, organised crime, and exacerbate inequalities.

The organisation is a South African women's rights non-governmental organisation working to end the patriarchal system of prostitution.

Instead of full decriminalisation, Embrace Dignity, with its arguments before the court, has said that “rather than offering meaningful protections or viable exit opportunities for those in prostitution, it would expose them to even greater risks of harm and exploitation”.

Executive Director of Embrace Dignity, Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge, said they are advocating for the Sankara Equality Law, which is a rights-based, rational alternative to full decriminalisation of the harmful and exploitative system of prostitution. 

“The Sankara Equality Law focuses on ending the demand by criminalising the purchase of sex and holding perpetrators accountable while decriminalising prostituted persons and offering them exit pathways, and a positive relationship with the justice system,” said former deputy minister of Health, Madlala-Routledge.

Embrace Dignity, together with the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women International, Equality Now and Sanctuary for Families, seeks to decriminalise sex work in South Africa. 

According to the civil organisations who are party to the litigation, South Africa faces a defining policy choice: full decriminalisation of the sex trade, or an Equality Model approach that targets the demand by holding buyers and third-party profiteers accountable while decriminalising only those who are prostituted and offering them exit pathways.

The main application, brought by S.H and Sex Workers Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT), against the Minister of Justice and Correctional Services and others, seeks to decriminalise sex work in South Africa.  

The applicants want Section 11 of the Amendment Act declared unlawful and unconstitutional, in addition to sections 20(1A)(a) and 19(1) of the Sexual Offences Act.

“The result would be that the regulatory model adopted in South Africa would be one of full decriminalisation, as opposed to the Equality Model,” said Madlala-Routledge. 

The litigation would be precedent-setting.

About their litigation stance, Madlala-Routledge said: “(The main application’s) approach would negatively impact the fundamental rights of prostituted persons and of vulnerable women and children in South Africa and its neighbouring countries. In addition, the judgment of this court is likely to be regarded as persuasive in other African countries and beyond, and would therefore have far-reaching implications for the potential adoption of the Equality Model elsewhere on the continent and globally.

“Prostitution is a system of gender-based violence, exploitation, and commodification - not work. Rooted in poverty, patriarchy, and weak justice, it violates South Africa's constitutional promise of dignity, equality, and freedom. Ninety-seven percent of prostituted women want to exit but lack the resources, skills, and support to do so. Full decriminalisation would legitimise buyers, pimps, and brothels, abandoning the most vulnerable. There is currently no government-funded, comprehensive exit programme in South Africa.”

Madlala-Routledge said the Equality Model is a rational strategy to curb the harmful and exploitative system of prostitution by focusing on the demand while decriminalising prostituted persons and offering them exit pathways. 

“Prostitution cannot be made safer as the harms are inherent to the practice. South Africa faces deep-seated economic and sexual inequality, which exacerbates the issue.

“There are high levels of men's violence against women, contributing to the dangers associated with prostitution.

“We stand with prostitution survivors, women’s, and human rights advocates in South Africa and around the world who call on the South African government to adopt the Sankara Equality Model… When laws against sex purchase are publicised and enforced, the demand for prostitution decreases.

“Research in other jurisdictions has consistently demonstrated that men identify criminal prosecution, along with its attendant publicity, as the most significant deterrent to purchasing women for sex,” said Madlala-Routledge.

chevon.booysen@inl.co.za

The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) on Friday said the upcoming local government elections will be conducted in what is described as the most challenging and tough pre-electoral climate observed over the last 30 years.

The electoral body said this was based on conclusions reached by the face-to-face survey conducted between October 2025 and February 2026.

The elections will be held on November 4 and parties and independent candidates will contest 10,439 seats in 214 municipalities.

Briefing the joint meeting of three parliamentary committees, deputy chief electoral officer Masego Sheburi said the survey and research told them that there was widespread disillusionment with political leadership, decline in confidence in core political institutions and dissatisfaction with the way democracy is functioning.

“Citizens have low expectation of responsiveness and delivery from the government and that shapes the perception of democracy and drives disillusionment which will manifest in intended abstention from participation in the elections,” he said.

Sheburi told the MPs that there was greater divide between the people who had voted in the past and those that had not.

“The local government elections will be highly competitive in an environment of low trust and high risk,” he said.

According to Sheburi, the highest perception recorded was in 2004 with 63% of people indicating happiness with democracy.

“The rate of dissatisfaction has moved from 25% in 2024 to 68% in 2025/26.”

He also said the number of people who think the country was going in the wrong direction has increased.

“There is correlation to the study we did and those done by Government Communications and Markhinor studies.”

Sheburi said the survey has shown that the entrenched decline in trust in key political institutions - national government, Parliament, local government, political parties, courts and traditional leaders - has worsened.

The trust in the national government dropped from 69% recorded in 2004 to 19% while that of Parliament went down to 20%.

As the country heads to the municipal elections, the trust in local government also dipped from 55% to 18%, and political parties down to 11%, from 42%.

Like other institutions, the courts have also seen a decline in trust, with confidence in the IEC dropping from 74% to 32%. However, the trust among those who voted in 2024 was only 8%.

Sheburi said were the elections to be held imminently, the intention to vote will decline from 76% recorded in 2015 to 64%.

“This is not automatic. It is positive if certain things are done and people feel there is a level of responsiveness and political contestants are concerned with issues that concern them.”

Sheburi said the intention to vote was highest in the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and Mpumalanga among the people 18 and above.

At least 62% of the people nationally still believe it is a duty of all citizens to vote in an election.

Sheburi said the voter roll currently stands at 2.7 million with registered voters despite the average 34,000 monthly decline due to mortality.

“From the last national elections  in 2024 and the end of May we have done what we never did to increase the voter roll by 106,000 new entrants. This is over and above the 34,000 we lose monthly owing to mortality.”

Sheburi also said there will be 4,466 wards throughout the country and the IEC has registered people who were affected by re-determination of ward boundaries.

He said as there will be 10, 439 seats across municipalities, they expected a marginal increase to the 95,000 candidate nominations received five years ago.

“We don't have a reason to believe the trend will abate. We are going to make preparations to deal with a deluge of candidates come the opening of candidate nominations.”

The preparation for the November elections, according to Sheburi, has key dependencies such as the publishing in the government gazette of the proclamation of the election date sometime in early August.

It will be the same day the voter roll will close for those who want to register for the first time.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

DEEP down in our crisis-ridden society the political forces behind the unprecedented violent anti-immigrant national protests have been steadily germinating over a long period.

It is the socio-material context of arguably the worst Black poverty, unemployment and social inequalities in the post-apartheid period which was the catalyst that ignited those combustible protests across the length and breadth of South Africa.

It is this context which many commentators and analysts in the media have unfortunately not paid sufficient attention to in dealing with the migrant worker crisis. But it is only through such an approach that we can understand the conditions which gave rise to the unprecedented destructive violence, which often descended into sheer mob hysteria, with the terrible opportunistic looting of shops owned by foreigners.

This widespread orgy of wanton violence, the intensity of which has never been seen before since our watershed 1994 Uhuru nonracial and democratic elections, is the most poignant reminder that we are in fact facing a mortal and multifaceted crisis now fiercely demanding immediate government action and answers.

Naturally, if the Black working-class majority is now facing the worst poverty, joblessness and social inequalities crisis since 1994, competition with immigrant workers for jobs and various social services would be much greater.

Add to that the impacts of the neoliberal austerity budgets we have had for several years — which have further deepened poverty and available resources for various public services, such as health and education — and we have a generalised situation which will polarise relations between them.

In such a situation, the accumulated frustrations of struggling Black communities, with already high rates of unemployment and poverty, will cause them to hit out at migrant workers and small business traders, such as spaza shop operators.

But the overall situation has never been as bad as it is now. We also have the worst cost of living crisis in the post-apartheid period. Mass black hunger, malnutrition and the related stunted development of children are rampant across our society.

Levels of black poverty, unemployment and social inequalities are, in fact, worse today than they were under apartheid, as a direct result of the distinctly neoliberal policies which the African National Congress (ANC) has pursued since taking office in 1994. That is precisely why the ANC declined in the 2024 elections from 57% in 2019 to around 40% of the vote, and for the first time lost a national election.

For too long did the ANC allow the undocumented crisis to fester without a comprehensive programme of action to systematically and consistently root out the inefficiencies and corruption in the Home Affairs Department, arguably the biggest underlying causal factor.

It is clearly very complex, besides the fact that it coincided with the most intense and devastating socioeconomic crisis we have had since 1994. In fact, the existing socioeconomic crisis runs so deep and wide that the current waves of violence sweeping the country will be long discussed and debated.

There are several factors that have over a long period contributed to the outbreak of this tortuous crisis, which limited space does not allow me to fully unravel. But it strikes at the heart of the ‘miracle transition’ some mistakenly referred to in the 1990s.

Some might say that the terribly destructive violence of the past few weeks shows that the chickens have come home to roost. But nobody can be satisfied with the mob hysteria and mindless violence we have seen recently.

However, the biggest tragedy is the fact that different sections of the Black working class are at war with each other. It is very unlikely that spaza shops make a lot of money, with those operators probably living from hand to mouth.

Come to think of it, we are all in this country to a greater or lesser extent immigrants. All, I repeat. Slavery, colonisation and the settlers who came from various parts of the world since diamonds and gold were discovered in the 19th century are all immigrants. There are probably people from every part of the world whose ancestors have been living in this country for very long.

But the South African people who have been very unhappy with undocumented immigrants who are either employed or operate spaza shops certainly have legitimate grievances, as they do with the selling of foodstuffs which have expired.

The serious problems which undocumented immigrants present to both the government and to ordinary South African citizens in several respects are indeed legitimate and urgently need to be addressed.

Capacity and resource constraints, especially within neoliberal austerity budgets, are another very big problem we face. For that tragic situation the ANC must take primary responsibility, which is probably partly why it lost power in the 2024 elections. But this crisis is unlike the earlier moments of anti-immigrant, xenophobic and Afrophobic violent eruptions, which first began in 2007/8.

The resurrection of this crisis is today taking place and is in fact intensified by the biggest socioeconomic, unemployment and political crisis we have had since 1994, which has resulted in utter desperation for jobs and income. That is the real context within which the current immigration crisis is unfolding.

It is a daily battle for survival in highly impoverished Black townships and a brutal dog-eat-dog situation for both South African Blacks and African migrants. It is this worsening crisis which has produced Operation Dudula and March. They did not emerge in a vacuum.

It is crucially important to secure this understanding of the material forces which have produced the anti-immigrant mayhem and hysteria recently in Black townships and towns. But it is going to be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to find answers to this terrible, very complex and convoluted crisis without addressing the largely neoliberal capitalist economic and social policies the ANC has been wedded to since 1994.

Don’t forget that SA has had the most powerful economy in Africa and has been the minerals powerhouse of the world since the 19th century, thanks to the diamonds and gold that were then discovered. And don’t forget, too, that the backbone of that economy for a long time was Black migrant labour from neighbouring Southern African countries.

But who among the protesters against immigrant workers knows and understands that history? Most probably very few, if any. Yet, it is profoundly important to understand if we are to make progress in finding solutions to the crisis.

However, even if this knowledge and understanding are secured, it will not automatically lead to constructive and progressive solutions to a very deep and complex crisis. But without it, finding solutions will be much more difficult.

It is also much easier said than done to assert that the alternative is for the local and immigrant workers to unite against the employers and the capitalist class. For someone who is a former trade unionist, I can assure you that calling for such a unity, while objectively and politically correct, avoids the really hard, difficult, complex and even contradictory questions which concern the concrete conditions on the ground.

However, it is the current leaders in government and civil society that we must turn to for working constructively towards finding solutions. But for that purpose, we all need to be mature enough to acknowledge that it is impossible to have ready-made answers to this deepening and very complex immigrant crisis, as it is very unwise to only blame the ANC or the current Government of National Unity.

However, there are also several peculiarities about those marches and protests across SA over the past few weeks. The first thing that struck me from the outset was that it was only Black African migrants from other Southern African countries which were targeted in the orgy of violence and mob hysteria we were inundated with on our TV screens and social media.

Why? Why were only the poorest Black people from those countries targeted? Why not a single word from the protesters and rioters about white and European immigrants and their ancestors who have been in SA from 1652? Why is there the presumption that it is only black African immigrants who are undocumented?

This omission of whites and Europeans is more ironical and contradictory because there is an avalanche of evidence to show that it is indeed ‘white monopoly capital’ which bears a much greater responsibility for the current devastating crisis of Black poverty, unemployment and social inequalities than does the ANC.

The other and related problem is to assume that it is only SA that has serious immigration problems. All other African countries, and in fact, the entire world, have ongoing immigration problems.

It is very serious in Southern European countries, where desperate African immigrants from Northern African countries have tried to cross over to seek greener pastures and escape from grinding poverty and hopelessness. Many, including children, have drowned.

And while the ANC bears overwhelming responsibility for the current immigrant crisis in SA, they are not the only factor at play in producing the multidimensional complexity we have today. To presume that we must only focus on the ANC is gross opportunism and highly simplistic, which will get us nowhere.

Finding constructive solutions to this very complex and multifaceted immigration crisis in SA requires a much wider appraisal of all the factors which produced it. But it should be now absolutely necessary that all immigrants in South Africa be required to be duly documented and that all small businesses, such as spaza shops, must be regulated.

Very important progressive civil society voices directed against Operation Dudula and March must be noted, for largely scapegoating migrants, but they must also seriously consider the wide range of problems created by those who are undocumented.

But valid cases of administrative delays in processing migrant applications at Home Affairs must be noted. The lack of capacity at Home Affairs is vividly clear. There are even many South Africans who have been negatively affected by this situation and have been waiting for a long time for their documents.

However, the irrefutable fact is that the ANC bears probably the greatest responsibility for the current immigration crisis. One must stress this fact at this moment because this year is also the 50th anniversary of the 1976 Soweto black student uprisings and the 30th anniversary of the 1996 Constitution, which we are repeatedly told is the most progressive constitution in the world.

But how can a country with purportedly the best and most progressive constitution in the world also have among the highest levels of unemployment and the worst social inequalities in the world, especially when the constitution is the highest law in the land?

I conclude with the earnest hope that we will not see more widespread mayhem, chaos, violence and vigilantism on 30 June, which is apparently the deadline for the onerous demands placed on the government.

To expect the demands to be met by that date, especially the mass deportation of all undocumented foreign nationals, given the immense complexity and confusion of the general situation on the ground, strongly appears unrealistic.

The lack of state resources and administrative capacity and the crisis in the police itself will probably be the biggest drawbacks in meeting that deadline.

* Dr Ebrahim Harvey is a political writer, analyst, and commentator.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Even before uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) MP Edward Mzikayise Ntshingila was laid to rest, his death became the centre of a bitter dispute involving allegations that Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla and suspended former party spokesperson Nhlamulo Ndhlela were barred from attending his funeral and memorial service.

The controversy unfolded ahead of Ntshingila's funeral on Sunday at Johannesburg's Westpark Cemetery. Ntshingila, 43, a member of Parliament's Joint Standing Committee on Intelligence (JSCI) and the MKP's former national elections manager, died on June 4 following an illness. 

His death triggered tensions within both the party and sections of his family. At the heart of the dispute are claims that Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela were instructed not to attend events commemorating Ntshingila's life and were warned they would be forcibly removed if they did so.

The disagreement appears to stem from divisions within Ntshingila's family, with his maternal relatives, who use the Kubheka surname, openly supporting Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela's attendance at both the memorial service and funeral. 

It remains unclear who allegedly issued the instructions to prevent them from attending. According to sources close to the matter, Zuma-Sambudla has been accused of interfering with Ntshingila's personal affairs, including his belongings and bank cards, while Ndhlela has been accused of spreading claims that Ntshingila's illness was the result of poisoning. 

No evidence has been presented publicly to substantiate either allegation.

Ndhlela strongly denied spreading rumours about the cause of Ntshingila's illness.

"I never met the father, mother, wife, sisters or anyone else in the family. How could I have made those allegations?" he said.

He confirmed that he and Zuma-Sambudla were told their presence at the funeral events was unwelcome.

"We received a call. The party spokesperson called the head of communications, who then called Dudu and said we must not attend because they don't want us there and that we would be removed violently," said Ndhlela.

He alleged that recently appointed MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu had instructed head of communications Sipho Tyira to communicate the message.

According to Ndhlela, the dispute was rooted in internal political tensions within the MKP.

"The problem is that there are people who have recently come on board who are not happy with the relationship between Dudu and myself. 

"They are fighting us, which is expected in a political environment," he said.

Ndhlela described Ntshingila as one of their closest allies within the party.

"He was closer to us than almost anyone else in the party from day one," he said.

Despite the alleged threats, Ndhlela said both he and Zuma-Sambudla attended the memorial service and were saddened by what he described as the politicisation of a close friend's death.

"Settling political scores using one side of a family, which Muzi never lived with while we lived with him, just shows that there is no more ubuntu," he said.

However, Tyira flatly denied that he had ever communicated any instruction preventing Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela from attending the memorial service or funeral.

"There is no story here. You must ask him which day I called and how I communicated such a message," said Tyira.

"Generally, in matters involving funerals and death, because they are sensitive and involve families and children, I do not involve myself in sensationalism."

Tyira said Ntshingila had been a colleague and friend and that he respected the family's grief.

"I generally do not like anything that sensationalises death, especially before a person has even been buried," he said.

Neither Zuma-Sambudla nor Mahlangu responded to questions sent to them on Thursday and Friday, respectively.

Meanwhile, Ntshingila's cousin, Pule Kubheka, who is acting as spokesperson for the maternal side of the family, publicly defended Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela.

Kubheka released a statement on behalf of the family on Wednesday, which Zuma-Sambudla shared on her X account, and added: "Some Leaders Have Made It Their Full Time Job To Try And Deal With @NhlamuloNdhlela And I, Even In Our Time Of Grief."

Kubheka said the family was disturbed by reports that the pair had been sidelined, excluded, or discouraged from participating in events honouring Ntshingila.

"Equally concerning are the public and private attacks that have reportedly been directed at Ms Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla and Hon Nhlamulo Ndhlela.

"These are individuals who stood with the family during our darkest hours and whose only concern throughout this tragedy was the well-being of Muzi and those who loved him," the statement read.

Speaking telephonically, Kubheka said the matter had since been resolved and that both Zuma-Sambudla and Ndhlela had attended the memorial service at the Johannesburg City Hall.

"I don't want to dwell on it because it has been resolved. They were there at the memorial service and we don't want to escalate matters," he said.

Kubheka, however, criticised what he described as attempts by political figures to exploit family disagreements.

"Sometimes politicians take advantage of family dynamics and disagreements to advance their own agendas. I felt compelled to issue a statement because I could see some people trying to politicise the circumstances and use Duduzile Zuma and Nhlamulo against Muzi," he said.

While the immediate dispute appears to have been resolved, the episode has exposed underlying tensions within both Ntshingila's family and the MKP, where factional battles continue to play out even in the wake of the party stalwart's death.

Attempts to obtain comment from members of Ntshingila's paternal family were unsuccessful.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za  

RECENT political commentary and statements from high-profile figures have sought to dismiss allegations of electoral irregularities in the 2024 South African elections as baseless political noise.

The prevailing narrative insists that the Independent Electoral Commission’s (IEC) systems are robust and fully audited and that the results are beyond reproach, urging the public to trust the technology.

However, a deep dive into the forensic Information and Communication Technology (ICT) expert reports, authored by independent information systems expert Dr Vusi Mhlongo, reveals a significantly different reality.

The documents dismantle the mainstream narrative, exposing a system plagued by mathematical impossibilities, a lack of genuine auditing, and a defensive institutional culture that refuses to acknowledge glaring errors.

Political analysts and commentators have frequently asserted that allegations of rigging “should be supported by credible evidence” and have characterised the challenges as “repeated claims without evidence”. Yet, a founding expert report seen by the Sunday Independent details a massive, empirical forensic data analysis that directly contradicts this claim.

In June 2024, Dr Vusi Mhlongo was approached to assess the integrity of the Electoral Commission of South Africa’s (IEC’s) ICT system. His methodology involved writing custom specialised programmes to systematically download and analyse all 23 291 Voting District (VD) level reports from the IEC’s own public dashboard. The findings were not baseless political assertions; they were mathematical certainties.

Mhlongo discovered that the national and regional ballot reports for the exact same voting stations were identical, a logical impossibility. Furthermore, the system failed to filter data by ballot type, resulting in independent candidates (who only run on regional ballots) incorrectly appearing with votes on National ballot reports.

Most damningly, the analysis revealed that the “Total Valid Votes” listed at the bottom of the VD reports were inflated to almost double the actual votes cast. Mhlongo noted: “For the national ballot results, the excess of total valid votes plus spoilt votes over and above the total votes cast reported in these reports is 15 858 564 votes. For the regional ballot results, the excess… is 16 038 258 votes.”

Consequently, the total valid vote percentages exceeded 100% in virtually every district. As Mhlongo stated unequivocally: “The total valid votes percentage reported on both the national and regional ballot voting station results reports exceeded 100% for all voting stations where votes were recorded (23 288 voting stations). The national ballot total valid votes percentage was, on average, 199%, and as high as 1 195%… The regional ballot total valid votes percentage was, on average, 201% and as high as 1 533%.”

To claim that such tangible, mathematical proof constitutes “claims without evidence” is to ignore the forensic reality of 46 582 analysed reports.

A central pillar of the defence of the IEC’s system is that it is “trusted” and has been independently reviewed by major auditing firms. President Cyril Ramaphosa and other defenders of the process have pointed to these audits as proof of a free and fair election.

Mhlongo’s reports expose this narrative as fundamentally misleading. The IEC relied heavily on a report by Deloitte to prove the system’s integrity. However, Mhlongo’s analysis of the Deloitte report reveals it was strictly limited. It was explicitly excluded from performing a “cybersecurity assessment" and a “code level analysis”, and did not “assess the capacity and performance of the NPE results system”.

More critically, the review was not even conducted on the live system used on election day. Mhlongo highlighted that “Deloitte’s review was only carried out on a copy of the IEC’s ICT system and not on the production/live system itself”. The review on this “pilot” copy concluded on May 27, 2024, weeks before the election, leaving a blind spot regarding any changes made to the live production system in the interim.

Mhlongo was scathing in his assessment of this arrangement: “Deloitte’s review was an attempt by the IEC to obtain a rubber stamping on the integrity of their system, without a thorough evaluation of the system.” He compares a functional user-interface review to “placing a test driver into a car and asking them to test drive it”, noting that this “will have absolutely no bearing on any hidden issues within the engine or any concealed buttons and controls”.

Without a line-by-line audit of the live production source code, Mhlongo warned that: “Undetected hidden threats lurking in the code, whether intentional or accidental, simply cannot be ruled out,” including malicious backdoors or logic bombs.

The narrative that the IEC’s technology is infallible was severely damaged by the events of May 31, 2024. On this date, while votes were actively being counted, the IEC’s results dashboard crashed for about two hours, resetting all numbers to zero.

The IEC claimed this was an accidental result of trying to “optimise” the ETL (extract, transform, load) process to make updates faster. Mhlongo’s report analyses this decision and finds it to be a gross violation of basic software engineering principles.

He wrote: “It is simply inconceivable and against known software development best practice guidelines and rules to make an update to a system: (a) at the height of processing and tension; and (b) in the absence of a critical system failure.”

When the IEC attempted to explain the crash in their responding affidavit, they claimed a “line of testing code remained behind” in the live system. Mhlongo pointed out that in a properly functioning version control environment, “there is never a possibility of anything ‘remaining behind’ anywhere”.

This admission, he argued, pointed to a “serious flaw with the design and functioning of the IEC’s digital votes capturing and reporting system, most especially with the manner in which it is updated and maintained”.

Rather than addressing the forensic evidence, the IEC’s response, detailed in a responding affidavit dated November 5, 2024 by Commissioner Sy Mamabolo, focused heavily on attacking the messenger.

In his replying affidavit dated December 2, 2024, Mhlongo noted with deep disdain that Mamabolo “strategically, intentionally and disrespectfully decided to repeatedly dispossess me of my correct title” by referring to him as “Mr Mhlongo”. Mhlongo counted “125 instances” of this deliberate omission, describing it as a bad-faith strategy to “shoot the messenger” and devalue his PhD qualifications from the University of KwaZulu-Natal (KZN).

Furthermore, when confronted with the tens of thousands of mathematically impossible VD reports, the IEC dismissed the findings. Mamabolo characterised the grave errors as “a storm in a teacup”, a phrase Mhlongo noted meant “a lot of unnecessary anger and worry about a matter that is not important”.

Even more astonishingly, the IEC labelled the expert’s complaint of these massive errors as “trumped up”, a term defined by Merriam-Webster (as cited by Mhlongo) as “fraudulently concocted”.

Instead of ordering a system audit, the IEC instructed the public to simply use “other results reporting functions on the website” to find the correct data.

Mhlongo utilised an interesting analogy to expose the absurdity of this defence: “Consider a situation in which several patrons have visited a restaurant that boasts extremely high standards of hygiene… When the dishes arrive, a few of the patrons notice flies in some of the main dishes… They call the restaurant owner and point out… ‘Sir, there are flies in the food!’”

Mhlongo continues, mapping the IEC’s response to an arrogant restaurant owner who insists the patrons are not food experts, calls the complaint a “storm in a teacup”, and tells them to “just eat the main dishes and side dishes that don’t have any flies in them!”

Mhlongo’s verdict on this institutional defensiveness is clear: “Let me spell it out for you: Your restaurant is compromised!” He argued that the presence of these “flies” (the ubiquitous coding errors) proved that the entire kitchen (the core code and quality assurance processes) was fundamentally flawed.

An ICT system with proper quality assurance “will never result in tens of thousands of reports with grave errors in them, going completely undetected”.

The political and media narrative relies on the premise that the 2024 elections were managed by a trusted, fully audited, and technologically sound institution. The expert affidavits provided by Vusi Mhlongo dismantle this premise entirely, replacing it with a documented history of reckless system management, inadequate “rubber stamp” audits, and tens of thousands of mathematically impossible reports.

The IEC’s failure to conduct a comprehensive, line-by-line code audit of the live production system, combined with their dismissive attitude toward glaring data anomalies, leaves a void of transparency.

As Mhlongo concluded in both his founding and replying affidavits: “There is [unfortunately] no basis to conclude that the 2024 elections were free and fair without: (i) carrying out a detailed investigation into the IEC’s digital votes capturing and reporting system to assess the extent to which it is flawed; and (ii) moving to assess whether the aggregation and reporting on the 2024 elections carried out was accurate.”

Until the “flies in the food” are acknowledged and the underlying code is subjected to genuine, independent forensic scrutiny, the claims that the system is flawless remain, at best, a comforting illusion, and at worst, a deliberate obfuscation of a profound ICT crisis.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of the Sunday Independent.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Group F presents one of the most balanced and technically demanding pools of the tournament, matching European footballing pedigree against sharp tactical specialists from Asia and Africa.

The Netherlands enter the group stage as firm favourites, carrying the weight of a flawless qualifying campaign and aspirations of a deep tournament run.

However, the battle behind them is wide open: a disciplined, fast-transitioning Japan side remains a potent threat to the status quo, while Sweden look to weaponise a world-class strike partnership after missing out four years ago.

Completing the quartet are Tunisia, whose rigid defensive structure makes them an incredibly frustrating obstacle to break down. With little margin for error, Group F is a section where tactical execution will dictate survival.

Netherlands | The Group Pacesetters

Head coach: Ronald Koeman

Captain: Virgil van Dijk

Key player: Tijjani Reijnders

FIFA ranking: 7

Best World Cup finish: Runners-up (1974, 1978, 2010)

The Netherlands arrive in North America carrying the tag of clear group favourites, backed by a flawless, unbeaten European qualification campaign that highlighted both structural stability and attacking fluidity.

Having historically fallen just short of global glory on three separate occasions, the current Dutch crop enter the tournament with a quiet confidence that they can finally challenge the absolute elite.

Ronald Koeman's squad is structurally anchored by the veteran leadership of captain Virgil van Dijk, providing a solid defensive platform that allows their creative assets to flourish. In the engine room, Manchester City's Tijjani Reijnders has evolved into the team's true tactical metronome, bridging the gap between a rugged defence and a dynamic frontline.

Possessing immense tournament pedigree and world-class squad depth, the Oranje will heavily expect to dictating the operational tempo of Group F and seal top spot.

Japan | The Dark Horses

Head coach: Hajime Moriyasu

Captain: Ko Itakura

Key player: Daichi Kamada

FIFA ranking: 15

Best World Cup finish: Round of 16 (2002, 2010, 2018, 2022)

Japan have established themselves as a perennially dangerous World Cup presence, qualifying for their eighth consecutive finals after completely dominating their AFC qualification section.

Celebrated for their technical precision, high-intensity press, and famous giant-killing exploits in Qatar four years ago, the Samurai Blue arrive with genuine ambitions of breaking their historical quarter-final glass ceiling.

However, Hajime Moriyasu’s tactical plans have been rocked by a monumental, late injury crisis on the eve of the tournament. The tournament co-hosts lost regular talisman and captain Wataru Endo to a persistent foot injury, forcing a sudden transition of the leadership armband to Borussia Mönchengladbach defender Ko Itakura.

With winger Kaoru Mitoma and playmaker Takumi Minamino also sidelined, the creative creative burden shifts squarely onto Crystal Palace's Daichi Kamada and Feyenoord forward Ayase Ueda. Despite the missing personnel, Japan's collective tactical cohesion ensures they remain a formidable, highly organised unit.

Sweden | The Resurgent Strike Force

Head coach: Graham Potter

Captain: Victor Lindelof

Key Player: Viktor Gyökeres

FIFA ranking: 22

Best World Cup finish: Runners-up (1958)

Sweden make a highly anticipated return to the global stage after suffering the heartbreak of missing out on the 2022 tournament in Qatar. Having navigated a highly inconsistent and testing UEFA playoff route, the Blagult arrive in North America looking to re-establish their reputation as a robust, clinical European force.

Under the guidance of English manager Graham Potter, the Swedes have pivoted towards a highly progressive, attacking system designed to maximise one of the most feared offensive duos in world football.

Premier League champion Viktor Gyokeres enters the tournament as one of Europe's most lethal, in-form marksmen, pairing seamlessly with Liverpool's explosive forward Alexander Isak. Backed by the defensive experience of veteran captain Victor Lindelof, Sweden possess the offensive firepower necessary to ruthlessly punish any defensive fragility from Japan or the Netherlands.

Tunisia: The Defensive Wall

Head coach: Sabri Lamouchi

Captain: Ellyes Skhiri

Key player: Ellyes Skhiri

FIFA ranking: 41

Best World Cup finish: Group Stage (Five occasions)

Tunisia enter their seventh World Cup finals firmly embraced by their familiar status as defensive, uncompromising underdogs. The Carthage Eagles secured their ticket to North America by masterminding a flawless CAF qualification campaign, winning six consecutive matches without conceding a single goal — a testament to their rigid structural discipline.

Sabri Lamouchi, who was appointed coach in January after Sami Trabelsi was dismissed following ​Tunisia's exit from the Cup of Nations in the last 16, overhauled his ​squad. Eintracht Frankfurt midfielder and captain Ellyes Skhiri serves as the vital screen ahead of the defensive line, breaking up opposition patterns and triggering quick counter-attacks.

While external expectations remain modest given the sheer quality of their group rivals, Tunisia's defensive resilience means they are fully equipped to scrap for vital points and target a historic knockout berth via the third-place safety net.

Group F Fixtures

Matchday 1: Netherlands vs Japan • Sweden vs Tunisia

Matchday 2: Netherlands vs Sweden • Tunisia vs Japan

Matchday 3: Japan vs Sweden • Tunisia vs Netherlands

A GROUNDBREAKING 2026 South African Gambling Impact Study has lifted the lid on the shocking reality of the country’s rapidly growing online gambling scene.

Compiled by Yazi Research, the hard-hitting 33-page report uses an innovative WhatsApp-based AI conversational survey that drew on 1 028 completed surveys and thousands of raw open-ended voice notes to achieve a staggering 75% completion rate… about 15 times the industry average.

In candid and heartfelt voices, participants revealed how the online gambling industry had silently turned their lives upside down as they grappled with the brutal cost-of-living squeeze.

One participant voiced the agony in a raw WhatsApp voice note: “I used the money meant for rent and lost the whole of it. I thought I could double it.”

Mainstream, mobile-first leisure activity online gambling in South Africa has moved from a fringe pastime to almost a cultural norm, driven by exploding smartphone penetration, cheap data deals and aggressive operator marketing.

A breathtaking 90% of participants said they would used an online gambling site in the last month… a massive swathe of society across every age group, gender and province, with urban metro areas such as Gauteng and the Western Cape showing some of the highest use.

Surprisingly, this ubiquity is characterised by generally low bet sizes, framing online gambling as accessible form of entertainment on par with streaming and airtime purchases. Almost half (47%) of users stake less than R50 per bet, and 64% spend less than R500 monthly.

Reflecting this disciplined leisure self-image, one user noted: “I approach gambling as a form of controlled entertainment, ensuring I always set a strict budget to keep the experience enjoyable and stress-free." Another simply shared their recent experience: “I lost by 1 team on a 5-leg betslip on soccer.”

The Paradox of Control and Loss-Chasing Beneath this mass participation lies an uneasy paradox. About 72% of online gamblers self-identify as “in control” and “gambling responsibly”, often framing their activity as a professional, controlled hobby.

Yet this self-perception belies the complexity of actual behaviour. More than half (57%) admitted to chasing losses on the same day. A behaviour culturally normalised and seen as part of a betting strategy rather than an aberration.

Driven much more by the lure of an “easy win” (36%) than by addiction or peer pressure, this “same-day rebetting” traps players in a damning cycle. The tension between self-perception and behaviour was encapsulated by one participant: “Now my relationship with gambling… I struggle to stop sometimes and it has negatively impacted me financially because sometimes I do sacrifice my transport money for it.”

The most damning findings show gamblers sacrificing essentials and borrowing money to bet, showing an industry outstripping its safeguards. With the cost-of-living crisis, 57% of respondents admitted to sacrificing essentials like rent, groceries, transport, airtime, or debt repayments to fund gambling bets.

A further 29% have borrowed money to gamble. This borrowing is mostly informal — from friends, family, and salary advances — placing these at-risk borrowers outside the view of conventional credit bureaus.

A haunting echo of voices tell of losing last-chance money: “I had my last R200 for transport for the week and I decided to play slots and I lost all of it.”

“Last time I was playing with SASSA money. I lose all that money. I won’t forget that day. Too much pain.”

Simon Ellis, CEO of Jem said: “Many South Africans are struggling to make ends meet, and some are turning to gambling, mistakenly believing it to be a way to get ahead.”

This vulnerability cuts across income brackets. Shockingly, middle-income earners (making R240 000-R480 000 annually) posted the highest rates of risky behaviours, with more than 21% allocating between 11-25% of their income to betting.

Four percent of all respondents gamble more than half their monthly income, translating to half a million South Africans at acute financial risk. Men aged 25-34 are disproportionately vulnerable to gambling-fuelled borrowing, representing a hidden credit risk.

Khaya Dlanga, a noted marketing executive and advocate, warned: “When people start sacrificing essentials, borrowing money, or believing the next bet might solve a cash-flow problem, we’re no longer talking about entertainment. We’re talking about vulnerability.”

Gender Dynamics and the Underserved Female Majority Contrary to common industry stereotypes, our sample is majority female (61%) — a significant segment that remains largely underserved by the male-centric sports-betting marketing prevalent in the country.

Women tend to engage more with instant win formats like Aviator-style games, display less borrowing behaviour, and cluster tightly around smaller stakes.

However, female gamblers often cite unique social and emotional landscapes, regularly mentioning social stigma and household finance strains.

One woman said: “Personally my boyfriend doesn’t advocate gambling.” Pivoting from stadium-sized sports branding to pocket-friendly in-app messaging could open massive new markets for rival operators seeking to tap this lucrative demographic.

The Psychological and Social Toll Going beyond dollars and cents, firsthand accounts tell the human story… how gambling intrudes on everyday life, damaging relationships, mental wellbeing, and social connection. For some, it plays dual roles: an enjoyable pastime they can control and an underlying fear that drives their every move.

The raw emotion comes through in these confessions: “I'm always thinking about gambling. It takes out the fun in every aspect of life — I'm no longer present as much as I want to be in all my relationships." "I'm always thinking about gambling. It takes out the fun in every aspect of life.”

Others have found an intermediate ground: “I was in gambling problems and debt before, but I went for counselling. Now I only gamble like once or twice a month. I do it for relaxation.”

Industry Responses and the Path Forward While the competitive landscape remains dominated by Betway (at approximately 69%) and Hollywoodbets (approximately 68%), the key to winning is to become a user’s “primary app” through niche products, lower-cost bets, and robust responsible gambling features.

“Meet gamblers where they already are and focus on responsibility over features,” Tim Treagus, CEO of Yazi, says , underscoring the need for operators to avoid competing on features alone and focus on responsibility.

According to the report, visible guardrails such as deposit limits, loss-cooling mechanisms, and nudges affirming user control will resonate better than paternalistic, fear-driven harm reduction campaigns.

In particular, the report presses regulators to grow beyond blanket warnings and blunt income band rules towards sophisticated income-share affordability checks, recognizing that affordable stake thresholds range considerably between households.

Financial services firms are invited to detect the buried credit risk embedded within informal borrowing.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE mother of the nation, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, once brilliantly said: “The power of the people is greater than the people in power.”

This is the sentiment that stands out when I think of the youth of 1976. Theirs was, and remains, one of the most profound sacrifices in our nation’s history.

Yet today, it feels like an afterthought in the memory and identity of post-apartheid South Africa today. Considering this insane disconnect, the daunting truth is simple: How dare we celebrate the youth of 1976 while tolerating conditions that would outrage them?

This year’s June 16 marks 50 years since the Soweto Massacres, where scores of students were gunned down whilst standing up to one of the most barbaric governments in modern history: apartheid. 

Today, we are over three decades into democracy. And seemingly, our post-liberation society is riddled with inadequacies and contradictions. 

We boast the most transcendent Constitution in the world, whilst being synonymous with the most rampant rates of inequality in the whole world. We glorify our nation as being the top leading economy in the entire continent, yet 66.7% of the nation lives in poverty — which is repeatedly reported by StatsSA.

We pump money and investments into places like Cape Town whilst wholly ignoring the thousands of homes in Eastern Cape that are washed away — with no alternative but mass displacement. 

We are still fighting for basic rights and services in a nation that perpetually marginalises its people. Today, we have more citizens than ever before in our history. We have more businesses, more opportunities, more creativity, freedom and knowledge than we did three decades ago. Yet, the fabric of the nation is at an all-time low. Apathy amongst our citizens is at an all-time high.

Every day, more people are starving, while prices continue to skyrocket. Our society is riddled with crime and violence to the point where international criminal networks blend in with ease. Our hospitals are so overcrowded that babies are birthed on filthy floors and body-bags are stacked up in waiting rooms.

Our land and resources get extracted and extorted in the name of foreign investment, whilst everybody — from grandmothers to young children — is still walking for kilometres crossing sunken bridges and rivers just to get to school and work.

As a nation, we have been bursting at the seams for a very long time. Yet, those in government are perpetually surprised by the outrage of South Africans. Those in leadership greedily scoff down the funds that are meant for infrastructure, education, health, systemic development, and so much more.

They boringly spew the same dull speeches to sidestep the very corruption that so vehemently deny, whilst bridges, buildings and roads collapse beneath our feet.

And the worst part of it all? This is the same generation as the youth of 1976. The same children who so bravely lambasted the savage apartheid regime, today, have become the embodiment of the exact system they so passionately hated.

The same children who were shot at and died for their right to a proper education so easily squandering the funds for the schoolbooks of an entire city. The same children whose families were forcefully confined to landlessness, poverty and squalor are now the leaders who constrain every new generation to the same horrible fate.

This is exactly why the profound Thandiswa Mazwai mournfully sang, “Are the beautiful ones really dead?”

I strongly believe that it dawns on every new generation of South Africans that we are flying further and further away from true liberation. Not on paper, but in the actual lived realities of our society. The ones that the youth of 1976 sacrificed their lives for. Not this neoliberal apartheid-esque sheeps-in-wolves-clothing system that we are living under.

Our acclaimed comedian Trevor Noah recently hit the nail on the head when he said, “a system that is failing its people, is inevitably going to have its people notice the people who are not ‘its people’.” 

And South Africans have certainly noticed. We have seen a system that discards the poor, ignores the hungry, bullies the homeless, and systematically starves us of light and water. A system that lets the sick die, and lets criminals kill. A system that bars you from education because you are short one-red-cent.

A system that will keep you unemployed, desperate and dependent. This is a system of pure lies and deception, which yaps on about human rights whilst damningly violating them when cameras switch off. 

Our society today is not the dream of the youth of 1976, or the millions of lives that were sacrificed for our freedoms. Some attribute it to the intentional butchering of our culture our identities during our arduous history.

Others attribute it to capitalism, greed and poverty-mindsets in governance. None of the excuses really matter. Because all the faces we see when we look at government, are people that were there. They were present. They saw the death, the cruelty, the shamelessness and ruthlessness of the apartheid government.

And today, they choose to turn a blind eye. They choose to forget that trauma, that callousness, that mercilessness and rampant fear that was subjected onto millions of our people for generations.

Therefore, my biggest hope this June 16 is that, if nothing else, they remember. Remember where we came from. Remember the thousands of brave little children who were slaughtered for standing up to an unjust system.

Remember the millions of grandmothers, uncles, cousins and neighbours who gave their lives so that the South Africa of today would be uplifted, empowered and protected with the same passion that they believe it deserved. Hopefully, this memory will ignite a fire that SA is so desperately yearning for.

Clearly, the work of the youth of 1976 is still incomplete. Their values, their passion, their spirit need to be reawakened in our society. We thought liberation was a job completed in 1994. Today, we are realising that that was only the beginning.

Liberation is not only incomplete, it is a continuous struggle. Freedom is not an event frozen in history, it is a human right that we must actively instil and uphold in our society — before it’s too late. Because honestly, Freedom was never meant to be inherited passively, it was meant to be defended relentlessly.

The greatest insult to the youth of 1976 is not forgetting them, it is celebrating their sacrifice while tolerating the very conditions that appalled and infuriated them so many decades ago. The youth of 1976 completely changed the course of our history.

Now, the question is whether we are actually changing the course of our future. As our revolutionary hero Oliver R. Tambo once said, “The fight for freedom must go on until it is won; until our country is free and happy and peaceful… we cannot rest.” 

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

EACH month, one mom checks her Sassa balance, and R1 740 shows up, made up of three child grants at R580 apiece. Just to afford meals that keep everyone going, she would require R3 420. That leaves a gap of R1 680 staring back at her.

About 7.2 million children in South Africa live this way, every third child, without enough to eat, safe drinking water, proper homes, medical care, or school, all at once.

Thirty-two percent under the food poverty mark lies the Child Support Grant. A single child needs R934.93 each month for basic healthy meals, according to data from March 2026’s Household Affordability Index. That amount stands beyond reach since the payout meets just 60%. Missing funds add up to R374.93 monthly, which breaks down into R11.83 daily.

More than six out of every ten children younger than eighteen face multiple hardships, according to Statistics South Africa (Stats SA). A little less than half survive on less than R1 300 a month per person.

Children form nearly two-fifths of South Africa’s total poor population, which is about 23 million. Research from UCT’s Children Count suggests things might be worse, their data shows 63%, roughly 11.7 million children, fall beneath a higher poverty threshold.

Out in the rural areas, nearly nine out of ten kids face multiple forms of poverty, while urban area numbers sit just below half. That divide? It shows how money alone doesn’t fix what systems fail to provide.

Solly Maloyi, acting deputy director-general for Population and Social Statistics at Stats SA, points to uneven access despite earnings. Rural areas get shortchanged when it comes to clinics, clean water, schools that work, and basic state help. What you find there often falls far behind.

Even though the problem is huge, things haven’t moved forward much. Poverty across many areas has dropped by a rather small margin, going from 60.8% in 2015 to 57.3% by 2023. For children living in homes already counted as low-income, the rate stayed nearly the same, still above 78%.

The lack of funds takes a heavy toll. Studies find that one in every six children suffers growth issues from going hungry too young. Just over a third of toddlers up to age four take part in structured learning activities. Children missing out fall about half a year behind those who join, when it comes to reaching key milestones.

Children aged 5 to 12 are particularly at high risk of hunger. “When children are hungry, they can’t focus. They fall behind. They drop out. They become adults who can’t work. The cycle continues,” Maloyi says.

Some parents know this pain well. Getting just R580 for each child adds up to R1 740 when there are three. Feeding four people costs R3 420 though. That leaves a gapping difference of R1 680.

Without enough money, meals get missed. Children go to school on empty stomachs and concentration becomes a challenge. One parent shared: “The grant doesn’t cover food. We buy maize meal and beans. We skip meals so kids can eat. They’re still hungry. The government says GDP is growing. I don’t see it.”

Still struggling years later, the effects of slow development stretch far beyond school age. As the focus turns to the youth this month, specialists point to early help as what has been overlooked. Instead of waiting, acting sooner could break the path from hardship at home to no work later.

Money spent on children isn’t kindness alone… it shapes who finds employment down the road. Though often seen as soft spending, supporting the youth builds sturdier futures. Almost 61% (about 4.7 million) of South Africa’s youth are unemployed, according to the latest figures from Stats SA.

While many mark June as Youth Month, Marc Lubner, head of Afrika Tikkun, , a group supporting underprivileged children and teenagers across the country, suggests it could mean more if used to spotlight such joblessness.

Lubner sees deeper roots behind the numbers. Instead of isolated efforts later in life, real change may begin much earlier. A full-life strategy, starting from early childhood and moving right into adult years, might break cycles tied to hardship and unequal chances, he says. When support follows a child through each key phase, outcomes often shift in lasting ways.

“To try and intervene when they are already job seekers, is too little, too late,” Lubner says. “Early intervention is one of the biggest drivers for lasting impact. If we can start teaching the ambit of skills needed for job placement when children are four years old, we have a much better chance of altering their future outcomes in a positive way.”

From the earliest days, Afrika Tikkun walks beside children and parents alike. Not just lessons but meals, care, guidance, woven into each phase of growing up. When classrooms fade behind them, new doors open: tutoring fades into mentorship.

As teenagers step forward, job readiness takes hold instead of doubt. Training leads to real roles where confidence builds slowly. What began with crayons and backpacks becomes resumes and first pay cheques.

The programme is described as holistic with a 360° focus because they provide support in many critical areas, like social skills and self-confidence. “We look at food security, personal safety, primary health, education, sports and career development and offer our participants resources like nutrition, psychosocial support, and advocacy to give them as much of a chance for future success as other children from more fortunate backgrounds,” Lubner says.

Little ones need more than reading and numbers, Dr Nellie Zembe, who leads monitoring at Afrika Tikkun, points out. Safe spaces matter just as much as lessons. These first steps shape how kids connect with others. Learning happens best when surroundings feel secure. Skills grow quietly through daily routines. Not every lesson has a textbook. What sticks often comes from being heard, seen, and included, she says.

“We build self-confidence which separates the children who’ve had early intervention from those who haven’t. They learn how to present themselves and sell themselves to have the courage to stand out in a room full of people.

“It was an unintended consequence of Afrika Tikkun, but we’ve found that’s where the value is. If you put children from the best schools in a room with a child that’s been through our programmes, the Afrika Tikkun child will stand out more. They have learnt the belief that ‘I deserve this opportunity and it should be mine, and this is what I’ll do to get it’,” Zembe says.

What sticks is not just lessons, but how children learn to stand tall after falling down. Zembe explains these quiet strengths build a kind of steady courage. A moment bends you, yet doesn’t define you, that mindset matters deeply here.

Many grow up in homes with little money, where tension flickers like faulty wiring. Trouble visits daily, shaping what feels reachable. Their world narrows when hardship stays too close for too long. That’s something they learn by doing. Showing matters more than explaining.

Lubner beams when talking about their Agripreneurship effort, farming becomes a springboard, he claims. While cutting through joblessness and shaky access to meals, youth pick up growing techniques along with how distribution networks operate.

According to Zembe, these farm-focused ventures spark real interest, especially the Hydro-Coop poultry project. Young adults arrive eager, then leave smiling after cashing in on chicken sales, often carrying R10 000 to R12 000 monthly per group, a win that weighs heavily in their lives.

For Lubner, his greatest rewards come when he sees participants in the programmes succeed in getting proper employment or becoming successful entrepreneurs. “We exist to help young people reach goals they never dreamed were possible. By expanding the talent pool for employers, instilling discipline and good values in our participants and teaching them the importance of moral, ethical behaviour, while helping make sustainable socio-economic solutions for South African youth, we are doing that.”

According to Lubner, there is a critical need for national engagement in workable solutions to address the steep unemployment rate. “Together, through partnerships and collaboration, there is vast capacity for changing this narrative in a powerful and sustainable way. Working together, NGOs, the private sector, public private partnerships, philanthropic individuals and government all have the power to make a material difference for our youth.”

Still, even after officials labeled gender violence a crisis in late 2025, pointing to 15 women killed each day, 42 000 reported rape cases, and ranking among the highest murder rates worldwide, the plight of 7.2 million children living in poverty gets far less attention.

A small rise in social grants came with tighter rules in the 2026 National Budget is not enough, says the Universal Basic Income Coalition (UBIC). Grants should reach R855, which is the food poverty mark. If each of the 7.2 million children received that missing R275, it would add up to R23.76 billion yearly, almost enough to stop children going hungry.

Yet officials highlight tough economic limits. Growth hit just 1.9% in 2025, dipped to 0.5% early this year, while joblessness held at 32.7%. Doing what has been done before will not fix South Africa’s path forward.

A real shift demands focused work on full-life skills building, says Lubner, one that shapes every trait necessary for young people to find real work.

This broken system was not some mistake… someone decided on it.

* Sizwe Dlamini is editor of the Sunday Independent.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Former Bafana Bafana striker Kermit Erasmus has joined the growing chorus of criticism directed at Hugo Broos following South Africa’s disappointing start to the 2026 FIFA World Cup.

Bafana Bafana suffered a bruising 2-0 defeat to tournament co-hosts Mexico at the Estadio Azteca on Thursday, a result that has sparked intense domestic debate over both Broos’ defensive tactical approach and his candid post-match assessments.

The Belgian coach opted for a cautious, heavily fortified setup against the Mexicans, deploying a rigid backline that many supporters felt completely suffocated South Africa’s attacking flair from the outset.

Broos then drew further attention, and ire, during his post-match press duties by suggesting the tactical and technical level of the World Cup was significantly higher than what most of his squad regularly experience back home in the Betway Premiership and the CAF Champions League.

Sad part of it all is that the sound bite/inteview will be played on repeat and our players will hear see everyday until their next game.

“The level is to high for my players”

U A LEADER, LEAD. https://t.co/3PLS9mZ4rN

— Kermit Romeo Erasmus (@Erasmus_95) June 12, 2026

Those remarks have gone down remarkably poorly with several former internationals and supporters, who argue that public defeatism could actively damage dressing-room confidence ahead of the remaining must-win group fixtures.

Erasmus was among the most vocal to layout his frustration, arguing that the technical staff's immediate focus should be on lifting the players' spirits rather than publicly highlighting the chasm between domestic talent and the world’s elite nations.

Taking to his X account, the former Orlando Pirates and Mamelodi Sundowns forward fiercely questioned the psychological message being filtered down to the squad at such a critical juncture of the showpiece.

“Sad part of it all is that the sound bite/interview will be played on repeat and our players will hear and see everyday until their next game,” Erasmus posted.

“‘The level is too high for my players’ … You are a leader, LEAD.”

The public backlash comes as Broos faces mounting scrutiny over his team selection and negative tactics, with South Africa now under immense pressure to completely revive their tournament fortunes in their next Group A encounter against Czechia.

A second consecutive defeat would leave Bafana Bafana’s hopes of reaching the knockout stages hanging by a mathematical thread, making the upcoming tactical response one of the most defining moments of the veteran manager's tenure.

ERUDITE celebrity comedian Trevor Noah summed up very wisely the root causes of South Africa’s immigration woes, pointing at what socialist politicians oftentimes refer to as “bread-and-butter issues”.

It’s all about economics, damnit, was basically Noah’s wise finding from his lived experience.

For as long as things are going right, no local ever realises that someone adjacent is a foreigner or undocumented immigrant, Noah noted. It is only until the nation’s resources get whittled down and scarcity occupies the centre that resource allocation becomes a subject of intense scrutiny.

Noah says he grew up in a home where his mother’s generosity knew no bounds, and she used to send the young Noah to deliver goodies to the needy in the neighbourbood. It was a chore Noah says he performed unquestionably with ease, including sometimes handing the needy some cash from his mother.

But when resources started to shrink, and Noah’s mother continued her old ways, it was Noah who protested against the sharing of resources particularly with people he had no relations.

In the present-day South Africa where increasing number of citizens appear to have reached a point of saturation with the immigration poser, Noah’s simple yet significant analogy seems to offer a sobering opportunity to look deeper into the fundamental causes of public discontentment against immigration.

A people can never all of a sudden simply rise en masse to rebel or object against any particular phenomenon. Something becomes a trigger of severe displeasure, of public anger first against the immediate subject of revulsion and ultimately against the perceived enabling agency, in this case, the government.

In 1994, majority of South Africans catapulted the ANC to power in the country’s first democratic election. Mandela, for eons the public face of anti-apartheid struggle, became our first truly democratically elected and Black president to take the reigns of power.

At the centre of his hugely popular government was an overarching theme of “reconciliation”. Coloureds, Indians, Blacks and Whites hugged, kissed and made up amid the overflowing joy of Utopia. President Cyril Ramaphosa describes it as a “new dawn”.

It was a popular moment of reboot, starting afresh on the ticket of letting bygones-be-bygones. The international community watched in awe and approval, and direct foreign investment poured into our fiscus.

As we rejoiced at a wonderful outcome of having avoided a potential racial bloodbath, we focused on building the New South Africa where Mandela declared during his inauguration in May 1994: “Never, never, and never again” shall one race be oppressed by other simply because of colour.

Just over 30 years later, the popularity of the ANC has dwindled drastically. There are many reasons for that, and political scientists rub their hands with glee at the avalanche of empirical evidence that abounds.

While Mandela’s “Rainbow Nation” basked under the sun and rested on their laurels, they forgot to guard the country’s borders. In the SADC region, our neighbours’ economies collapsed in a spate of misgovernance. Seeking greener pastures in the perceived land of mink and manure, millions flocked into South Africa, taking advantage of porous borders left unguarded in the belief that the region was living through peacetime.

They came, they saw, they conquered. On arrival, they also discovered a culture of human rights uniquely South African, where the Constitution of the land guarantees rights regardless of immigration status.

Legitimate immigrants and undocumented lot alike enrolled their children in public schools, mostly so-called “no-fees” where the government supply hygienic meals daily for free. They compete with the locals for health services at local clinics and hospitals, where the Constitution bars anyone from being denied treatment on the basis of immigration status.

In a country that has shown that Mandela’s reconciliation has largely been a one-way stream, domineering white businesses opted to hire foreign Blacks than the locals who’d insist on the application of labour laws that include certain rights such as double pay for working Sundays and during holidays.

Businesses, Black, White, Coloured and Indian alike began to focus mainly on making profit by any means necessary, particularly by recruiting cheap labour sourced from illegal immigrants.

As our economy shrunk, so did our collective confidence in the government whose focus is in the protection of human rights for all regardless of their status, as per our Constitution.

Today, amid an atmosphere of despair fuelled by rising unemployment, a surge in crime and corruption throughout the governance system — public resentment for marauding undocumented immigrants has shot through the roof.

Anti-immigrant groups such as Operation Dudula, March and March and open campaign by a top member of the Government of National Unity in the form of the Patriotic Alliance’s Gayton McKenzie, who campaign of “Mabahambe” (let them leave) has gained traction.

Recently, anti-immigration groups set June 30 as a deadline for undocumented immigrants to leave the country, sparking nation-wide panic and fear, thieving and looting of spaza shops and other businesses owned by foreigners especially in the townships.

In some parts of the country, mobs have gone door-to-door searching for immigrants, demanding to see their documents.

These developments prompted President Ramaphosa to address the nation recently. He appealed for adherence to the law, and warned against lawlessness and consequences thereof.

We are where we are because as Noah observed, it is all about access to resources. When you have, you never care about who’s walking down the street, or living nearby. Once you lack, and begin to compete for what you believe is rightfully yours, all hell break loose. We see this in major cities such as Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban, among others.

The country is five months to the Local Government elections, and the public mood is increasingly stacked against the ANC, even for reasons not of their own making.

Suddenly, the ANC is a focal point for what has gone wrong in the state of the nation… from poverty, hunger, starvation, crime, potholes, unemployed graduates, corruption in the allocation of RDP houses to illegal foreigners ahead of bona fide indigenous South Africans… the list is too long.

Lack of unity around the flag, different understandings of patriotism, disloyalty and sheer lies about white genocide are some of the disordered faults of progress since the advent of democracy.

The oftentimes display of mockery and disdain by some immigrants belittling locals does not help much too. Ultimately we are all Africans, and human too. At the height of apartheid, other nations such as Angola, Zambia and Tanzania would say as long as South African Blacks weren’t free, they could never claim to be totally free themselves.

It is against this backdrop that the recent spate of foreigners seeking shelter at refugee offices and police stations is a very sour sight to behold. South Africa’s relations with neighbours have regrettably taken a knock. Countries such as Ghana, Mozambique and Malawi have begun organising repatriation flights for their citizens, giving credence to false claims that South Africa is a hostile neighbour.

Methinks the biggest challenge is with the Ramaphosa administration to initiate cooperation on migration together with neighbouring states. Our borders can no longer be an object of ridicule by desperate and nefarious immigrants alike. Immigration challenge requires all hands on the deck. Our government alone cannot win immigration battle.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE most powerful committee operating in South Africa today is not an ad hoc committee established by Parliament, nor an impeachment committee constituted under constitutional provisions, nor even any formal structure recognised within the rules and procedures of democratic governance.

It is an invisible committee that possesses no legislative mandate, keeps no official minutes, publishes no reports, and answers to no constitutional authority, yet it routinely reaches conclusions long before evidence has been tested, witnesses have been heard, findings have been published, or Parliament has completed its work.

It is the Committee of Public Perception.

Increasingly, this invisible committee has become the institution that determines legitimacy in South African politics, because while constitutional structures continue to perform their functions according to established procedures, public opinion has begun conducting its own parallel investigations, arriving at its own conclusions, and issuing its own verdicts, often before formal processes have advanced beyond their opening stages.

This reality provides a fascinating lens through which to understand the growing public conversation surrounding the ad hoc committee and the impeachment committee, because the most revealing aspect of the debate has not been the committees themselves, their mandates, their powers, or even their potential findings, but rather the assumptions that have accompanied their existence from the moment they entered the public domain.

Before any evidence could be evaluated, before any conclusion could be reached, and before any institutional process could fully unfold, an alternative conversation had already emerged concerning influence, hidden interests, political beneficiaries, strategic calculations, and the possibility that events unfolding in public view were being shaped by forces operating somewhere beyond the official architecture of governance.

It is within this context that the implied implication of Julius Malema has become politically significant, not because there is necessarily evidence of direct involvement in any particular committee process, but because his presence within the national political imagination has become so substantial that many South Africans instinctively evaluate major political developments through the question of how they may affect him, benefit him, threaten him, or align with his broader political objectives.

What makes this observation particularly important is that it tells us considerably more about South Africa than it does about Malema himself.

For many years, South African politics revolved around institutions. Citizens debated the Presidency, Parliament, the judiciary, Chapter Nine institutions, and the constitutional framework that underpinned democratic governance. While political personalities mattered, institutions remained the primary reference point through which power was understood and evaluated.

That relationship appears to be changing.

Today, political personalities increasingly shape the interpretation of institutions rather than institutions shaping the interpretation of political personalities. Processes are judged according to perceived beneficiaries. Investigations are evaluated according to presumed political consequences. Committees are assessed according to who is believed to be standing behind them rather than according to the evidence they produce.

In such an environment, the constitutional purpose of an impeachment committee becomes almost secondary to the political narratives that surround it, because public debate often shifts rapidly from questions of legality and accountability toward questions of strategy, influence, and hidden alignment.

The result is that institutions are compelled to defend not only their findings but also their motives, not only their procedures but also their intentions, and not only their conclusions but also the assumptions that accompany them.

This should concern every South African regardless of political affiliation because democracies depend upon a shared belief that institutions possess sufficient independence to investigate, deliberate, and conclude matters because of evidence rather than political convenience.

Once that belief begins to weaken, every institutional process becomes vulnerable to suspicion, and every outcome becomes vulnerable to rejection.

The danger is not that citizens ask difficult questions. Democracies require scepticism. Democracies require scrutiny. Democracies require citizens who are willing to challenge authority and interrogate power.

The danger emerges when scepticism evolves into certainty and when suspicion becomes the default explanation for every institutional action, because at that point, evidence no longer changes minds and constitutional processes no longer command respect.

The consequence is a profound transformation in how legitimacy is produced.

Historically, legitimacy emerged from the process. Institutions were considered legitimate because they followed constitutional procedures, adhered to established rules, and arrived at conclusions through recognised mechanisms of accountability.

Today, legitimacy increasingly emerges from perception. Institutions are accepted or rejected according to whether citizens believe the process was genuine, irrespective of whether constitutional requirements were met.

This may be the most significant political shift occurring in South Africa, and it receives far less attention than it deserves.

The real crisis facing democratic governance may not be corruption, incompetence, factionalism, or political conflict, important as those challenges undoubtedly are. The deeper crisis may be that public trust has deteriorated to such an extent that constitutional institutions are no longer permitted to speak for themselves.

They must first survive a trial conducted by the court of public perception, a court in which evidence is often less influential than narrative and where assumptions frequently travel faster than facts.

The implications of this development are profound.

If every committee is presumed compromised before it begins its work, accountability becomes impossible. If every investigation is assumed to be politically motivated before evidence is presented, truth becomes irrelevant. If every constitutional mechanism is interpreted primarily through the lens of political beneficiaries, legitimacy becomes unattainable.

Eventually, institutions may continue to exist in a legal sense while simultaneously losing their authority in the minds of citizens, creating a democracy that remains constitutionally intact but becomes psychologically fragile.

This is why the current debate matters far beyond the immediate questions surrounding any committee. The real story is not the committee. The real story is the country observing the committee.

The real story is a society that increasingly trusts its suspicions more than its institutions. The real story is a democracy in which public perception has become so powerful that it now functions as an unofficial branch of governance, determining legitimacy before constitutional processes have even completed their work.

That is the most powerful committee in South Africa. It has no chairperson. It has no terms of reference. It has no constitutional mandate. Yet it may ultimately decide which institutions the nation chooses to trust and which institutions it chooses to reject.

And unlike parliamentary committees, its verdicts are not delivered in official reports. They are delivered in the collective mind of the nation.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Sunset Music Series presents Matthew Mole and Will Linley

Two South African superstars, Matthew Mole and Will Linley, will rock Jozi this weekend at this edition of the Sunset Music Series.

Taking place at the serene Walter Sisulu National Botanical Garden, this concert brings together two generations of chart-topping singer-songwriters.

Mole is renowned for his string of beloved hits, including “Take Yours, I’ll Take Mine” and “Run”, and he has become one of the nation’s most successful independent artists.

Joining him is international breakout star Linley, whose millions of streams worldwide and fan favourites such as “miss me (when you’re gone)” and “Last Call” are earning him global praise.

Attendees are encouraged to arrive early, bring picnic baskets, camp chairs and blankets. There will be a variety of food vendors, bars and refreshments will also be available on-site but no outside beverages are permitted. 

Where: Walter Sisulu National Botanical Garden in Roodepoort.

When: Sunday, June 14, from 1pm.

Marc Lottering presents Ankle Marc

Beloved South African comedian Marc Lottering is returning to Joburg’s comedy stage with this new stand-up show, “Ankle Marc”.

In this production, Lottering delves deep into the current phase of his career with his signature honesty, razor-sharp wit and deeply relatable humour.

The show centres around the bizarre and very personal story of how he ended up with a fractured ankle and a moonboot.

Where: The Lyric Theatre at Gold Reef City Casino.

When: Saturday, June 13, from 7.30pm.

Explore AERO South Africa

The sixth edition of this gathering takes place at Lanseria International Airport with a three-day programme.

It will include sessions held addressing key topics relevant to the current general aviation environment, and over 60 confirmed exhibitors. 

Attendees can expect to see various static aircraft displayed on site, a Park & Sell Area, demo flights and workshops.

Where: Lanseria International Airport, Airport Rd.

When: Runs until Friday, June 12, from 9am.

For Jabulile Baloyi, football has never been just about winning matches. It is about opening doors, changing lives and showing young women that their dreams are within reach.

From the streets of Soweto to the top tier of South African women's football, Baloyi's journey has been driven by hard work and a commitment to helping others succeed.

Now, as head coach of Diepkloof Ladies FC following the club's promotion to the Hollywoodbets Super League, she is embracing a new challenge while keeping her focus firmly on player development.

"I am extremely grateful for the opportunity and for the trust shown by the club's sports business manager and chairman," said Baloyi.

"Being entrusted with leading this structure is both an honour and a responsibility that I take very seriously."

The promotion marked a major milestone for Diepkloof Ladies, but Baloyi is already looking ahead. While success on the field remains important, her vision extends far beyond results and league standings.

She wants players to leave the club equipped for life, not just football.

"The legacy that I hope to build empowers players to become better human beings," she said

"I want them to be socially conscious, resilient and inspired to pursue education alongside football."

That belief in education sits at the heart of her coaching philosophy. Baloyi sees football as a platform that can create opportunities and help young women build brighter futures.

"When a player comes back five years later with a qualification and says thank you for helping them access that opportunity, that's when you realise the true impact football can have."

She believes the game can take players far beyond the pitch.

"Football takes people to places they never thought they would go. It gives hope to communities and shows young girls what is possible."

As women's football continues to grow in South Africa, Baloyi believes that there is still work to be done to ensure players and coaches have the support they need.

"The biggest challenge is ensuring the continued professionalisation of women's football," she explained.

"The growth is there, but there is still work to be done to create sustainable structures that support players and coaches."

For Diepkloof Ladies, the goal is clear.

"Our goal is to remain at the highest level, continue competing and build a player-centred pathway for the next generation."

Away from tactics and training sessions, Baloyi's message to young girls is simple and powerful.

"Your background does not define your future." "The sky is the limit. Only you can change your destiny."

And if her journey is anything to go by, she is proving exactly that.

The Communications and Digital Technologies Portfolio Committee on Friday deferred a decision to embark on a parliamentary process to remove the board member of the Media Development and Diversity Agency (MDDA), Thembelani Mpakati.

This was after questions were asked about the time it took and the investigation conducted by Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni before she requested Mpakati’s removal from the board’s chairperson, Hlengani Mathebula, last year.

Mathebula submitted a written request on August 30, 2025, citing several allegations against Mpakati, but Ntshavheni only made the request to Parliament last October.

The request was considered for the first time by the committee on Friday after failed attempts to track down the correspondence with the Office of the Speaker, Thoko Didiza.

DA MP Shara Singh raised the matter after the committee’s secretariat told them there was a letter from Ntshavheni requesting the removal of Mpakati, whose term comes to an end in February 2027.

SIngh said they did not receive the letter and the minister had indicated in a written reply to her parliamentary question that the letter was sent last year, though she sent the letter in for tabling in April this year.

“Is there a letter that was written on 3 October 2025? I really think we must follow up, because if there was no letter written, then that's a serious problem.”

Singh also said before conducting an inquiry into Mpakati, the committee should ascertain whether Ntshavheni had investigated the matter as she previously claimed.

“Where is the report? Why is it not being tabled before us? I have serious concerns about the way this was handled and the length of time that has elapsed when we are just leaving serious governance challenges unattended to,” she added.

Committee Chairperson Khusela Sangoni-Diko confirmed that Ntshavheni had stated she wrote the letter to the Officer of the Speaker.

“I don't know whether they either had no record of the letter or the minister just took a decision to write again. It would be important if we get clarity on what has been happening with this correspondence since then,” Sangoni-Diko said.

Communications and Digital Technologies Director-General Nonkqubela Jordan-Dyan said she would have to check with Ntshavheni’s office as she did not have details about the letter.

“I'm not too sure whether I can be allowed some time to just verify that information,” she said.

Deputy Minister Kenny Morolong said he could not reach Ntshavheni and suggested that the letter should form part of the inquiry into Mpakati.

“Should we not agree that the letter should be part of the overall inquiry that is going to be conducted?” Morolong said.

Sangoni-Diko said it was important to establish “how we get to be here now” and whether there was any investigation.

“We will defer this matter to get those clarifications from the Office of the Minister,” she added.

Ntshavheni said in a parliamentary reply two months ago that Mathebula submitted a written request on August 30, 2025, citing several allegations against Mpakati.

“The Minister in the Presidency submitted the matter to the Office of the Speaker of Parliament on October 3, 2025, as it is only Parliament that can determine the removal of a member of the board of the MDDA,” she said when responding to parliamentary questions from Singh.

This was after the oversight visit by the Communications and Digital Technologies Portfolio Committee to the entity in January.

The committee had in a statement stated that it “observed certain elements of disunity within the board”.

Ntshavheni had said the allegations against Mpakati centred around racially discriminatory remarks, misogynistic behaviour, failure to adhere to governance standards, and violation of the MDDA code of conduct.

She said one of the allegations was Mpakati's offensive remarks, including the use of the term “Indianisation” to describe the allocation of board members to committees and their participation in MDDA activities.

“Despite being requested to withdraw the term and apologise unconditionally, Mr Mpakati refused to do so, maintaining sentiments that certain racial groups were being favoured on the MDDA board.

“These remarks were deemed racially discriminatory and contrary to the values of inclusivity and respect upheld by the MDDA and the Constitution of South Africa.”

Ntshavheni also said Mpakati allegedly undermined the black female MDDA CEO by making baseless allegations about her competence and conduct.

“His behaviour was described as hostile and obstructive, creating a challenging environment for the CEO and other board members.”

He was also accused of ignoring provisions of the MDDA Act and Board Charter, among other things.

Mpakati previously said he was persecuted for questioning Mathebula’s illegal term of office and the CEO’s irregular appointment.

“Unfortunately, this will not stop me from exposing any wrongdoings at the MDDA.”

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

Sekunjalo Group chief executive officer (CEO) Lucien Jacobs has moved to clarify the role played by the Southern African Clothing and Textile Workers’ Union (Sactwu) in the 2013 acquisition of Independent Media, arguing that recent narratives surrounding the transaction had omitted key facts and failed to acknowledge the financial support provided by the Sekunjalo consortium over more than a decade.

According to Jacobs, the Independent Media Consortium (IMC), together with the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), had already emerged as the preferred bidder before Sactwu joined the transaction.

“The consortium was built around a transformative vision to return one of South Africa’s largest media groups to local ownership, protect jobs, preserve editorial diversity and ensure meaningful participation by community stakeholders,” Jacobs said.

He said Sactwu was not an original partner in the acquisition but sought participation following engagements involving senior government figures, including then ministers Ebrahim Patel and Blade Nzimande.

Jacobs said Sactwu initially agreed in April 2013 to invest R200 million in exchange for a 10% stake in IMC.

However, he claimed that the arrangement was later altered due to allegations arising from the Trilinear transaction.

According to Jacobs, Sactwu subsequently reduced its commitment to R150m, structured as a loan and shareholding arrangement.

He further stated that none of Sactwu’s investment flowed to Sekunjalo.

“Those funds were directed primarily towards the PIC, advisers and legal costs, including law firm ENSafrica, which ultimately went to the Irish Independent Group for the acquisition. No portion of those funds enriched Sekunjalo,” he said.

Jacobs also alleged that Sactwu had committed a further R250m towards the establishment of a workers’ newspaper, World of Work (WoW), but failed to fulfil that commitment.

He said Sekunjalo subsequently funded the publication’s print, editorial and distribution costs and later instituted a claim of approximately R628m in the Western Cape High Court relating to the matter.

The Sekunjalo CEO further claimed that efforts were made in 2017 to convert certain loan arrangements into equity and that Sactwu was offered 12 million shares in AYO Technology Solutions at R1.50 per share and they received R480 million rand worth of shares on listing.

He also alleged that Sactwu received shares in Sagarmatha Technologies valued at approximately R500m at nominal value.

Jacobs said Sactwu benefited significantly from its participation in the transaction, including what he described as extensive media support, an exit from its 8% participation and a premium payment of approximately R58m.

“The total value received by Sactwu from various transactions and benefits is estimated to be between R1.7 billion and R2bn,” Jacobs said.

The statement comes amid renewed scrutiny of the Independent Media acquisition and the various stakeholders involved in the transaction.

Jacobs rejected suggestions that Sactwu had been disadvantaged, arguing instead that Sekunjalo and its partners had borne the financial burden of sustaining Independent Media during a period of severe disruption in the newspaper industry.

Dear Doc, the Survé family, and the broader Sekunjalo family,

I write this letter from the heart. Nine years ago, I wrote a deeply personal letter to you. At the time, I reflected on my experiences as a journalist who had come to know not only a businessman and entrepreneur but also a leader who believed passionately in transformation, opportunity, and the power of ordinary South Africans to achieve extraordinary things.

Today, almost a decade later, I find myself compelled to write again. Much has changed since that first letter. Not only in my own life but also at the media company I joined many years ago as Executive Editor of Business Report, where I now serve as Editor-in-Chief, CEO, and Director of Independent Newspapers. Over the years, I have had a front-row seat to one of the most significant transformation journeys in South African media.

When Independent Newspapers was acquired from the Irish owners in August 2013, the organisation looked very different from the one we know today. Many of the senior editorial positions were occupied by white males. Opportunities for black journalists, women journalists and aspiring young newsroom leaders were far more limited than they are today. Today, Independent Newspapers stands as one of the most transformed media organisations on the African continent. Our editors, reporters, photographers, content managers and newsroom leaders reflect the diversity of South Africa. Women occupy leadership positions across our organisation.

Young journalists from communities historically excluded from mainstream media have been given opportunities to build careers, develop skills, and tell their communities' stories. That transformation did not happen by accident. It required commitment, resources, vision and, above all, belief. For that reason, I want to publicly thank you and the Sekunjalo Family for the financial support provided over the past eight years. At a time when many media companies around the world were reducing staff, closing titles and abandoning local journalism, Sekunjalo continued to support Independent Newspapers. That support came during some of the most difficult periods in the history of the South African media industry.

The result was not merely the preservation of a company. It was the preservation of jobs. It was the preservation of journalism. It was the preservation of a platform through which millions of South Africans continue to access news, information and diverse perspectives every single day. Hundreds of families benefited directly from that support. Thousands of stories were told. Countless young journalists received opportunities that might otherwise never have existed. For that, I remain sincerely grateful. At the same time, I cannot ignore another reality that I have witnessed over the years. I have watched as your name became the subject of relentless public scrutiny and criticism. As a journalist and editor, I fully understand the role of scrutiny in a democracy. Public figures, business leaders and institutions must be held accountable.

That principle applies to everyone. However, there have been moments over the years when I have found myself asking whether the public discussion surrounding you has always been balanced and fair. As someone who has worked alongside you for many years, I can only speak from my own experiences. In almost three decades of knowing you in various capacities, I have never personally witnessed conduct that resembled the character that some critics have sought to portray. Instead, I have known a person who consistently spoke about economic transformation, education, entrepreneurship and creating opportunities for those who had been excluded from the mainstream economy.

I have known a person who frequently spoke about the responsibility of business to create jobs and uplift communities. I have known someone who invested significant time and resources in initiatives aimed at supporting young people, entrepreneurs, students, and future leaders. Reasonable people may differ on many issues. Some may debate business decisions, strategy and leadership.

That is entirely legitimate. But I believe history should ultimately judge people on the totality of their contribution rather than through the lens of a single narrative.

When I reflect on your legacy, I think about the opportunities created. I think about journalists who have developed. I think about businesses built.

I think about students supported. I think about employees whose lives were changed through employment and career development.

I think about the transformation of one of South Africa's largest newspaper groups. Those achievements deserve recognition. What has often saddened me is the contrast between the international recognition you have received over the years and the way your contributions are sometimes discussed at home. South Africa has a habit of celebrating its pioneers only after they are gone.

We are often reluctant to acknowledge the achievements of those who challenge established systems while they are still active participants in public life. As someone who has observed your journey for many years, I believe your story remains one of the untold stories of South African business. Whether people agree with you or disagree, there can be little doubt that you have played a significant role in shaping conversations about transformation, media diversity, and economic participation.

Most importantly, I believe future generations deserve to hear that story in full.

Not the 'controversies'. Not only the criticism. But the complete story. The successes. The challenges. The vision. The lessons. The journey.

As I write this letter today, I do so not only as an editor or executive. I write as someone who has shared a professional journey with you spanning many years. I write as someone who has witnessed both the achievements and the challenges.

I write as someone who remains grateful for the opportunities that Independent Newspapers has provided to so many people across South Africa. And I write as someone who believes that the values of transformation, inclusion, opportunity and media freedom remain worth defending. Thank you for the support you have provided to Independent Newspapers. Thank you for supporting journalism during difficult times. Thank you for supporting the development of journalists from all backgrounds. Thank you for helping create opportunities for women, young people and future newsroom leaders. History will ultimately render its own judgment. But from where I stand today, I believe the contribution made by you, the Survé Family and the broader Sekunjalo Family to South African media and transformation deserves to be acknowledged.

With respect and appreciation,

Adri Senekal de Wet

Editor-in-Chief, CEO and Director

Theatre lovers, prepare for a blast from the past! The iconic cult classic, "The Rocky Horror Show", is making a highly anticipated return to the stage, and it is an experience you simply cannot afford to miss.

Under the direction of the incomparable Steven Stead, this production is brought to life by Pieter Toerien Productions in partnership with the Luitingh Alexander Musical Theatre Academy (LAMTA).

Stead expertly captures the untamed spirit, sharp wit, and rock 'n' roll defiance that have defined the show's international legacy for more than half a century.

Craig Urbani, an award-winning performer, returns to his celebrated role as Frank-N-Furter. The principal cast features Léa Blerk as Janet, Robert Everson as Riff, and Jasmine Minter as Magenta.

They are joined by Anna Olivier as Columbia, Anna Power as the narrator, Micah Stokajovic as Rocky, and Zak Hendrikz as Eddie and Dr Scott.

The production also boasts a distinguished ensemble, which includes Miguel de Sampaio, Tjaart van der Walt, Cleo Wesley, Alessia Gironi, Taya Pearson, Gabi Knight, and Sasha Duffy.

Theatregoers are in for a treat with this high-energy, polished production that combines a cast of eccentric characters with a legendary soundtrack for an evening of pure, uninhibited entertainment.

Since its 1973 debut, “The Rocky Horror Show” has stood as a monumental musical achievement, tearing down societal norms and joyfully embracing self-expression and personal discovery. 

When Brad and Janet find themselves stranded at a cryptic castle after a car mishap on a tempestuous night, theatregoers are pulled into a surreal realm where the extraordinary becomes the norm.

Within these walls, the couple meets the magnetic Dr Frank ’n’ Furter- the iconic 'sweet transvestite' - alongside his unusual staff and his latest creation, Rocky.

 This high-octane spectacle of glitter and glam is anchored by legendary rock tracks such as “Hot Patootie - Bless My Soul”, “Sweet Transvestite”, and the classic “Time Warp”, guiding the audience through a rebellious and transformative experience.

The show carries a PG16 age restriction. 

Where: Pieter Toerien’s Montecasino Theatre.

When: June 12 to August 16, 7.30pm. Weekend times vary.

Rise '76: The Story of June 16th

To mark the 50th anniversary of the 1976 Youth Uprisings, the Market Theatre will present "Rise '76: The Story of June 16th". This poignant new production is the work of Tiisetso Mashifane wa Noni, a playwright and director who has twice been honoured with a Fleur du Cap award.

This production is set in the fictional Molefe Secondary School in Soweto. It depicts a community pushed to its limits as students, teachers, and families navigate the devastating consequences of the mandatory use of Afrikaans as the primary medium of instruction.

It utilises public records, archived documents and first-hand accounts from more than 40 people to inform its script.

The show features a talented ensemble including Botlhale Mahlangu, Alex Sono, Ben Albertyn, Sbuja Dywili, Mfuneli Ntumbuka, Deon Lotz and Zilungile Mbombo.

At its core, the production serves as a poignant exploration of defiance, communal heritage and the persistent influence of young voices in shaping history.

Where: Mannie Manim, Market Theatre.

When: Runs until June 28, 7pm and 3pm. Check times when booking. 

JOHANNESBURG executive mayor Dada Morero has called on Black people to learn to cremate their dead instead of burying them: “The city is running out of burial space,” he told an audience at the Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital this week.

Morero said in Soweto alone, “1000 people are buried each month”. He decried lack of adaptation by Black people who are still beholden to culture and tradition.

He said even the Bible teaches us that when a person dies, the body perishes. He said Black people must grow to appreciate that it is the spirit that matters the most and not the body.

He said ancestors will not turn against people who choose to cremate their dead. The ancestors will understand, he assured the audience.

He further said that very soon Soweto will have no space to lay to rest their dead in traditional ways, as space for cemeteries is a major challenge.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Emmanuel Sithole, a South African educator, entrepreneur, and author, was inspired by the quiet struggles many face regarding their careers, financial status, relationships, and sense of purpose.

This insight led him to pen “Right Before the 30 Years Curve,” a guide designed to support young adults as they move through the often-unpredictable challenges of maturity.

Blending elements of personal reflection with a self-help guide, this book examines the complexities of growth, ambition, and purpose, alongside the common pressures faced as one approaches the age of 30.

Sithole challenges the belief that success must happen according to a fixed timeline and encourages readers to focus on growth rather than comparison.

According to the author, the idea for the book emerged from conversations with friends, colleagues and other young people who were struggling with similar questions about their futures.

"The turning point came when I realised that many of the struggles that I was experiencing were not unique to me alone," he said.

"Conversations with friends, colleagues and other young people revealed a common thread of uncertainty, pressure and the feeling of falling behind in life."

Those discussions, combined with his own journey through setbacks and self-discovery, convinced him that there was a need for a book that addressed the realities many young adults face but often keep to themselves.

"I felt a responsibility to put those reflections into words while they were still fresh and relevant," he explained.

"I wrote this book because I wanted people in their twenties to know that confusion is not a sign of failure. It is often part of the process of becoming who you are meant to be."

One of the central ideas in “Right Before the 30 Years Curve” is the challenge of overcoming society's expectations around age and achievement. Sithole argues that many young people feel unnecessary pressure to reach specific milestones by a certain age.

Whether it is buying a house, securing a dream job, getting married or achieving financial success, the comparison game has become even more intense in the age of social media.

"I think the biggest misunderstanding is the belief that success has a fixed timeline," he said.

"Many young people feel pressured to achieve certain milestones by a specific age because of what they see on social media or from the people around them."

For Sithole, the reality is far more complex. He believes that every person's journey unfolds differently and that comparing one life to another often creates unnecessary anxiety.

"Some people find their direction early, while others take longer to discover what truly matters to them," he said.

"Success is not simply about reaching a destination. It is about growth, learning, resilience and becoming a better version of yourself."

At the heart of the book is the concept of moving beyond survival mode. Rather than simply reacting to life's circumstances, Sithole encourages readers to become more intentional about their choices and daily routines.

For him, success before the age of 30 has less to do with status and more to do with laying a strong foundation for the future.

"For me, success before the age of 30 is about building a strong foundation rather than achieving perfection," he explained.

"It is about developing character, gaining wisdom through experience, learning from mistakes and creating habits that support long-term growth."

While financial security and professional accomplishments remain important goals, Sithole believes they should not be the sole measure of success.

"True success is being able to look at yourself honestly and know that you are growing, learning and moving forward despite challenges," he said.

"If you are becoming more self-aware, more disciplined and more intentional about your life, then you are already succeeding in ways that cannot always be measured by money or status."

Ultimately, Sithole hopes readers walk away with a sense of patience and confidence in their own journeys.

He wants young people to understand that uncertainty is not something to fear and that not having all the answers is perfectly normal.

"The one lesson I would want them to take away is that they do not need to have everything figured out right now," he said.

"We often put immense pressure on ourselves to know exactly where we are going and how we are going to get there, but life rarely works that way."

Instead, he encourages readers to embrace growth as an ongoing process shaped by experience, mistakes and perseverance.

"Uncertainty is not the enemy. It is often the space where growth takes place," he said.

"If they can learn to trust the process, remain committed to their personal development and keep moving forward even when things are unclear, they will be better prepared for whatever life brings their way."

WHEN the University of South Africa (Unisa), popularly known as the University of the Land, entered the second phase of its 2015-2030 strategy, it was motivated by the adage “Do not look to the ground for your next step; greatness lies with those who look to the horizon”.

This rang true at Unisa in 2021, as the adage served as a reminder for the university to keep its eyes on the big picture and not let temporary, small challenges distract it from its ultimate goals.

For Unisa to see beyond the horizon, it dared to move mountains. Today, in 2026, the university is enjoying the shade of the tree it planted in 2021.

It is no coincidence that 2021 was also the year in which Professor Puleng LenkaBula was inaugurated as the institution’s first Black woman principal and vice-chancellor. Unisa’s upward research trajectory is very much a result of the vision she brought to the role and has been spearheading for the past five years, as well as the ten catalytic niche areas (CNAs) the university has adopted under her guidance.

“My intention as a leader at Unisa is not just to bring new ideas but to reaffirm the university’s excellence in research and innovation, as well as the global impact of the institution,” she recently said when commenting on the CNAs. “Unisa’s researchers across all its colleges saw the importance of institutionalising research that supports the CNAs, and these areas contribute to rethinking and reclaiming Africa’s futures.”

The 2024 Universities’ Research Outputs Sector Report, released by the Department of Higher Education and Training on 2 June 2026, is a testament to Unisa's trajectory to reclaim and advance its position as a leading African university, deeply rooted in its mission to shape futures in the service of humanity.

At Unisa, research and innovation constitute the second set of essential pillars after teaching and learning. The task of producing new knowledge, stimulating intellectual inquiry and promoting innovation that tackles national, continental, and international developmental imperatives is the mandate of the university.

This role is not only foundational to Unisa’s identity and mandate; it is also a key metric in global academic rankings, where research output and its societal impact are heavily weighted, and it reinforces the university’s commitment to excellence in research and innovation.

A major national knowledge contributor

Unisa’s audited research performance shows a significant upward trajectory, with total publication output increasing from 1 807.2 units in 2023 to 2 608.3 units in 2024 (a 44.3% growth). As a result, Unisa moved three places up, from 6th to 2nd position nationally.

Unisa contributes 10.0% of total sector research output, confirming its position as a major contributor to national knowledge production. In this regard, the breakdown of Unisa’s research outputs indicates that the research profile is heavily driven by journal publications, which remain the primary driver of its performance, contributing 2 221.6 units in 2024.

This represents a significant increase from 1 505.0 units in 2023, elevating the institution from 6th to 2nd position nationally and aligning with broader sector trends. At the same time, Unisa continues to strengthen its contribution to book and chapter outputs, growing from 237 units in 2023 to 274.6 units in 2024, and improving its ranking from 8th to 5th position in the sector.

With regard to sector comparison of contribution to conference proceedings output, Unisa rose from 6th to 2nd position, with outputs increasing from 64.6 to 112.2 units between 2023 and 2024.

Growth and momentum

Unisa recorded exceptional annual growth in journal article output (47.6%), one of the highest in the sector. Book output also increased (15.8% year on year), and conference outputs showed strong recovery growth (73.2% from 2023 to 2024). This positions Unisa as a high-growth institution in research productivity.

Research productivity (per capita)

Despite its large size, Unisa outperforms the sector average (1.24), indicating efficient conversion of academic capacity into research outputs per capita (1.34 units per academic). As a result, Unisa ranks among the top-performing universities in productivity per staff member.

For its weighted output (including postgraduate training) of 2.34 (above the sector average of 2.23), Unisa is among the top 11 universities exceeding the national benchmark. This shows that Unisa’s performance is not only publication-driven but also reflects strong postgraduate training and doctoral output.

Academic staff capacity

With a total academic staff of 1 942, the number of doctorate holders was 1 229 (63.29%), compared to the sector average of 56% doctorate-qualified staff. This shows that Unisa has a well-qualified academic workforce, above the national average, supporting sustained research output and supervision capacity.

The university is highly likely to exceed the 75% target set in the NDP for 2030.

This strong performance is further demonstrated by Unisa’s doctoral graduate output, which rose from 366 in 2023 to 440 in 2024, elevating the institution from 3rd to 1st position nationally, with a doctoral supervision ratio of 0.358 (above the sector average) and a supervisory capacity index of 1.58 (below the top tier, but solidly above many institutions).

In this regard, Unisa demonstrates strong doctoral production relative to staff capacity.

It is clear that Unisa is part of the top group of universities contributing disproportionately to national output. Together with other leading institutions, it forms part of the core research-producing cluster driving sector performance.

Its recent rapid growth trajectory, especially in journal outputs, signals an institution that is expanding its research footprint significantly, positioning it as a central driver of South Africa’s knowledge production system.

Fast-tracking the commercialisation of academic research, leading in social innovation, and expanding industry partnerships and collaborations now form part of the university’s focus.

* Professor Mpho Ngoepe is vice-principal of Research, Postgraduate Studies, Innovation and Commercialisation, Unisa, and Dr Motlatso Mlambo is a director: Institutional Research, Department of Institutional Intelligence, Unisa

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE rule-based global order is undergoing profound transformation. As Russia and China grow stronger, challenging Western powers and their institutions, and the US engages in deep introspection about its global role, the world is facing mounting geopolitical conflicts and deepening fault lines.

For many in the Global South, including South Africa, this turbulence, marked by calls for reformed multilateralism through platforms like BRICS, the African Union, and the G20, presents both challenges and opportunities.

One coalition of the willing with significant potential to help stabilise this order is the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), comprising the United States, Japan, Australia, and India. However, India has resisted turning Quad into a formal military alliance, preserving flexibility.

Consequently, India has emerged as a quintessential bridge-builder and balancer in contemporary global affairs. It maintains strategic autonomy, a policy rooted in its Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) heritage, by engaging multiple platforms without formal alliances.

This approach allows India to advance its national interests while positioning itself as a voice for the Global South and a reliable partner for the West.

The current weakening of the global institutions has also created a unique opportunity for India, not just because of its economic size and global presence, but also because of its strategic relations.

India, with its amicable ties with the developing economies and advocacy for South-South cooperation, plays a leadership role for the Global South. At the same time, India is an important strategic partner for the West, with ties with the EU, UK, and the Nordic nations.

Thus, New Delhi’s unique positioning in the global economy enables it to act as a bridge between the North and the South. India has all the potential to reshape the weakening global order and steer it towards a fairer global governance.

India, since the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), has always nudged the global conversations towards global governance and the rule of law. In times when the international order is under a free fall, India has, yet again, a chance to play a key role through Quad (and beyond), in redesigning the global governance by acting as a bridge through restraint and economic resilience.

Thus, India, through Quad, has an immense role to play as a stabiliser in the multipolar world via partnerships, constant manoeuvres for the rule of law, and balancing between the US-led systems, powers like Russia and China, the European powers, and the formidable force for the Global South.

This bridging role is particularly significant for South Africa and the broader African continent, as it aligns with shared aspirations for a more equitable, multipolar order strengthened by platforms such as BRICS, where India assumed the chairmanship in 2026.

The role of Quad in building a free, open, and pluralistic order has long been recognised. The coalition has committed itself to the challenge of shaping order in a highly uncertain regional environment while navigating through the geopolitical conflicts and the “friend or foe” trade-off.

The significance of these four countries lies in their combined economic, technological, and strategic weight, each bringing unique regional strengths to the table. The US provides global leadership, security guarantees, and economic anchoring from its position as the pre-eminent Western power.

Japan acts as a technological and economic powerhouse, anchoring stability in East Asia and contributing advanced innovation and reliable diplomatic engagement.

Australia brings critical resources, strong maritime capabilities, and deep expertise in Indo-Pacific security, serving as a key partner in maintaining open sea lanes and regional resilience.

India, as the largest democracy and a rising economic force, serves as a dynamic bridge between the Global North and South, leveraging its growing economy, strategic autonomy, and longstanding advocacy for equitable global governance.

The bilateral and trilateral ties among the Quad members, their respective relations with other economies, and the inclusive nature of Quad stand to play a role as a force multiplier.

This force focuses on enhancing the resilience of the entire Indo-Pacific region and, subsequently, various regions through interconnections, building regional peace and prosperity.

This group can ensure a balance of power as well as the legitimacy of arrangements underpinning the order through the support of regional economies, making it an effective organisation in its own right, with its economic and strategic prowess and diplomatic persuasion.

It has the ability to act as a crucial and modern geopolitical instrument to work with informality and functional cooperation. Besides, as a provider of tangible public goods to the Indo-Pacific region (like maritime and regional security), it has already established its legitimacy as an effective multilateral organisation, along with maintaining a robust multi-nation security alignment.

More importantly, some believe that it is the role played by India within and beyond Quad that is expected to work as a systemic stabiliser in today’s fractured world. India, as a relatively predictable economy and governance space with increasing economic integration with Western economies as well as the economies of the Global South, makes it a special member of the Quad.

Many experts believe that, as a voice of the Global South while maintaining bilateral ties with many economies across the globe, India is a ‘high-powered’ member of the Quad.

Pundits also argue that India’s balancing role is not fence-sitting but proactive multi-alignment: It deters threats (eg, via Quad), builds coalitions for reform (via BRICS), and promotes a rules-based yet fairer order. For South Africa, this makes India a valuable partner in navigating turbulent times toward a more inclusive multipolar world guided by its own national interests.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

South Africa's elite crime fighting unit, the Hawks, lacks capacity to combat serious crime.

That is according to Portfolio Committee on Police Chairperson Ian Cameron, who claims the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), known as the Hawks, has become increasingly ineffective and lacks the capacity required to combat serious crime.

Cameron said the unit's capacity to fight crime is below its call of duty. 

He believes that the elite unit was operating at about 45% capacity and had been “hollowed out completely” over the years.

“Honestly, in some cases, I am starting to doubt whether they should even exist because I don’t think they are fulfilling their mandate at all,” said Cameron.

Despite his criticism, he acknowledged that some Hawks members remained committed and were doing their best under difficult circumstances.

Hawks National spokesperson Colonel Katlego Mogale has not yet responded to questions sent to her. 

Three of KwaZulu-Natal-based Hawks members, including their boss Major-General Lesetja Senona, were recently suspended after they were linked in the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry into the theft of 541kg of cocaine worth around R200 million from their storage in Port Shepstone in November 2021.

During the Madlanga inquiry, Senona was also linked to suspected crime kingpin Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, including allegedly using professional powers to assist Matlala’s Medicare24 in securing a R360 million SAPS healthcare contract.

Former Hawks national boss Major-General Richard Shibiri was fired this week after the entity found him internally guilty of bringing law enforcement into disrepute by associating himself with “a known criminal”.

The retired Constitutional Court Judge Mbuyiseli Madlanga-led commission, which is investigating allegations of criminality, political interference, and corruption within South Africa's criminal justice system, also heard from another Hawks officer, Colonel Gavin Jacob, who admitted to mishandling information on the drugs stolen from Port Shepstone.

Cameron, whose committee is responsible for holding police accountable, said the Hawks, in terms of leadership, “is extremely broken if not completely so”.

“It is the same across the board, as here and there you might have single successes, but if you ask them how many major cartel leaders, syndicates, and organisations they have identified and brought to book over the past five years, the number will be extremely low if at all.

“In most cases, they cannot even answer that,” said Cameron. 

He said to bring the elite back into action, an integrity audit needs to be conducted on its members.

He said it is a problem that the Hawks still have Major General Patrick Mbotho in its senior management structure.  

“He was sacked from the SAPS for sending porn to members of the Family Violent Child Protection and Sexual Offences Unit around 2019 and later moved to DPCI.

“Previous Hawks head, General Godfrey Lebeya, defended the appointment and promotion, saying that they are not a punitive organisation while someone like that is not beyond reproach and there is no chance that they can justify making those types of promotions.

“But unfortunately, that has become the norm in the DPCI,” he said. 

Cameron is now pinning hopes on the Madlanga Commission to help turn around the Hawks.

“It is already good that we are now seeing consequences from the Madlanga Commission and even from the portfolio committee’s point of view, we are seeing things starting to happen,” he said.

Political analyst Justice Malala recently described Senona as a person who should be in jail. 

“Senona took the whole folder with the names of his colleagues, along with their phone numbers, ID numbers, and their addresses and gave it to Cat Matlala, saying, 'These are the people who are investigating you.' 

“A lot of bad stuff is coming out of the Madlanga Commission,” said Malala.

Professor Johan Burger, an independent crime and policing consultant, said the rot in the Hawks could be linked to the “state capture” period. 

He said the unit was created to be independent and free from political interference like its predecessor, the Directorate of Special Operations (Scorpions), which reported directly to the Department of Justice.

“When the Hawks were placed within the SAPS, there were already doubts at that stage whether they would be as independent as the Scorpions.

“There were some court cases, including a Constitutional Court judgment, which forced the government to create some changes to the legislation that created the Hawks to make them more independent, for an example, the head of the Hawks does not report to the national commissioner like all the other police units, the Hawks head reports directly to the police minister,” he said.

Burger said the Concourt judgment in March 2021 and legislation amendment brought hope that the Hawks would be relatively independent.

“Now we know General Berning Ntlemeza was removed as the Hawks head because of corruption and political subservience accusations during the state capture era, and, in fact, he was associated with the state capture period.

“He was replaced by General Lebeya, whom we all accepted as much more competent in the first phase, as he is well qualified in terms of the law, with a doctorate and being an admitted advocate.

“But still, Lebeya expressed concerns during his term that there were several people appointed by Ntlemeza still left behind, and he found it extremely difficult to work with,” said Burger.

He said in 2012, it was recommended that the Hawks should have its own competent national commissioner and deputy national commissioner, but he said the recommendations were never implemented. 

“The rot that was set in motion during the state capture period has taken a while, root, escalated and grown, and changing this will take time, and it is not something that you can clinically switch on and off.

“The process has started in Minister Firoz Cachalia’s office, as he has appointed the advisory panel and pulled in Mr Edward Kieswetter from SARS (South African Revenue Service) to lead that process, and he (Kieswetter) has a good reputation for turning organisations around,” said Burger.

For more from the Sunday Tribune, follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X 

As anti-immigrant sentiment continues to simmer, deadlines set by anti-illegal immigration groups approach, and government intensifies enforcement against undocumented migrants, questions have emerged about whether South Africa could see a significant departure of foreign nationals.

However, despite high-profile repatriation operations and reports of growing social tensions, evidence suggests that a large-scale exodus of foreign residents has yet to materialise.

International organisations, often regarded as key indicators of voluntary or forced migration trends, report no notable increase in requests from migrants seeking assistance to return home.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) said it has not received any formal requests for assisted voluntary returns from South Africa. Similarly, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) reported no increase in the number of refugees seeking to return to their countries of origin this year.

"So far this year, we have not seen an increase in requests from refugees to return home," the UNHCR noted, emphasising that it continues to support only safe, informed, and voluntary repatriations.

Nevertheless, regional governments are responding to concerns about rising tensions. Nigeria has announced plans to repatriate more than 1,000 of its citizens from South Africa, while Ghana has already facilitated the return of hundreds of its nationals.

The Border Management Authority (BMA) recently facilitated the departure of 300 Ghanaian nationals via OR Tambo International Airport, followed by a major operation at the Lebombo Port of Entry, where 933 Mozambican nationals were processed for return. These operations involved complex coordination between the Department of Home Affairs, the BMA, and foreign high commissions.

International relations expert André Thomashausen said that against a realistic estimate of at least seven million foreign nationals residing in South Africa, the recorded departures or "repatriations" of a few hundred are not significant.

"The message, however, is clear that migrants are increasingly unwelcome in South Africa, where they are finding it more and more difficult to make a living," he said.

Thomashausen said the real issue is the dramatically declining ability of the South African government to implement policies and to deliver basic administrative functions.

"As South Africa's leadership continues to pursue opulent wealth and ostentation as its sole aspiration, law enforcement and public service will remain despondent and demotivated to intervene in the migration crisis," he said.

A statement on the Cabinet meeting of June 3, 2026, and the Special Cabinet meeting of May 13, 2026, said Cabinet received and approved a comprehensive approach to migration in South Africa, developed by the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Migration, and also approved the National Action Plan (NAP) Country Report on Migration in South Africa.

"The president will address the nation on this matter," said the statement.

Regarding the planned national shutdown linked to March and March set for June 30, calling for the removal of undocumented foreign nationals from South Africa, Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, during a post-Cabinet meeting briefing on Friday, said that South Africans have the right to protest and march as provided for by the Constitution, but do not have the right to take the law into their own hands.

"As we have indicated before, there's nobody who's going to do a shutdown of this country, and we must be very clear about that."

According to Ntshavheni, President Cyril Ramaphosa is set to deliver an address providing specifics on the coordinated efforts regarding migration.

She said this work, which has been referenced in prior briefings, parliamentary debates, and statements from the criminal justice cluster, involves ongoing collaboration across various departments.

"Government has been for the longest time seized with work to deal with migration, and we have been consolidating that work, but we'll leave the details of this comprehensive approach to be explained and outlined by the president to the nation," said Ntshavheni.

Speaking this week in Parliament, Ramaphosa said the challenge of migration needs to be addressed.

"When it is well managed and regulated, migration can help to drive economic growth and opportunity for all. However, we need to deal with illegal migration. We have seen how illegal immigration into our country can put pressure on our public services and undermine our efforts to create decent work for all."

He said, as announced in the State of the Nation Address, the government is taking decisive action to address this challenge.

"We are cracking down on violations of immigration laws. We are increasing our inspections of workplaces and prosecuting employers who violate our labour laws. We are strengthening, Madam Speaker, we are strengthening border security, stamping out corruption in the immigration system and closing the loopholes in fragmented immigration laws," he said.

Ramaphosa emphasised that every person in South Africa, whether they are citizens or foreign nationals, must respect our laws.

"They must also respect the rights of every person in our country, and our laws must be upheld. We must never give in to violence, to xenophobia, and to vigilantism," said the president.

The embassies of Malawi, Ghana, Eswatini, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Kenya were approached for comment but did not respond by the time of publication.

SUNDAY TRIBUNE

The Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation (DPCI), according to Portfolio Committee on Police Chairperson Ian Cameron, has become extremely ineffective and its capacity to fight crime is below its call of duty. 

Cameron believed that the elite unit, better known as the Hawks, was operating at about 45% capacity and had been “hollowed out completely” over the years.

“Honestly, in some cases, I am starting to doubt whether they should even exist because I don’t think they are fulfilling their mandate at all,” said Cameron.

However, he said some Hawks members were trying hard to do their work.

Hawks National spokesperson Colonel Katlego Mogale has not yet responded to questions sent to her. 

Three of KwaZulu-Natal-based Hawks members, including their boss Major-General Lesetja Senona, were recently suspended after they were linked in the Madlanga Commission of Inquiry into the theft of 541kg of cocaine worth around R200 million from their storage in Port Shepstone in November 2021.

During the Madlanga inquiry, Senona was also linked to suspected crime kingpin Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, including allegedly using professional powers to assist Matlala’s Medicare24 in securing a R360 million SAPS healthcare contract.

Former Hawks national boss Major-General Richard Shibiri was fired this week after the entity found him internally guilty of bringing law enforcement into disrepute by associating himself with “a known criminal”.

The retired Constitutional Court Judge Mbuyiseli Madlanga-led commission, which is investigating allegations of criminality, political interference, and corruption within South Africa's criminal justice system, also heard from another Hawks officer, Colonel Gavin Jacob, who admitted to mishandling information on the drugs stolen from Port Shepstone.

Cameron, whose committee is responsible for holding police accountable, said the Hawks, in terms of leadership, “is extremely broken if not completely so”.

“It is the same across the board, as here and there you might have single successes, but if you ask them how many major cartel leaders, syndicates, and organisations they have identified and brought to book over the past five years, the number will be extremely low if at all.

“In most cases, they cannot even answer that,” said Cameron. 

He said to bring the elite back into action, an integrity audit needs to be conducted on its members.

He said it is a problem that the Hawks still have Major General Patrick Mbotho in its senior management structure.  

“He was sacked from the SAPS for sending porn to members of the Family Violent Child Protection and Sexual Offences Unit around 2019 and later moved to DPCI.

“Previous Hawks head, General Godfrey Lebeya, defended the appointment and promotion, saying that they are not a punitive organisation while someone like that is not beyond reproach and there is no chance that they can justify making those types of promotions.

“But unfortunately, that has become the norm in the DPCI,” he said. 

Cameron is now pinning hopes on the Madlanga Commission to help turn around the Hawks.

“It is already good that we are now seeing consequences from the Madlanga Commission and even from the portfolio committee’s point of view, we are seeing things starting to happen,” he said.

Political analyst Justice Malala recently described Senona as a person who should be in jail. 

“Senona took the whole folder with the names of his colleagues, along with their phone numbers, ID numbers, and their addresses and gave it to Cat Matlala, saying, 'These are the people who are investigating you.' 

“A lot of bad stuff is coming out of the Madlanga Commission,” said Malala.

Professor Johan Burger, an independent crime and policing consultant, said the rot in the Hawks could be linked to the “state capture” period. 

He said the unit was created to be independent and free from political interference like its predecessor, the Directorate of Special Operations (Scorpions), which reported directly to the Department of Justice.

“When the Hawks were placed within the SAPS, there were already doubts at that stage whether they would be as independent as the Scorpions.

“There were some court cases, including a Constitutional Court judgment, which forced the government to create some changes to the legislation that created the Hawks to make them more independent, for an example, the head of the Hawks does not report to the national commissioner like all the other police units, the Hawks head reports directly to the police minister,” he said.

Burger said the Concourt judgment in March 2021 and legislation amendment brought hope that the Hawks would be relatively independent.

“Now we know General Berning Ntlemeza was removed as the Hawks head because of corruption and political subservience accusations during the state capture era, and, in fact, he was associated with the state capture period.

“He was replaced by General Lebeya, whom we all accepted as much more competent in the first phase, as he is well qualified in terms of the law, with a doctorate and being an admitted advocate.

“But still, Lebeya expressed concerns during his term that there were several people appointed by Ntlemeza still left behind, and he found it extremely difficult to work with,” said Burger.

He said in 2012, it was recommended that the Hawks should have its own competent national commissioner and deputy national commissioner, but he said the recommendations were never implemented. 

“The rot that was set in motion during the state capture period has taken a while, root, escalated and grown, and changing this will take time, and it is not something that you can clinically switch on and off.

“The process has started in Minister Firoz Cachalia’s office, as he has appointed the advisory panel and pulled in Mr Edward Kieswetter from SARS (South African Revenue Service) to lead that process, and he (Kieswetter) has a good reputation for turning organisations around,” said Burger. 

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

As anti-immigrant sentiment simmers, deadlines loom by anti-illegal immigration groups, and government tightens enforcement around undocumented immigrants, questions regarding a potential exodus of foreign nationals from South Africa have arisen.

Yet, despite high-profile repatriation flights and reports of increasing social friction, data suggests that any large-scale departure of foreign residents remains elusive.

International organisations, which typically act as a barometer for forced or voluntary displacement, report no surge in requests to return home.

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) confirmed it has received no formal requests for assisted voluntary returns from South Africa.

Echoing this, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) stated that it has observed no uptick in refugees seeking to return to their countries of origin this year.

"So far this year, we have not seen an increase in requests from refugees to return home," the UNHCR noted, emphasising that it continues to support only safe, informed, and voluntary repatriations.

This pressure is being felt regionally, with nations like Nigeria signalling plans to repatriate over 1,000 citizens from South Africa, citing rising tensions. Similarly, Ghana has already successfully repatriated hundreds of its citizens.

The Border Management Authority (BMA) recently facilitated the departure of 300 Ghanaian nationals via OR Tambo International Airport, followed by a major operation at the Lebombo Port of Entry, where 933 Mozambican nationals were processed for return. These operations involved complex coordination between the Department of Home Affairs, the BMA, and foreign high commissions.

International relations expert André Thomashausen said that against a realistic estimate of at least seven million foreign nationals residing in South Africa, the recorded departures or "repatriations" of a few hundred are not significant.

"The message, however, is clear that migrants are increasingly unwelcome in South Africa, where they are finding it more and more difficult to make a living," he said.

Thomashausen said the real issue is the dramatically declining ability of the South African government to implement policies and to deliver basic administrative functions.

"As South Africa's leadership continues to pursue opulent wealth and ostentation as its sole aspiration, law enforcement and public service will remain despondent and demotivated to intervene in the migration crisis," he said.

A statement on the Cabinet meeting of June 3, 2026, and the Special Cabinet meeting of May 13, 2026, said Cabinet received and approved a comprehensive approach to migration in South Africa, developed by the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Migration, and also approved the National Action Plan (NAP) Country Report on Migration in South Africa.

"The president will address the nation on this matter," said the statement.

Regarding the planned national shutdown linked to March and March set for June 30, calling for the removal of undocumented foreign nationals from South Africa, Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, during a post-Cabinet meeting briefing on Friday, said that South Africans have the right to protest and march as provided for by the Constitution, but do not have the right to take the law into their own hands.

"As we have indicated before, there's nobody who's going to do a shutdown of this country, and we must be very clear about that."

According to Ntshavheni, President Cyril Ramaphosa is set to deliver an address providing specifics on the coordinated efforts regarding migration.

She said this work, which has been referenced in prior briefings, parliamentary debates, and statements from the criminal justice cluster, involves ongoing collaboration across various departments.

"Government has been for the longest time seized with work to deal with migration, and we have been consolidating that work, but we'll leave the details of this comprehensive approach to be explained and outlined by the president to the nation," said Ntshavheni.

Speaking this week in Parliament, Ramaphosa said the challenge of migration needs to be addressed.

"When it is well managed and regulated, migration can help to drive economic growth and opportunity for all. However, we need to deal with illegal migration. We have seen how illegal immigration into our country can put pressure on our public services and undermine our efforts to create decent work for all."

He said, as announced in the State of the Nation Address, the government is taking decisive action to address this challenge.

"We are cracking down on violations of immigration laws. We are increasing our inspections of workplaces and prosecuting employers who violate our labour laws. We are strengthening, Madam Speaker, we are strengthening border security, stamping out corruption in the immigration system and closing the loopholes in fragmented immigration laws," he said.

Ramaphosa emphasised that every person in South Africa, whether they are citizens or foreign nationals, must respect our laws.

"They must also respect the rights of every person in our country, and our laws must be upheld. We must never give in to violence, to xenophobia, and to vigilantism," said the president.

The embassies of Malawi, Ghana, eSwatini, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Kenya were approached for comment but did not respond by the time of publication.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

The Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry has questioned the involvement of Colonel Gavin Jacob, the Hawks’ Serious Organised Crime Investigation Unit commander in Durban, in the disappearance of cocaine and mandrax exhibits in drugs-related cases.

On Friday, the commission chaired by retired Constitutional Court Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, heard the evidence of senior KwaZulu-Natal Hawks officer Lieutenant-Colonel Kwazikwakhe Sibiya, who was testifying on his role in the seizure of 541kg of cocaine with a street value of around R200 million from the Durban Harbour in June 2021 and later stolen in Port Shepstone a few months later.

Commissioner Advocate Sesi Baloyi SC asked Sibiya about a case in which Jacob was the arresting officer, but it later transpired that there were no further exhibits in the docket in a case of possession of cocaine and mandrax.

“I’m trying to understand why this is something that (a Warrant Officer) Jooste will be charged and not, let’s say, Jacob, because he is mentioned here. On the reading of it, it seems to be an allegation is being made against Jacob that he took exhibits out and they never came back. Can you just explain that?” Baloyi asked.

In his response, Sibiya said: “I think Colonel Jacob had handed over the exhibits to Warrant Officer Jooste and then Warrant Officer Jooste was supposed to take them to FSL (Forensic Science Laboratory) and he did not take them.”

He said that is why Jooste, who has since been dismissed from the SA Police Service (SAPS), had to submit a written statement indicating that he obtained the exhibits from Jacob and forwarded them to the FSL, but they were not received and the acknowledgment receipt could not be found.

Baloyi further queried: “Do you know if anything in this investigation looked at the roles of the different people that are mentioned, there’s that officer whose name I’m not mentioning (Dwarika), there is Msomi, there is Jacob, mentioned more than once. Do you know if this investigation looked at their roles?”

Sibiya said he was told that an investigation into the matter covered all the cases.

Baloyi continued: “Do you know if the provincial office looked at the conduct, whether there is anything wrong in the conduct of the individuals that are mentioned here?”

Sibiya responded: “If my memory serves me well, I think all the (SAPS) members that are mentioned here, some of them were just investigating this docket. The person who was mischievous here was that warrant officer.”

However, he added that he did not know for a fact that the other officers have been found to be innocent.

In his evidence earlier this week, Jacob told the commission that an informer/whistle-blower/suspect came forward in February this year and claimed to have been involved in the planning and execution of the theft of the 541kg of cocaine valued at R200m.

Both the national and provincial SAPS referred questions about the matter to the Hawks, who did not respond.

Jacob is no stranger to controversy. The Sunday Tribune previously reported in 2018 on a SAPS Crime Intelligence document examining drug trafficking and gangsterism in Durban, which alleged that senior members of the Hawks' narcotics unit were protecting drug kingpins.

Jacob, who headed the unit at the time, was reportedly under investigation for allegedly undermining investigations into one of Durban's most notorious gangs, the Bloods.

It was further reported that Jacob allegedly had a close relationship with the gang's leaders and may have compromised several major investigations.

The Independent Police Investigative Directorate’s probe into Jacob started in November 2018 and was concluded in April the following year, but no evidence was found to support the allegations against him, which included corruption and defeating the ends of justice.

The National Prosecuting Authority also decided not to prosecute Jacob.

This week was another of high drama in the SAPS since the start of the commission last year after Component Head for Organised Crime, Major-General Richard Shibiri, was fired after being found guilty of misconduct.

This related to conduct that brought the SAPS into disrepute, including associating himself with a known criminal, controversial attempted murder-accused businessman Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, from whom he had received thousands of rand, which he described as a loan to fix his son’s damaged vehicle.

Another nine senior police officers, who served as members of the bid evaluation committee in the tender process that culminated in the awarding of a now-cancelled contract to one of Matlala’s companies, Medicare24, were suspended.

The SAPS indicated that the officers have been placed on suspension pending the finalisation of disciplinary hearings and related investigations.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

Residents of Trenance Park near Verulam told the DA they were tired of empty promises and the high cost of living. 

The DA welcomed prominent members from key political parties in Verulam on Saturday. 

Joel Makhanya, 59, a concerned resident, grew up in the area and had witnessed stagnant growth and lack of service delivery. 

Makhanya complained about nepotism and limited entrepreneurship opportunities for those who have small businesses.

He said he had read about changes in the uMgeni Municipality where the DA governs. He would like these changes to be made in eThekwini as well, adding that he was tired of collecting water from water tankers. 

“I have a registered business but I am not getting any jobs or there are no jobs in the area. I believe jobs and contracts are given to those politically connected. At the end of the year, we have to pay a tax return despite having no income. We were lied to about job creation. There were empty promises year on year," he said. 

The eThekwini mayoral candidate Haniff Hoosen engaged the North Durban community and welcomed former members of political parties from both government and opposition benches, who have chosen to join the DA, as he continues his mission to get eThekwini working.

Hoosen said the engagements will provide residents with an opportunity to interact directly with the DA leaders ahead of the 2026 Local Government Elections, and to discuss key issues affecting the community.

Dean Macpherson, Minister of Public Works, said that driving through the area, he had observed water leaks and heard of service delivery complaints.

Both Hoosen and Macpherson said they did not expect the turnout and support from the Verulam community, which gave them hope that they were on the right track to govern eThekwini. 

A resident who wished to remain anonymous said she had witnessed the deterioration of Verulam and surrounding areas. 

“I did not vote in the previous elections because I was so despondent on empty promises,” she said.

She highlighted a need for housing, improvements in education system, and scholar transport in Trenance Park and surrounding areas. 

“People are paying astronomical figures for rent. We also struggle to pay bills. We have witnessed corruption in the allocation of houses to the poor. The list is endless,” she said. 

She said she derived hope from the meeting and would like to see drastic changes and job opportunities for those on grass root levels. 

“Action speaks louder than words. Previous politicians came here with empty promises. Less words and more action is what we want.” 

She highlighted the poor service at clinics and no empathy for the old and infirm attending clinics and hospitals. 

Hoosen said he has witnessed growing support in eThekwini, judging from the events they had been attending in eThekwini. 

“The general complaints we received are water and sanitation issues, as well as employment. Young women complain about crime and how unsafe it is. Yet, councillors are protected by dozens of bodyguards. People are hungry for change in the city. We have five intense months of campaigning,” Hoosen said. 

zainul.dawood@inl.co.za

The Madlanga Judicial Commission of Inquiry has questioned the involvement of Colonel Gavin Jacob, the Hawks’ Serious Organised Crime Investigation Unit commander in Durban, in the disappearance of cocaine and mandrax exhibits in drugs-related cases.

On Friday, the commission chaired by retired Constitutional Court Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, heard the evidence of senior KwaZulu-Natal Hawks officer Lieutenant-Colonel Kwazikwakhe Sibiya, who was testifying on his role in the seizure of 541kg of cocaine with a street valued of around R200 million from the Durban Harbour in June 2021 and later stolen in Port Shepstone a few months later.

Commissioner Advocate Sesi Baloyi SC asked Sibiya about a case in which Jacob was the arresting officer, but it later transpired that there were no further exhibits in the docket in a case of possession of cocaine and mandrax.

“I’m trying to understand why this is something that (a Warrant Officer) Jooste will be charged and not, let’s say, Jacob, because he is mentioned here. On the reading of it, it seems to be an allegation is being made against Jacob that he took exhibits out and they never came back. Can you just explain that?” Baloyi asked.

In his response, Sibiya said: “I think Colonel Jacob had handed over the exhibits to Warrant Officer Jooste and then Warrant Officer Jooste was supposed to take them to FSL (Forensic Science Laboratory) and he did not take them.”

He said that is why Jooste, who has since been dismissed from the SA Police Service (SAPS), had to submit a written statement indicating that he obtained the exhibits from Jacob and forwarded them to the FSL, but they were not received and the acknowledgment receipt could not be found.

Baloyi further queried: “Do you know if anything in this investigation looked at the roles of the different people that are mentioned, there’s that officer whose name I’m not mentioning (Dwarika), there is Msomi, there is Jacob, mentioned more than once. Do you know if this investigation looked at their roles?”

Sibiya said he was told that an investigation into the matter covered all the cases.

Baloyi continued: “Do you know if the provincial office looked at the conduct, whether there is anything wrong in the conduct of the individuals that are mentioned here?”

Sibiya responded: “If my memory serves me well, I think all the (SAPS) members that are mentioned here, some of them were just investigating this docket. The person who was mischievous here was that warrant officer.”

However, he added that he did not know for a fact that the other officers have been found to be innocent.

In his evidence earlier this week, Jacob told the commission that an informer/whistle-blower/suspect came forward in February this year and claimed to have been involved in the planning and execution of the theft of the 541kg of cocaine valued at R200m.

Both the national and provincial SAPS referred questions about the matter to the Hawks, who did not respond.

Jacob is no stranger to controversy. The Sunday Tribune previously reported in 2018 on a SAPS Crime Intelligence document examining drug trafficking and gangsterism in Durban, which alleged that senior members of the Hawks' narcotics unit were protecting drug kingpins.

Jacob, who headed the unit at the time, was reportedly under investigation for allegedly undermining investigations into one of Durban's most notorious gangs, the Bloods.

It was further reported that Jacob allegedly had a close relationship with the gang's leaders and may have compromised several major investigations.

The Independent Police Investigative Directorate’s probe into Jacob started in November 2018 and was concluded in April the following year, but no evidence was found to support the allegations against him, which included corruption and defeating the ends of justice.

The National Prosecuting Authority also decided not to prosecute Jacob.

This week was another of high drama in the SAPS since the start of the commission last year after Component Head for Organised Crime, Major-General Richard Shibiri, was fired after being found guilty of misconduct.

This related to conduct that brought the SAPS into disrepute, including associating himself with a known criminal, controversial attempted murder-accused businessman Vusimuzi “Cat” Matlala, from whom he had received thousands of rand, which he described as a loan to fix his son’s damaged vehicle.

Another nine senior police officers, who served as members of the bid evaluation committee in the tender process that culminated in the awarding of a now-cancelled contract to one of Matlala’s companies, Medicare24, were suspended.

The SAPS indicated that the officers have been placed on suspension pending the finalisation of disciplinary hearings and related investigations.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

As anti-immigrant sentiment simmers, deadlines loom by anti-illegal immigration groups, and government tightens enforcement around illegal immigrants, questions regarding a potential exodus of foreign nationals from South Africa have arisen.

Yet, despite high-profile repatriation flights and reports of increasing social friction, data suggests that any large-scale departure of foreign residents remains elusive.

International organisations, which typically act as a barometer for forced or voluntary displacement, report no surge in requests to return home.

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) confirmed it has received no formal requests for assisted voluntary returns from South Africa.

Echoing this, the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) stated that it has observed no uptick in refugees seeking to return to their countries of origin this year.

"So far this year, we have not seen an increase in requests from refugees to return home," the UNHCR noted, emphasising that it continues to support only safe, informed, and voluntary repatriations.

This pressure is being felt regionally, with nations like Nigeria signalling plans to repatriate over 1,000 citizens from South Africa, citing rising tensions. Similarly, Ghana has already successfully repatriated hundreds of its citizens.

The Border Management Authority (BMA) recently facilitated the departure of 300 Ghanaian nationals via OR Tambo International Airport, followed by a major operation at the Lebombo Port of Entry, where 933 Mozambican nationals were processed for return. These operations involved complex coordination between the Department of Home Affairs, the BMA, and foreign high commissions.

International relations expert André Thomashausen said that against a realistic estimate of at least seven million foreign nationals residing in South Africa, the recorded departures or "repatriations" of a few hundred are not significant.

"The message, however, is clear that migrants are increasingly unwelcome in South Africa, where they are finding it more and more difficult to make a living," he said.

Thomashausen said the real issue is the dramatically declining ability of the South African government to implement policies and to deliver basic administrative functions.

"As South Africa's leadership continues to pursue opulent wealth and ostentation as its sole aspiration, law enforcement and public service will remain despondent and demotivated to intervene in the migration crisis," he said.

A statement on the Cabinet meeting of June 3, 2026, and the Special Cabinet meeting of May 13, 2026, said Cabinet received and approved a comprehensive approach to migration in South Africa, developed by the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Migration, and also approved the National Action Plan (NAP) Country Report on Migration in South Africa.

"The president will address the nation on this matter," said the statement.

Regarding the planned national shutdown linked to March and March set for June 30, calling for the removal of undocumented foreign nationals from South Africa, Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, during a post-Cabinet meeting briefing on Friday, said that South Africans have the right to protest and march as provided for by the Constitution, but do not have the right to take the law into their own hands.

"As we have indicated before, there's nobody who's going to do a shutdown of this country, and we must be very clear about that."

According to Ntshavheni, President Cyril Ramaphosa is set to deliver an address providing specifics on the coordinated efforts regarding migration.

She said this work, which has been referenced in prior briefings, parliamentary debates, and statements from the criminal justice cluster, involves ongoing collaboration across various departments.

"Government has been for the longest time seized with work to deal with migration, and we have been consolidating that work, but we'll leave the details of this comprehensive approach to be explained and outlined by the president to the nation," said Ntshavheni.

Speaking this week in Parliament, Ramaphosa said the challenge of migration needs to be addressed.

"When it is well managed and regulated, migration can help to drive economic growth and opportunity for all. However, we need to deal with illegal migration. We have seen how illegal immigration into our country can put pressure on our public services and undermine our efforts to create decent work for all."

He said, as announced in the State of the Nation Address, the government is taking decisive action to address this challenge.

"We are cracking down on violations of immigration laws. We are increasing our inspections of workplaces and prosecuting employers who violate our labour laws. We are strengthening, Madam Speaker, we are strengthening border security, stamping out corruption in the immigration system and closing the loopholes in fragmented immigration laws," he said.

Ramaphosa emphasised that every person in South Africa, whether they are citizens or foreign nationals, must respect our laws.

"They must also respect the rights of every person in our country, and our laws must be upheld. We must never give in to violence, to xenophobia, and to vigilantism," said the president.

The embassies of Malawi, Ghana, Eswatini, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Kenya were approached for comment but did not respond by the time of publication.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

IN THE dead of early Saturday morning, during a highly targeted customs and excise operation, the South African Revenue Service (Sars) struck a major blow against organised crime, intercepting shipments suspected of harboring illicit drugs at the Port of Durban.

The contraband was hidden in plain sight. Following strict customs risk assessments and cargo profiling, Sars officials zeroed in on heavy duty excavation equipment imported from South America, according to a statement released on Saturday. They stopped and thoroughly examined the shipment.

The revenue service said detector dogs sniffed out the deception, alerting officers to suspicious parcels cleverly concealed within two excavators. The South African Police Service (SAPS) immediately secured the scene. Officers then extracted the parcels, which are estimated to be about 90 large bricks of pure cocaine.

The tax authorities did not wait for a lab to sound the alarm. Preliminary testing with a Sars mobile drug detection kit already indicated the substance was cocaine.

This massive seizure forms part of an intensified crackdown by Sars on illicit trade and cross-border smuggling. The seized material has been handed over to SAPS for rigorous forensic analysis and a full criminal investigation, according to the revenue service.

Details regarding the exact weight, value, origin, and intended destination will only be confirmed once laboratory testing is complete.

Sars Commissioner Dr Johnstone Makhubu made it clear that this interception was no accident. It reflected a strategic focus on strengthening customs enforcement at ports of entry.

He said that through intelligence-led operations, Sars was targeting high-risk consignments with precision. This would disrupt cross-border smuggling and illicit financial flows that actively erode the domestic economy and undermine compliant trade.

The operation also proves the real-world impact of modernisation efforts. Investments in advanced cargo profiling systems, non-intrusive inspection technology, and data-driven risk engines are enabling faster and more accurate detection of illicit goods.

Makhubu emphasised that these capabilities would improve customs efficiency. They would allow Sars to identify and intercept high-risk shipments without delaying legitimate trade. This supports economic activity while strictly enforcing compliance.

Sars continues to build an integrated and responsive customs environment through coordinated action with law enforcement agencies and port stakeholders, according to the statement. This approach strengthens border management and enhances operational effectiveness. It ensures that key trade gateways in South Africa remain secure while facilitating the smooth flow of legitimate goods.

Makhubu reiterated that Sars would sustain its crackdown on illicit trade. He noted that modernised customs capability allowed them to target high-risk shipments with precision while facilitating compliant trade.

He further said that this operation showed how they were restoring the integrity of the border environment and working with law enforcement to dismantle organised criminal networks.

The Port of Durban remains a key trade gateway. Sars said it would continue to strengthen enforcement through enhanced cargo profiling, technology-enabled inspections, and multi-agency cooperation.

The commissioner saluted the customs team alongside other law enforcement agencies for this extraordinary work. He declared that South Africa was truly thankful for their watchful and commendable efforts.

The taxman then issued a stark warning to the industry, urging importers, exporters, and logistics operators to view compliance as vital. “Only a collaborative effort can maintain trade security and integrity.”

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Two cousins have been sentenced to life imprisonment by the Pietermaritzburg High Court for the murder of Nduduzo Ndlovu, who was killed in a case of mistaken identity in the Himeville area in February 2023.

According to National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) spokesperson in KwaZulu-Natal, Natasha Ramkisson-Kara, cousins Mthokozisi Ngwane, 34, and Sanele Mqondisi Ngwane,37, travelled to Himeville to search for an individual they intended to kill.

However, in a case of mistaken identity, they fatally shot Ndlovu instead.

Following the shooting, the pair fled the scene. However, witnesses managed to record the registration number of the vehicle they were travelling in and provided the information to the police, leading to the arrest of the cousins.

Police recovered two firearms from the men during their arrest, with ballistic evidence later linking one of the firearms to Ndlovu’s murder. The cousins were convicted on charges of murder, unlawful possession of firearms, and unlawful possession of ammunition.

In addition to life imprisonment for murder, each accused was sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment on two counts of unlawful possession of a firearm, as well as six years and 12 months’ imprisonment for the two counts of unlawful possession of ammunition.

“The sentences were ordered to run concurrently, resulting in an effective sentence of life imprisonment for each accused,” Ramkisson-Kara explained.

She further said the court declared both men unfit to possess firearms.

Ramkisson-Kara said the NPA welcomed the sentence, stating: “The sentence demonstrates NPA’s continued commitment to upholding the rule of law and ensuring perpetrators of violent crime are held accountable for their actions.”

nomonde.zondi@inl.co.za

The Department of Justice and Constitutional Development has spent R76.4 million on foreign language interpreting services in criminal proceedings in courts throughout the country over the past year.

This happened as the courts record nearly 40,000 new cases involving foreign nationals criminally charged in various courts during 2024/25.

This was revealed this week by Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi when she was responding to parliamentary questions from the ATM.

Kubayi told ATM MP Vuyo Zungula that her department’s Electronic Case Management System showed that the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) has recorded 1,074 new cases involving foreign nationals in the regional courts and 37,967 foreign nationals in the district courts.

“The NPA does not keep electronic record of the number of foreign nationals that were granted bail and subsequently failed to appear in court,” she said.

Kubayi clarified that the nationality of the accused was indicated on the database but, the identification of the nationality was not necessarily an indication they were in the country legally or illegally.

Kubayi further said the database did not record whether the foreign nationals were granted bail and subsequently failed to appear in court.

“The NPA is therefore unable to provide the requested information.”

Kubayi also said the department spent R76,178,462 on interpreting services for non-official languages in criminal proceedings from April 2024 until March 2025.

She was responding to ATM MP Thandiswa Marawu, who enquired about the total amount spent on translation and interpretation services for non-official South African languages for criminal proceedings in courts in the 2024/25 financial year.

According to Kubayi, the courts provide interpreting services only, and the services were rendered for the 12 official South African languages and foreign languages.

“Translation services done in courts are done by in-house interpreters for courts and there is no cost related to it.”

Kubayi said the language that attracted the highest total expenditure nationally is Shona, with a total amount of R8.7m.

Five provinces - Free State, Gauteng, Northern Cape, North West, and Limpopo - record Shona as their main cost driver, while the other provinces have spent over R200,000 each on the language during the past financial year.

The minister told Marawu that her department does not track spending on criminal proceedings according to the immigration status of accused persons.

“Therefore, it is not possible to identify or quantify the costs specifically associated with cases involving illegal immigrants. The expenditure is recorded based on the interpreting services provided rather than the legal status of individuals appearing in court.”

Kubayi said the expenditure costs were captured under foreign language interpreting services, which support proceedings where interpretation is required.

“The records do not distinguish between foreign nationals based on their legal status, as they appear in court on various charges, not only immigration-related cases.”

Meanwhile, 109,735 illegal foreigners were arrested and deported in the past financial year.

Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber said in a reply to MK Party MP Mnqobi Msezane that there has been 6,279 inspections conducted at workplaces during the same period.

Schreiber said a total of 8,180 employers were charged for employing foreign nationals without valid work permits in the past five years.

“Penalties and/or sanctions that are imposed in cases where employers have employed foreign nationals without valid work permits is in terms of section of the Immigration Act, Act 13 of 2002.”

However, the Department of Correctional Services has disclosed that foreign nationals were not deported immediately after their court cases were finalised to serve their sentences in their countries of origins in order to alleviate overcrowding in prison.

Correctional Services Minister Piet Groenewald said South Africa does not have an enabling domestic legislation to regulate and facilitate the transfer of sentenced foreign offenders, including South Africans incarcerated in foreign countries, to serve their sentences in their countries of origin.

Groenewald also said there was no bilateral interstate transfer arrangements through memorandum of understanding or otherwise.

“The Department of Correctional Services is responsible for identifying foreign nationals in its detention facilities and reporting such individuals to the Department of Home Affairs (DHA). The DHA is responsible for establishing/confirming the nationality of such offenders and initiating the deportation of those whose stay in the Republic of South Africa is illegal or undesirable.”

He added that his department handed over foreign national offenders to the relevant authorities when they were released or placed out on parole.

The prisoners are normally detained at a repatriation centre under control of DHA until deportation.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

The Consulate General of India in Cape Town hosted a curtain raiser event for the International Day of Yoga on Table Mountain on Saturday, bringing together participants to reflect on health, balance, mindfulness and the connection between yoga and nature.

The event, held on 6 June 2026, was hosted ahead of the main International Day of Yoga celebration, which will take place on 21 June at Kirstenbosch Botanical Gardens.

Consul General of India in Cape Town, Ruby Jaspreet, welcomed guests to the event and thanked Table Mountain authorities for their cooperation in making the gathering possible, despite the cold weather.

"I am glad we had all the cooperation from the Table Mountain authorities to do this," Jaspreet said.

She also extended a special welcome to Western Cape Health and Wellness MEC Mireille Wenger, who attended as the chief guest.

Jaspreet said the event formed part of the build-up to the main International Day of Yoga celebration on June 21.

Western Cape Health and Wellness MEC Mireille Wenger, who attended the event as chief guest, said yoga should also be understood as part of a broader conversation about prevention and wellbeing.

She said the setting was significant, as yoga had a deep connection to balance, wellness, mindfulness and harmony with nature.

"We gather to commemorate International Yoga Day and celebrate a practice that has enriched lives across cultures and across generations. There could hardly be a more fitting setting than this," Jaspreet said.

She said Table Mountain, one of Cape Town’s most iconic natural landmarks, provided a powerful space to reflect on the essence of yoga, including unity, calm, balance and connection.

Wenger added: "I often speak about prevention. While healthcare services play a vital role when we are ill, building healthy societies requires us to invest in the ability of people to stay well in the first place. Yoga is one such practice that provides that opportunity." 

She said yoga offered people an opportunity to pause, breathe and reflect, while supporting mental wellbeing, reducing stress, and encouraging mindfulness.

Wenger said research continued to show the benefits of consistent yoga practice, including improved balance, better cardiovascular health, and emotional wellbeing.

"One of the best things about yoga is its accessibility. It reminds us that better wellbeing is accessible."

 She also highlighted how yoga was being used in communities, including in Khayelitsha, where community leaders had introduced yoga for children as a way to build emotional resilience.

Wenger said children in Khayelitsha were being taught breathing techniques to help them find calm in stressful environments, adding that what started as a small after-school activity had become a space where children could learn tools to cope, breathe, and reflect.

The Consulate said the Table Mountain event followed a previous yoga event in Stellenbosch, set against the natural beauty of the Helshoogte Mountain Pass.

The curtain raiser forms part of the build-up to the main International Day of Yoga celebration on June 21, which will be held at Kirstenbosch Botanical Gardens, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

"As we celebrate, I wish each of you health, balance and peace, both on and off the mat," Wenger said.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

The Consulate General of India in Cape Town hosted a curtain raiser event for the International Day of Yoga on Table Mountain on Saturday, bringing together participants to reflect on health, balance, mindfulness and the connection between yoga and nature.

The event, held on 6 June 2026, was hosted ahead of the main International Day of Yoga celebration, which will take place on 21 June at Kirstenbosch Botanical Gardens.

Consul General of India in Cape Town, Ruby Jaspreet, welcomed guests to the event and thanked Table Mountain authorities for their cooperation in making the gathering possible, despite the cold weather.

"I am glad we had all the cooperation from the Table Mountain authorities to do this," Jaspreet said.

She also extended a special welcome to Western Cape Health and Wellness MEC Mireille Wenger, who attended as the chief guest.

Jaspreet said the event formed part of the build-up to the main International Day of Yoga celebration on June 21.

Western Cape Health and Wellness MEC Mireille Wenger, who attended the event as chief guest, said yoga should also be understood as part of a broader conversation about prevention and wellbeing.

She said the setting was significant, as yoga had a deep connection to balance, wellness, mindfulness and harmony with nature.

"We gather to commemorate International Yoga Day and celebrate a practice that has enriched lives across cultures and across generations. There could hardly be a more fitting setting than this," Jaspreet said.

She said Table Mountain, one of Cape Town’s most iconic natural landmarks, provided a powerful space to reflect on the essence of yoga, including unity, calm, balance and connection.

Wenger added: "I often speak about prevention. While healthcare services play a vital role when we are ill, building healthy societies requires us to invest in the ability of people to stay well in the first place. Yoga is one such practice that provides that opportunity." 

She said yoga offered people an opportunity to pause, breathe and reflect, while supporting mental wellbeing, reducing stress, and encouraging mindfulness.

Wenger said research continued to show the benefits of consistent yoga practice, including improved balance, better cardiovascular health, and emotional wellbeing.

"One of the best things about yoga is its accessibility. It reminds us that better wellbeing is accessible."

 She also highlighted how yoga was being used in communities, including in Khayelitsha, where community leaders had introduced yoga for children as a way to build emotional resilience.

Wenger said children in Khayelitsha were being taught breathing techniques to help them find calm in stressful environments, adding that what started as a small after-school activity had become a space where children could learn tools to cope, breathe, and reflect.

The Consulate said the Table Mountain event followed a previous yoga event in Stellenbosch, set against the natural beauty of the Helshoogte Mountain Pass.

The curtain raiser forms part of the build-up to the main International Day of Yoga celebration on June 21, which will be held at Kirstenbosch Botanical Gardens, a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

"As we celebrate, I wish each of you health, balance and peace, both on and off the mat," Wenger said.

lilita.gcwabe@inl.co.za

The Eastern Cape Parks and Tourism Agency (ECPTA) appears to be in turmoil following the abrupt resignation of its chief executive, Vuyani Dayimani, with immediate and the provincial government’s severe cuts to its operating budget.

In an emergency meeting with ECPTA board chairperson Dr Nomakwezi Mzilikazi and other executives this week, worried staff representatives were informed that the agency was facing a dire situation concerning its finances and told what the bosses were doing in trying to salvage the looming crisis.

“The agency for this financial year (2026/27) received a budget of R210 million that was ring-fenced for salaries, amounting to R204 million, and approximately R7 million for operations.

“The board, in realising that the entity would not be able to operate under such constrained budget, wrote to the mother body, the Department of Economic Development, Environmental Affairs and Tourism (DEDEAT) for an urgent intervention and indicated that should the entity not be assisted, it will cease operations,” the Public Servants Association (PSA) reported to its members on Thursday.

According to its latest annual report, in 2024/25, the actual amount the agency operated on constituted an equitable share allocation of R213m, conditional grants amounting to R80m, and R24m in own revenue generation, with a total operating budget of R321m.

During the same financial year, ECPTA operated with a budgeted amount of R357m, in contrast to the R436m budget for 2023/24, which was a reduction of 18% mainly due to a decrease in conditional grant funding.

The union said these attempts have not yielded any results as responses are still being awaited.

“To operate, the entity requires around R93m for operations, which at this stage, it does not have,” the PSA reported back.

On Monday, employees were informed by the board that the ECPTA is unable to operate under the circumstances, but that engagements were continuing with the leadership of the DEDEAT, Provincial Treasury, and the Portfolio Committee on Economic Development, Environmental Affairs and Tourism.

The PSA also indicated that the board assured staff members that no one would be retrenched and disclosed that Dayimani had resigned with immediate effect, ending his employment on the last day of May, and that it had been accepted, and an interim replacement was appointed until a permanent appointment is made.

The ECPTA manages 15 provincial nature reserves (protected areas), some considered among the world’s most biodiverse, and had nearly 500 employees by the end of March last year.

Dr Vicky Knoetze, DA member of the Eastern Cape provincial legislature, shadow Economic Development, Environmental Affairs and Tourism MEC, described Dayimani’s resignation at a time when the agency is already under severe budget pressure as raising serious concerns about the future of conservation and tourism in the Eastern Cape – a sector which is a major driver of the province’s GDP (gross domestic product).

“Dayimani’s resignation must be taken into consideration against the backdrop of an agency that is already financially unstable and was identified as a going concern.

“DEDEAT has confirmed R43.6m in irregular expenditure in 2024/25, linked to the use of conditional grant funding for other purposes, while current-year funds have had to be redirected to cover prior-year obligations,” she said.

Additionally, Knoetze said only 3% of its R225.7m 2026/27 equitable share allocation remains for core business and overheads, after 91% goes to the cost of employment and 6% is ring-fenced for access roads and fencing.

“The ECPTA manages some of the province’s most important environmental and tourism assets. These reserves should be creating jobs, supporting rural communities, attracting visitors, protecting biodiversity, and generating revenue for their own upkeep,” she added.

Knoetze stated that this financial pressure will place further strain on reserve management, infrastructure maintenance, anti-poaching operations, biodiversity protection, visitor safety, tourism marketing, and staff capacity.

She said the DA has already raised serious concerns about the state of provincial reserves and previous assessments identified poor road access, infrastructure collapse, poaching, alien vegetation overgrowth, and operational breakdowns across several reserves.

Knoetze added that DEDEAT MEC Nonkqubela Pieters and the ECPTA board must now provide a clear public plan that explains how the agency will protect frontline conservation work, keep reserves operational, maintain tourism infrastructure, and prevent further decline despite the budget cuts.

Organised labour has requested that an urgent meeting be held with all stakeholders involved to ensure that employees do not lose their jobs during this difficult time, and to engage provincial leadership to preserve the entity and rescue it for the betterment of the province, according to the PSA.

Dayimani could not be reached for comment on Saturday, while Oyanga Ngalika and Ncedo Lisani, spokespersons for DEDEAT and ECPTA, respectively, did not respond to requests sent on Friday, as did Mzilikazi.

Mawethu Rune, chairperson of the provincial legislature’s Portfolio Committee on Economic Development, Environmental Affairs and Tourism, is also yet to respond.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

THE evolving legislative landscape in South Africa is increasingly raising a fundamental political question: Is the state being used to regulate and ultimately reshape the internal life of the African National Congress?

Two key instruments, the Political Party Funding framework and the recent Public Service Amendment Act, suggest a growing pattern where governance reforms, however well-intentioned, carry unintended consequences that directly affect the organisational capacity and sustainability of the movement.

The political party funding framework introduced a new regime of transparency and compliance. While accountability in political financing is both necessary and constitutionally grounded, its practical effect has been to constrain the financial muscle of the ANC, particularly when compared to opposition parties that may rely on different funding models.

The unintended consequence is a tightening of resources available to sustain organisational programmes, political education, and crucially, the livelihoods of those who dedicate their lives to the movement.

In a context where only a handful of positions, primarily Secretaries, are full-time and salaried within the ANC, this financial pressure is not abstract; it translates into real human vulnerability.

This pressure is now compounded by the Public Service Amendment Act, 2025, which introduces restrictions on senior public servants holding political office.

On the surface, the Act advances a legitimate objective: the professionalisation of the state and the separation of administration from party politics.

However, in its application, it effectively forces a choice upon many ANC leaders, particularly those who are Heads of Department or senior managers, between their role in the state and their responsibilities within the movement.

This creates a structural dilemma. The ANC, as a liberation movement turned governing party, has historically drawn its leadership from cadres embedded within the state. The new legal framework disrupts this model without offering a viable alternative.

Leaders who choose to remain in ANC structures may find themselves excluded from public sector employment, while those who remain in the state are compelled to withdraw from political leadership. The result is a silent but profound reconfiguration of the ANC’s leadership base.

While the Public Service Amendment Act is presented as a mechanism to curb corruption, patronage, and political interference within the state, an important contradiction emerges in practice.

By restricting avenues through which many cadres sustain themselves honestly while serving both the state and the movement, the legislation may inadvertently deepen the very vulnerabilities it seeks to address.

Economic insecurity can increase dependency, weaken internal political independence, and create conditions where access to influence becomes tied to personal survival rather than principled activism.

Crucially, this shift is not accompanied by an internal organisational response that safeguards affected leaders, particularly office bearers outside of Secretaries. The ANC has not, as yet, developed a deliberate policy to absorb, support, or redeploy office bearers who may be forced out of state employment.

This leaves many in a precarious position, committed to the movement, yet facing economic uncertainty. In effect, state policy begins to determine not only governance standards, but also who can afford to lead within the ANC.

These dynamics raise deeper concerns about political autonomy. When external legal frameworks begin to shape the composition and viability of party leadership, the line between legitimate governance reform and indirect political regulation becomes blurred.

The risk is not merely organisational; it is ideological. A movement that cannot sustain its leadership materially may gradually lose its capacity to act independently of the very state it leads.

It is therefore necessary for ANC structures at all levels to engage this moment with clarity and decisiveness. This does not require rejecting the principles of accountability, ethics, or professional governance. Rather, it calls for a political response to the unintended consequences of these laws.

At the same time, the movement must carefully reflect on what kind of organisational model it seeks to build in response to these pressures. While there is a need to support full-time office bearers and leaders transitioning from the state, an overly formalised salary-based political culture may carry its own risks.

The ANC has historically been rooted in activism, voluntary service, and political commitment beyond material reward. Replicating a highly professionalised party-political model without caution could weaken this activist tradition and gradually distance the movement from its mass character.

The challenge, therefore, is not simply to introduce salaries or institutionalise positions, but to develop sustainable and ethical funding pathways that preserve both organisational independence and the culture of activism.

This may require the ANC to study comparative international models of political party sustainability that avoid undue corporate influence or perceptions of political interference, while still ensuring that leaders are not left economically vulnerable for serving the movement.

The movement must therefore assert its autonomy by developing internal mechanisms that:

• Provide sustainable support for full-time office bearers beyond secretaries, create pathways for leaders transitioning between the state and organisational work,
• Protect the activist character of the movement while ensuring organisational sustainability,
• And ensure that leadership is not limited to those with independent economic means.

Without such interventions, the cumulative effect of these legislative changes will be to reshape the ANC from the outside, through the instruments of the state, rather than through its own democratic processes.

The question before the movement is therefore strategic: Will it passively adapt to a framework that incrementally constrains its organisational life, or will it proactively define a model that preserves both ethical governance and political independence?

The answer will determine not only the future of its leadership, but the character of the ANC itself.

* Noluthando Ngcobo is the ANCYL head of the drafting subcommittee.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

SOUTH Africans of today have become accustomed to endless waiting — for almost everything. Waiting has become less of an inconvenience and more of a condition of life.

Jobs, healthcare, housing, and opportunity are all suspended in systems that are overstretched and wholly inaccessible. Nowhere is this starker than in healthcare, where inequality determines not only quality of care but also the time it takes to receive it. And in that waiting, people are not just losing time; they are losing years of their lives.

Healthcare in South Africa has been overwhelmingly defined by delays — often measured not merely in days or months, but in years of discomfort, anxiety, deteriorating health, and diminished dignity.

For millions of South Africans, healthcare remains a daily reminder of rampant inequality, even decades into our democracy. Public hospitals and clinics carry enormous burdens, healthcare workers operate under immense pressure, and patients are often forced to grapple with systems that treat them as wholly disposable.

Even those with medical aid frequently discover that access to treatment is not guaranteed. Procedures are delayed, declined, or trapped in layers of bureaucracy. For many, quality healthcare exists in theory long before it exists in practice.

It is within this reality that the work of Dr Ephraim Kgoete demands attention.

Not because South Africa needs another feel-good story or should romanticise the failures of our healthcare system. And certainly not because individual acts of kindness can substitute for structural reform.

His story matters because it forces us to confront something uncomfortable: where our institutions have failed to care for everyone, some individuals have responded directly and decisively. 

Through the Khayalami Health Foundation, Kgoete has dedicated himself to assisting people who have fallen through the cracks of the healthcare system. As a general practitioner from Ga-Sekhukhume, his work extends well beyond the consulting room.

It involves identifying vulnerable patients, raising funds for procedures, connecting people with specialists, advocating for treatment, and mobilising support for those who would otherwise be left stranded in silence. In many ways, his stellar work has become a bridge between communities and a healthcare system that often feels exclusionary, fragmented, and inaccessible.

The significance of this work becomes clear when one looks at the lives behind it. Last year, Kgoete reportedly helped a patient who had spent a decade waiting for surgery. Ten years of waiting; of pain, uncertainty, and the slow erosion of hope.

More recently, he assisted Thomas Mogale, a man who lived with facial cysts for more than 20 years before finally receiving treatment. These are not simply medical cases. They are stories of prolonged invisibility in systems that are supposedly designed to reduce human suffering.

What Kgoete understands is simple but often forgotten: Behind every waiting list is a person. Behind every delay is a life suspended. Behind every statistic is someone learning, over time, to expect less from the system meant to care for them. 

That refusal to normalise invisibility is the foundation of his work.

It is also why his story calls to mind the late Dr Gomolemo Mokae, popularly known as “The People’s Doctor”. Mokae, who opened his surgery in a shack in Ramagodi near Brits, was famous for treating destitute patients free of charge and making up for the deficits through the paying patients who were on medical aid.

These two contexts differ, but they belong to the same tradition: A view of medicine that cannot be separated from dignity, justice, and social reality. Mokae, a stalwart of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) and the Azanian People’s Organization (Azapo), understood that health is never just biological. It is political and social.

A sick society produces sick bodies. A society structured by exclusion reproduces suffering in clinical form. Mokae was brutally murdered whilst sleeping in his Ga-Rankuwa home north of Pretoria on March 5, 2025. His killers are yet to be brought to book.

That same understanding of Mokae runs through Kgoete’s work. He is not merely treating conditions. He is intervening in the consequences of inequality. He is stepping into the space where poverty, exclusion, and institutional limits leave people waiting too long for care that should have come earlier. In doing so, he reframes healthcare as something more than service delivery.

It becomes an act of recognition. A declaration that people who have been forgotten still matter.

What makes this more striking is how he chooses to operate. At a time when many young South Africans feel disillusioned by the gap between education and opportunity, his example disrupts easy narratives of success.

We are told that qualifications guarantee stability, yet many graduates find themselves unemployed, underemployed, or working far from the industries they had planned for. The frustration is real and widely shared.

Yet, here is a medical doctor who is also known for selling kotas, all while using his resources to help fund life-changing medical procedures for vulnerable patients. In a society obsessed with status, that carries immense weight.

It challenges the idea that dignity is tied to prestige. It shows that purpose can exist outside formal recognition. There is nothing degrading about honest work when it is done in service of others. If anything, it becomes more dignified when it is rooted in responsibility rather than image.

This is also why Kgoete’s story sits comfortably within a broader African belief system of Ubuntu and Pan-Africanism. 

Too often, pan-Africanism is reduced to speeches and symbolism, stripped of its practical meaning. Yet at its core lies a simple proposition: Our lives are interconnected and interdependent. The well-being of one person is tied to the well-being of others.

Suffering is not meant to be isolated. Responsibility is not meant to be individualised. What Kgoete is doing is a lived expression of that principle. He is demonstrating that healthcare is not only a transaction between doctor and patient but a communal obligation.

It is a reminder that no society can claim progress while large portions of its people remain locked out of basic care.

Above all, South Africa still desperately needs healthcare reform. It still needs better funding, stronger institutions, shorter waiting lists and greater access to quality treatment. None of that disappears because of a single doctor’s extraordinary work. There is still much more to be done.

But while systemic change remains urgent, so too is recognition of those already acting within the cracks of the system. Because people like Kgoete remind us of something easy to forget in times of strain: that progress is not only built through policy but through presence.

Through those who choose not to ignore suffering but address it. Through professionals who understand that success loses meaning when it is disconnected from service to the people. Through communities that continue to care even when systems consistently fail to do so.

As Dorothy Day once beautifully said: “People say, ‘What is the sense of our small effort?’ They cannot see that we must lay one brick at a time, take one step at a time. A pebble cast into a pond causes ripples that spread in all directions. Each one of our thoughts, words, and deeds is like that.” 

We all know that there is much to criticise about South Africa’s healthcare system, and much of that criticism is extremely justified. But if we are serious about building a better tomorrow, we must also learn to recognise and protect those who embody the values we claim to believe in today.

Those who choose to act and make a palpable difference. Not because they’re solving everything, but because they remind us that a beautiful, equal, empowered South Africa is still possible. And at times like these, that reminder is the most potent medicine we have.

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

IT IS often said that one cannot praise a fish for swimming because swimming is intrinsic to its nature. Yet this analogy raises an important question in the context of leadership and public institutions: should exceptional performance be overlooked simply because it is expected?

Across many sectors, leaders are frequently judged by failures and shortcomings, while successes and institutional achievements receive comparatively less recognition. This tendency is particularly evident in public institutions, where public scrutiny is intense and where leadership is often evaluated through the lens of crises rather than progress.

South Africa’s democratic experience offers several examples of institutions that have successfully recovered from periods of difficulty and emerged stronger. The revival of the South African Revenue Service (Sars) following the challenges associated with state capture is one such example.

Once regarded as one of the country’s most effective public institutions, Sars experienced significant organisational disruption, declining public confidence, and weakening operational effectiveness.

However, through decisive leadership, governance reforms, and a renewed commitment to institutional integrity, the organisation was able to restore its credibility and operational capacity. Today, Sars is frequently cited as a model of institutional recovery and public sector renewal.

The lesson from Sars is that institutions should not be defined solely by the challenges they encounter but also by their capacity to respond, adapt, and improve. Similar lessons can be drawn from the experience of the University of South Africa (Unisa), Africa’s largest university and one of the continent’s most significant institutions of higher learning.

Leading a university such as Unisa presents unique and formidable challenges. Contemporary higher education institutions operate in an environment characterised by financial constraints, governance pressures, student expectations, technological disruption, increasing competition, and demands for social transformation.

In South Africa, these challenges are further compounded by the historical inequalities that continue to shape access, success, and institutional development within the higher education sector. Managing such complexity requires more than administrative competence; it requires strategic vision, resilience, and the capacity to guide institutions through periods of uncertainty.

When Professor Puleng Lenkabula assumed office as vice-chancellor and principal of Unisa, she inherited an institution confronting significant governance, administrative, and operational challenges.

The university was navigating a difficult period marked by intense public scrutiny and concerns about institutional stability. Like many leaders who assume office during periods of organisational difficulty, Professor Lenkabula faced criticism from various stakeholders, some of whom questioned her leadership capabilities and suitability for the role.

Such criticism is not uncommon in public institutions, where newly appointed leaders often inherit longstanding challenges but are nevertheless expected to provide immediate solutions.

While accountability and critical scrutiny remain essential features of democratic governance, a balanced assessment of leadership must consider both challenges and achievements. It is important to evaluate leaders not only by the difficulties they inherit but also by the progress they facilitate.

In this regard, the trajectory of UNISA under Professor Lenkabula's leadership and collective provides an opportunity to reflect on the role of leadership in institutional renewal and transformation.

Over recent years, Unisa has undertaken efforts aimed at institutional stabilisation, governance improvement, and academic renewal. Beyond addressing immediate operational concerns, the university has sought to strengthen its core academic mission through investments in teaching, learning, research, and innovation.

These efforts reflect an understanding that the long-term sustainability of any university depends on its ability to maintain academic excellence while simultaneously responding to changing societal needs.

Among the notable developments has been the expansion and diversification of academic programmes. The introduction of innovative offerings, including aviation-related qualifications, illustrates an institution seeking to position itself strategically within an evolving knowledge economy.

Such initiatives demonstrate responsiveness to emerging skills demands and reinforce the university's commitment to broadening educational opportunities for South Africans and the wider African continent.

Equally significant has been the university’s growing research profile. Research productivity remains one of the most important indicators of a university's contribution to knowledge generation and societal development.

Improvements in research output and increasing recognition within national and international ranking systems suggest that UNISA is strengthening its position within South Africa’s higher education landscape.

These developments are particularly noteworthy given the scale and complexity of the institution and the challenges associated with leading a large open-distance learning university.

The experience of Unisa offers important lessons for universities and public institutions more broadly. First, institutional transformation requires patience. Sustainable change rarely occurs overnight; rather, it emerges through sustained effort, strategic planning, and incremental improvements.

Second, leadership matters. While leaders alone cannot solve systemic challenges, they play a critical role in setting direction, mobilising stakeholders, and fostering organisational cultures that support innovation and accountability.

Third, strong governance remains indispensable. Institutions that invest in accountability, transparency, and ethical leadership are better positioned to navigate periods of uncertainty and maintain public trust.

Perhaps the most important lesson is the need for balanced leadership evaluation. Public discourse often focuses disproportionately on institutional failures while paying insufficient attention to progress and achievements. Yet both dimensions are necessary for an objective assessment of performance.

Recognising success does not imply ignoring shortcomings; rather, it acknowledges that leadership should be evaluated holistically, taking into account the complexity of the environment within which institutions operate.

Albert Einstein famously observed that “in the middle of difficulty lies opportunity”. The experiences of institutions such as Sars and Unisa illustrate the enduring relevance of this insight.

Both cases demonstrate that organisational adversity need not be a permanent condition. Through effective leadership, sound governance, strategic vision, and institutional resilience, challenges can become opportunities for renewal and growth.

As universities across South Africa and beyond confront increasingly complex social, economic and technological challenges, the experience of Unisa serves as a valuable reminder that institutional greatness is often forged through adversity.

The university's ongoing journey suggests that transformation is possible when leadership remains focused on long-term objectives, invests in the academic project, and maintains confidence in the institution's capacity to evolve.

For higher education leaders and policymakers alike, the central lesson is clear: Success should not only be measured by the absence of challenges, but by the ability to transform those challenges into opportunities for institutional advancement and societal impact.

* John Ntshaupe Molepo is the Executive Director of the South African Association of Public Administration and Management (SAAPAM). He writes in his personal capacity.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE United States is proposing new tariffs on all products from South Africa following a Section 301 investigation into forced labour import prohibitions.

The US Trade Representative completed its investigation into 60 countries, including South Africa, and found that South Africa failed to impose and effectively enforce a ban on goods made with forced labour. Hearings on the proposed tariffs are scheduled for July 7, 2026.

The US Trade Representative said: “The failure of our most important trading partners to address the importation of goods made with forced labour is unacceptable.”

As a result, the US is proposing new tariffs on all products from South Africa. For South African exporters in agriculture and manufacturing, these tariffs will add more pressure to an economy already struggling with record fuel prices.

While Washington moves forward with trade action against Pretoria, the US-Israel war on Iran continues to drive up global oil prices. The two allies recently struck Iran again, pushing fuel costs to record highs. Iran has promised to retaliate after the recent US-Israel strike.

Petrol and diesel have never been more expensive. Transport costs and food prices have surged. South Africa imports most of its crude oil and has no control over the conflict or its effect on global energy markets.

President Cyril Ramaphosa has warned Parliament that the surge in oil prices will slow economic growth, undermine progress on inflation, and make conditions difficult for the foreseeable future. For ordinary South Africans, the whole mess is still ahead.

He talked about improved tax collection and a R1 trillion infrastructure programme. But he also delivered a warning. Ramaphosa said: “The effects of the surge in oil prices and other critical supplies like fertiliser are likely to undermine much of the progress that we have made in bringing down inflation and the cost of living.”

He added that these developments will slow down economic growth and hamper efforts to create jobs.

The President also cautioned that recent labour market data showed a decline in employment, which he said was a matter of serious concern.

“We know from experience that it often takes time for investment to translate into economic growth and for growth to translate into jobs. But we must still be deeply concerned about the decline in employment, because it is about people’s lives and livelihoods,” he said.

He further said that economic growth is not an end in itself. Its purpose is to create work, restore hope, and expand opportunity.

The proposed tariffs come at a time of heightened diplomatic tension between Pretoria and Washington. Minister Ronald Lamola recently accused the MAGA movement of attacking Black people and opposing human rights.

The US State Department responded by telling South Africa to “give MAGA a try”. The message is clear. The Americans do not care about South Africa, only about their wars and their trade fights. Ordinary South Africans are left to deal with the consequences. The hearings on the tariffs are set for July 7, 2026.

The war in the Middle East continues, and Ramaphosa urged the country to prepare for difficult times. One thing remains absolutely clear: The US will never forgive South Africa for the case of the international court of justice over Israel, and will put all possible pressure on the country until South Africa gives up in this case.

The South African government should strengthen its position, strengthen its influence on the region and give a decisive rebuff to pressure as surrender has never helped to defend its place in this world.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

WOLRD football governing body Fifa’s credibility lies in tatters, torn apart by its own culture of double standards and a perennial alignment with the powerful Western nations over the so-called developing economies.

Oftentimes Fifa has been able to get away with murder due to the sly and cunning way of the organisation’s complex operations. In short, when it comes to Fifa, what you see is not what you get. You can ask the Russians, Palestinians, and now the Iranians.

I do not care much about Fifa’s rules and regulations, as long as the organisation applied its policies equally among all affiliated football federations. Coming from the background of colonialism and apartheid, I know discrimination when it rears its ugly head.

Allow me to return later, if you will, to a time a few years ago when Fifa banned Russia from all participation in its competitions over the country’s war on Ukraine in 2022.

Let me start where we are as things stand: Iran’s national soccer team may yet be denied entry into the US, or at least some members of the team, players and/or officials alike, due to the interference of the US government, by commission or omission, into the running of Fifa affairs.

By yesterday, the Iran World Cup squad had issued a statement saying: “Iran players… are still waiting for their US visas.”

The US State Department and Secretary of State Marco Rubio have been unflinching in their imposition of restrictions on the movement of the Iranian national soccer team. The US has already denied the Iranians the right to stay inside the country during the tournament.

As a result, the Iranians have had to move their camp from Arizona to Mexico. All of Iran’s games are scheduled to take place on US soil. The games are in Group G against New Zealand and Belgium in Los Angeles on June 15 and 21 and then against Egypt in Seattle on June 26.

However, the Trump administration has decreed as undesirable that the Iranians can stay in the US during the tournament.

For the uninitiated, the US, with Israel in tow launched a war of choice on Iran on February 28, assassinating Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Iran retaliated by attacking US military bases and other interests across the Gulf States, which harbour US military bases.

Efforts at peace are yet to succeed. Suddenly, President Donald Trump has discovered that it may be easy to start a war, but difficult to end it.

While the Iranians would be in their camp in Mexico, the world will wait with bated breath to see who in the Iranian entourage the Americans will grant visas to enter the “land of the free”.

Secretary Rubio has said anyone in the Iranian camp, players or officials, found to have links to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) will not be allowed to “embed” and enter the US.

If these shenanigans were taking place at a time that has nothing to do with Fifa World Cup, I would have no reason to take umbrage at the US government. However, under Fifa’s own regulations, the US government, as hosts, is legally bound to enable all participating teams a smooth passage.

According to Fifa’s own statutes, it is stated: “When a country wins the right to host the Fifa World Cup, it signs a legally binding Host Government Agreement with Fifa. This agreement unequivocally obligates the host nation to guarantee free, unhindered entry; visas; and fair treatment for all qualified teams, officials, and delegations, while strictly prohibiting any discrimination based on nationality, politics, or religion.”  

Thus far, before the games commence on June 11, the US government appears to have ripped the script to pieces and not done yet.

As I said, the international community is waiting with bated breath to see what next the US authorities will do to inadvertently expose Fifa’s blatant hypocrisy.

To this day, the Russian Football Federation is barred from participating in Fifa’s activities due to the ongoing war in Ukraine. It is a determination that one assumes Fifa made and reached independently.

Now, to agree or disagree with the decision is immaterial at this point. In my book, the first glaring instance of FIFA’s double-standards was when Israel waged a methodological extermination of the Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip.

This caused South Africa to haul Israel before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague, accusing the Jewish State of genocide. The International Criminal Court (ICC) has since issued a warrant of arrest for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu et al.

Despite the above, Fifa allowed Israel to participate in the World Cup qualifiers. Luckily, Israel failed to qualify. But here’s the stinker: Fifa has turned a blind eye to Israel’s annihilation of the entire population of the Palestinians.

The Jewish State is still firmly in Fifa’s fold, facing no sanctions, not even verbal criticism from the hypocrites who run Fifa. When it comes to the US, the arrogance is shocking, and Fifa’s silence is sheer unadulterated disgrace.

I cannot see how Fifa will come out of this mess with their integrity intact under the current two-faced president, Gianni Infantino. He took over from Sepp Blatter following accusations of corruption and promised clean governance.

Yet what the world sees today is raw dirt in public. No attempt to conceal their shameful leadership of the world’s greatest sport.

Had Fifa been led by upright men and women instead of the wolves in sheep’s skin, their application of policy, rules, and standards would be consistent with their purported principles of good governance they promised when they first took office.

Judging by what Fifa has accused Russia of when kicking them out, Israel has committed crimes multiple-fold worse by comparison.

The US, too, for the invasion of Iran, which global legislators say is an affront to international law, should have been barred from hosting the 2026 Fifa World Cup.

In addition, the shameless penchant to break every rule in Fifa’s constitution should have been enough to disqualify the US from playing such an inhospitable host.

In my book, Fifa’s double standards show the power and influence of the US-led Western hegemony in the global world order. The loud silence of the Western media over Fifa’s shortcomings and the blatant transgression of Fifa rules by the Trump administration leaves too much to be desired.

It emphasises the belief in Asia and across the majority world that international law is nothing but a fluke. George Orwell was correct in his observation in Animal Farm when he noted that “All animals are equal, but some are more equal than others”.

Hence, in FIFA’s sickening culture under the chameleon that is Infantino, what you do on the left, you don’t do on the right, and vice versa.

It is my wish, nay, my prayer, that in the coming days the Trump administration will continue to expose Fifa more, proving that we’ve been lied to; Fifa is a geopolitical “leopard that can’t change its spots”.

With reluctant thanks to the Trump administration, Fifa’s nefarious agenda and activities are all out in the open, inadvertently exposed, and more still are coming, judging by Secretary Rubio’s foul mood.

This must mark the beginning of the end for Infantino’s reign. You’ve been warned. Watch this space.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE Madlanga Commission is not a drug story in the narrow sense that public debate sometimes reduces it to, because what is unfolding is better understood as a governance stress test of whether the institutions of the South African state, particularly those responsible for evidence integrity, custodial control, and the continuity of criminal justice processes, still function as coherent systems under pressure, or whether they have drifted into a quieter but more dangerous condition in which procedural form remains intact while functional reliability has already begun to erode beneath the surface.

Start with the fact that cannot be softened or reframed away.

Five hundred and forty-one kilogrammes of cocaine were seized by the state, formally entered into police custody as evidentiary material, and stored within a law enforcement environment that is supposed to be governed by strict chain of custody protocols, layered physical security, and continuous supervisory accountability, and yet at some point within that system the entire consignment disappeared, not in the sense of misplacement or administrative confusion, but in the absolute sense of vanishing from the evidentiary record that is meant to guarantee its controlled existence under state authority.

Once that reality is accepted on its own terms, the instinctive question of who stole it becomes too small to explain what it implies.

In governance failure analysis and complex systems theory, particularly the Swiss Cheese Model of accident causation, catastrophic institutional failure is not explained by a single breach, but by the alignment of multiple weaknesses across different layers of defence, each designed to compensate for the others, until their vulnerabilities overlap in such a way that failure passes through every safeguard simultaneously, not because safeguards do not exist, but because they no longer function coherently as a system.

Applied here, the disappearance of 541kg of cocaine from a controlled law enforcement facility would require simultaneous breakdowns across multiple institutional layers, including evidence intake procedures, chain of custody documentation systems, physical access controls, supervisory verification processes, internal audit mechanisms, and command level oversight responsibilities, all of which are individually necessary precisely because no single layer is meant to carry the burden of integrity alone.

When all those layers fail at once, the explanation shifts from isolated wrongdoing to structural breakdown, specifically a control environment collapse, where formal governance systems still exist in documentation and procedure, but their actual capacity to enforce compliance has been weakened through accumulated exceptions, inconsistent enforcement, and the gradual normalization of deviation.

Public narratives often treat corruption as a starting point, as though institutional failure begins with a corrupt actor and then unfolds outward from that moment, but governance systems rarely fail in such a linear way, because corruption is more accurately understood as a late-stage expression of prior institutional weakening rather than its origin.

By the time corruption becomes visible in the form of missing evidence, compromised custody chains, or unexplained losses, the institutional environment has already shifted through earlier processes that are less visible but more consequential, including weakened oversight, inconsistent enforcement of rules, tolerance of procedural shortcuts, and the slow transformation of exceptions into routine practice.

What emerges is not a system that suddenly becomes corrupt, but a system that gradually becomes permissive of corruption, where boundaries between compliance and deviation are no longer reliably enforced in practice, even if they remain formally intact on paper.

That is why the testimony before the Madlanga Commission carries significance beyond its immediate allegations, because it not only describes missing narcotics but also describes institutional conditions in which such disappearance becomes structurally plausible, and plausibility in governance systems is often the earliest measurable indicator that control integrity has already been compromised.

Within criminal justice systems, evidence is not symbolic but structural, because it is the mechanism through which allegations are transformed into admissible facts, and facts into enforceable judicial outcomes, meaning that any compromise in evidence integrity does not remain confined to a single case but propagates outward into the legitimacy of the entire system.

When the chain of custody is broken, when exhibits cannot be reliably accounted for, or when storage systems fail, the consequences extend into prosecutions that become contestable, convictions that become vulnerable, and acquittals that become difficult to interpret with confidence.

At that point, the crisis is no longer only operational but epistemic, because it affects not only what the system does, but what it can be trusted to know, and once a justice system loses epistemic authority, its legitimacy begins to erode even if its formal structures remain unchanged.

Institutions are often evaluated by their formal structures, mandates, and procedural frameworks, but their real condition becomes visible only when failure occurs and the system is forced to respond under pressure.

A resilient institution responds to failure quickly and transparently, a mature institution identifies responsibility without deflection, and a healthy institution subjects itself to scrutiny without fear, whereas a captured institution redirects accountability, and a failing institution explains failure in ways that avoid structural correction.

The question, therefore, is not whether something went wrong, because the disappearance of 541kg of cocaine already indicates that it did, but how the system responds once that fact is acknowledged, because that response determines whether correction remains possible or whether denial has already become institutional behaviour.

A portion of the Madlanga Commission’s work is taking place behind closed doors through restricted hearings, protected witnesses, and controlled evidentiary processes, and while such measures may be procedurally necessary, they also signal that the visible record may represent only a fraction of a deeper institutional reality.

In governance terms, this creates an iceberg structure, where the publicly visible case is only the surface manifestation of underlying systemic conditions that may include sustained procedural compromise, institutional permeability, or long-term degradation of safeguards within parts of the criminal justice architecture.

If those deeper conditions are confirmed, then the issue is no longer limited to policing performance but becomes a question of state capacity, particularly the ability of institutions to maintain control over sensitive evidentiary and prosecutorial systems without systemic leakage.

Most citizens will never directly encounter evidence rooms, custody registers, or forensic storage systems, yet they depend entirely on the assumption that these systems function correctly, because without that assumption, the justice system would require constant verification at every stage, which is not operationally possible at scale.

That assumption is trust, and in governance systems, trust functions as infrastructure rather than sentiment, enabling institutions to operate without continuous external validation, but it is also uniquely fragile because it degrades gradually rather than collapsing in a single moment.

Each unresolved anomaly, each unexplained discrepancy, and each perceived contradiction between institutional claims and observable outcomes contributes to a slow erosion of confidence, until public belief shifts from acceptance to skepticism, and from skepticism to structural doubt.

Once that threshold is crossed, institutional authority is no longer assumed but actively questioned.

The findings of the Commission will matter insofar as they document what occurred and how it became possible, but the real test of institutional seriousness lies in whether those findings are translated into consequences that address both individual accountability and systemic vulnerability.

Findings without enforcement, or documentation without correction, do not restore institutional integrity but instead formalise the record of dysfunction without altering its trajectory.

The decisive question is whether the response will remain confined to individual accountability that preserves the broader system intact or whether it will confront the more difficult implication that the disappearance of 541kg of cocaine was not an isolated anomaly but a symptom of structural breakdown.

Institutions do not collapse in single dramatic moments but through gradual erosion, where small deviations become tolerated, oversight becomes inconsistent, accountability becomes selective, and procedural safeguards lose their force over time until eventually outcomes that should be impossible become real.

At that point, the question is no longer only who took the cocaine but how many failures had to align, persist, and remain uncorrected for such an outcome to occur within a system designed precisely to prevent it.

The Madlanga Commission continues. South Africa is watching.

The final question is whether the system is watching itself with enough clarity to recognise that what appears to be a single disappearance is the visible edge of a much deeper institutional condition that has been forming for far longer than this moment suggests.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

The Beemer Festival 2026

Car enthusiasts are in for a treat as this renowned event returns to the City of Gold this weekend.

The family-friendly event, which will be hosted by renowned media personality and television presenter Kim Jayde, will bring together BMW enthusiasts, owners and fans for a thrilling experience.

Organised by CarCandy Inc., this edition of the annual event will feature classic icons, modern high-performance M-cars and custom builds.

Apart from the car exhibitions, there will also be project unveilings,  stance bikes, merchandise and lifestyle stalls.

For live entertainment, Chilli Funk will be bringing his curated R&B and musical experience to the festival, while there will also be a children’s play area.

Where: Fourways Mall in Sandton.

When: Sunday, June 7, from 8am.

An evening with Celeste Ntuli

Renowned comedian Celeste Ntuli is bringing the laughs with her stand-up show, which will see the renowned entertainer delving into what has shaped her over the decades.

Her comedy show will also touch on family dynamics, dating disasters, and her career highlights as a female comedian in Mzansi.

The intimate setting will also make for a comical and memorable night.

Where: The Landmark Cocktail Bar in Bryanston.

When: Saturday, June 6, from 8pm.

Week 1 of the JPO’s Winter Symphony Season

The Johannesburg Philharmonic Orchestra (JPO) Winter Symphony Season 2026 is launching this week, running every Thursday evening until the end of the month.

Guest conductor Daniel Boico will serve as the anchor conductor as he leads the group for the season’s debut concert.

Leading the programme is Beethoven’s ‘Overture from “Egmont”, while Dvořák’s ‘Violin Concerto’ is where guest soloist, Elvin Hoxha Ganiyev, brings his world-class performance to the Joburg stage.

The proceedings will close with Brahms ‘Symphony No. 3, Op. 90 in F Major’.

Where: The Linder Auditorium at the Wits Education Campus.

When: Sunday, June 7, from 3pm. 

THE Shoprite Group hosted its annual Market Day recently, allowing nearly 60 community gardeners from South Africa, Namibia, and Botswana to sell their produce directly to shoppers at selected stores.

The event, held on May 28 and coincided with World Hunger Day, involved small-scale farmers selling fresh vegetables and fruits at Shoprite and Checkers outlets.

The participating gardens are among more than 300 community food projects supported by the retailer across southern Africa.

Ahead of the event, participants received practical retail training covering customer relations, pricing, product presentation, and record-keeping.

One of the participating cooperatives was the Dirang Batswana Greenery Project in the North West province.

Established in 2012 with four members, the project has since expanded to develop 150 household gardens and operates a soup kitchen that feeds 300 children.

Seipati Tlhong, a gardener with the project, said the initiative shifts the participants' status from aid recipients to independent producers.

“Seeing people choose our produce over commercial brands reminds me that our labour has real value," Tlhong said.

Sanjeev Raghubir, the Shoprite Group’s chief sustainability officer, said the initiative is designed to facilitate market entry for small-scale farmers through targeted skills training.

The retailer supports these initiatives through its Act For Change programme, which provides the gardens with training, seedlings, and infrastructure.

The group recently reached a milestone of supporting its 300th community garden, a project located outside Bredasdorp in the Western Cape.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

RENOWNED businesswoman and philanthropist Daphne Mashile-Nkosi fought back the tears as she stood on a makeshift podium at the Chris Hani Baragwanath hospital, leading a celebration into the life of her late daughter, Zakithi Nkosi.

Trying very hard to control her emotion, the visibly distraught mother told an intimate crowd that had gathered to mark Zakithi’s 29th “heavenly birthday” that she could barely fall asleep the previous night as she grappled with crafting a message for “Zaza”, as Zakithi was affectionately known.

In June 2016, Zaza was diagnosed with a rare and aggressive blood disorder medically described as hemophagocytic lymphohistiocytosis (HLH) shortly after her 19th birthday. She passed on six months later after the family could find no stem cell match for her. She could have turned 29 on June 1.

The full-of-life teenager “Zaza” had passed her Grade 12 with remarkable aggregate marks and was on the verge of leaving the country to attend a university in the UK when she was suddenly grounded by a diagnosis of a stem cell anomaly.

Though visible the pain, Mashile-Nkosi, whose tribute was titled “A mother’s love will forever live”, typified a proud mother as she started speaking mournfully, saying: “Yesterday I was thinking a lot about Zaza. I was wondering if she would be married. The answer says no. She was too strong-willed and wanted her own things. Would she have had children? What would the names of those children have been? And so on.”

The theme of the occasion was: “Celebrating a life of courage, hope, and lasting impact.”

Mashile-Nkosi has pumped millions of rand into the Chris Hani Baragwanath hospital building that is the upmarket Zakithi Nkosi Clinical Haematology Centre of Excellence in fond memory of her immortalised daughter.

Among the audience were the CEO of Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital, Dr Nthabiseng Makgana; Executive Mayor of Johannesburg, Dada Morero; doctors, nurses, gymnasts, church representatives, civic leaders, and media, among others.

Said Mashile-Nkosi: “I can never thank Baragwanath Hospital enough because it has given me an opportunity for an outlet to translate my grief into something that can help others. Zaza was my baby, my last-born.”

Determined to keep Zaza’s story as an inspiration for generations to come, Mashile-Nkosi has written a book about her painful experience of losing Zaza. The book is simply titled “Untimely Departure”. Some people have asked her why the book had been titled that way when “God had decided that it was time”.

She explained: “For me it was ‘untimely’ because Zaza had great dreams. She’d say: ‘Mommy I’m going to protect you because daddy’s gone. I’m going to be a lawyer’. That is why I called the book Untimely Departure because she departed before she could achieve her dreams.”

Mashile-Nkosi added: “Zaza was my only child who wanted to follow in the footsteps of her father (Stan Nkosi, a freedom fighter who served eleven years on Robben Island a mere three months after he had qualified as a lawyer during apartheid).” She also said her assistance to others is due in large measure to her late husband because “Stan liked to help other people. He loved doing good for mankind.”

She was also motivated to build the majestic hospital centre because she was thinking about “what is it I could do to ease the pain of a mother that can see for six months — you see your child being pricked with needles, do chemo (therapy), being weak, even unable to turn — just to remove the blanket, it’s just sometimes very difficult. And those of you who don’t know: It’s the journey that you have to go through”, Mashile-Nkosi said.

“But today is about celebrating Zaza. She was my baby. I had dreams. I had aspirations about who she was going to become,” she said, before adding: “But I want to talk about stem cell, because I did everything. I took Zaza to Netcare East, Pretoria, because I thought that she could get help there because there was a stem cell transplant unit in the private sector. But I didn’t know that for stem cell, you need a donor,” Mashile-Nkosi recalled.

She further said: “When I was told about the donor I spent money, networks that I had, I tested every employee of our company – about 2000 of them – trying to get a donor, and I couldn’t find any. By the time we got a donor from Brazil Zaza was too weak to actually do it.”

The mother-on-a-mission, as Mashile-Nkosi is, shared her observation about organ donation and lack of public education. “So my challenge was: What can we do about it? Because when you look at the statistics of Black people around stem cell – stem cell transplant need people to register as donors. I’m challenging you today, if you love Zaza like we do: I want each and every one to please go and get 100 people to register,” she said, before offering assurance.

“It’s easy, no needles – nothing. The last stem cell drive we undertook, we did get a lot of donors. And if you want to be a donor, you must know that once you commit, you are committing so that when that person needs you – you are there, don’t change your mind. You must be very sure.”

She appealed to the hospital management to work with her Daphne and Stan Nkosi family foundation to undertake another public awareness campaign to promote stem cell donation. She wants a march from Chris Hani Baragwanath all along the famous road towards the SAFA stadium opposite Maponya Mall, a distance of roughly 10 kilometres. “We need to do it so that we can save lives,” she said.

Stem cell has more White donors than Black donors, Mashile-Nkosi observed. “When you look at the population (demographics), there’s something wrong with us.”

Addressing the hospital management, she said: “It is almost ten years since Zaza left us. We must have a clear plan about stem cells. I am prepared to go and raise funding (for research). If there had been stem cell transplants, Zaza would have been here today. I owe it to myself, to the family, and to the legacy of being Zaza’s mom — to do it. Let’s increase the numbers.”

Returning her focus to her late daughter, she said: “I loved Zaza so much because she challenged me. She was such a respectful child, a loving child. Like her father, she wanted to do good for mankind.

In her honour, I want to ensure that no parent can go through seeing their child go through seizures and there’s nothing that they can do. Seeing your child sick — as a mother — you think why can’t I trade places? It is unfortunate that you can’t trade those places and take the pain. Zaza lives here,” she pointed inside the centre. “We will continue to do what is good,” she vowed.

Mashile-Nkosi, a mining magnate, continued to look around the centre that she had built from her own pocket, and her mind raced to Zaza’s final moments. “I remember that they (medical staff) couldn’t tell me in my face that Zaza was going. They just said to me: Can you wheel her outside so that she can see the sun?"

Without them saying it, I knew that my Zaza was going. And she knew quietly so too. And that has remained with me forever, to say that let’s make these sick children as comfortable as possible.

That’s the only thing we can do, she said, and continued: “Because working hard and making money, you can only drive one car, only eat three meals a day, sleep in one bed, and go on holiday no less than four times a year. Even if I die, what I have in my bank account I cannot take with. Therefore, can’t we learn to share?”

She added: “My child is gone, but let others live. We are here to celebrate a life of courage, of hope. Zaza’s legacy lives on, and other children have hope. I don’t want any parent to go through what I’ve gone through.”

And then, she wrapped her speech with a personal message, saying: “Zaza today is about you. Happy birthday, my child, 29 years old. Be an angel that will continue to guide me through as I ensure that hope lives in everything that we do, and hope lives in this building, in this hospital so that children and others whose health is failing them can get support, the healing that they actually need.”

And then, to the attentive audience on exactly the 40th minute of her speech, she simply said: “I thank you,” and slowly stepped off the wooden podium.

The hospital CEO, Makgana, said the upmarket centre the Daphne and Stan Nkosi Foundation built was an amazing act of public good, to which the hospital was a grateful beneficiary.

Through its modern architecture, the “Zaza building” stood head and shoulders above the obsolete buildings that surrounded it. “It makes our hospital premises look like Sandton and Alexandra,” Makgana said, using a metaphor for opulence and destitution living side-by-side.

Johannesburg mayor Dada Morero added that he would work to ensure stem cell challenges will make it onto the agenda of policymakers. This will ensure that the subject is dealt with at the higher levels of legislatures.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE Personal Injury Plaintiff Lawyers Association (Pipla) this week welcomed the decision by Parliament’s Standing Committee on Public Accounts (Scopa) to lay criminal charges against former Road Accident Fund (RAF) chief executive Collins Letsoalo for failing to comply with a parliamentary summons.

Pipla, which represents about 400 personal injury lawyers across South Africa, said the decision sent a clear message that accountability applied to all individuals entrusted with the stewardship of public institutions and public funds.

At a time when the RAF is facing severe operational and financial strain, strong oversight and meaningful consequences for alleged misconduct are essential to restoring public confidence in the Fund.

Pipla said for many years, accident victims, their families, legal representatives, and healthcare providers have experienced the consequences of an increasingly strained RAF system, including significant delays in the processing and payment of legitimate claims.

Pipla chairperson, advocate Justin Erasmus said: “The allegations that have emerged over the past several months raise serious concerns about governance, financial management, and leadership within the RAF. South Africans deserve confidence that public institutions serving vulnerable citizens are managed transparently, ethically, and in accordance with the law.

“We are hopeful that this marks the beginning of a new chapter for the RAF, one characterised by accountability, stability, and clean administration. At a time when the system is under immense pressure, restoring public trust and ensuring that corruption and maladministration are not tolerated must remain a priority.”

Erasmus said Pipla remained committed to working constructively with all stakeholders to support reforms that would improve the efficiency, sustainability, and responsiveness of the Fund. “Ultimately, road crash victims bear the greatest cost when governance fails. Any steps that strengthen oversight, improve administration, and help resolve the ongoing payment crisis should be welcomed.”

Scopa made this resolve after Letsoalo failed to appear before the committee in response to a summons issued by the committee in November 2025, during its inquiry into the RAF.

ActionSA also welcomed the resolution, saying that this decision represented an important affirmation that no public official, regardless of position, was above Parliament or the law.

“ActionSA has consistently argued that Letsoalo’s conduct constituted a direct assault on Parliament’s constitutional oversight responsibilities.

“Following his refusal to comply with a parliamentary summons in November last year, ActionSA called for his immediate criminal prosecution, warning that failure to act would establish a dangerous precedent whereby senior public officials could simply ignore Parliament without consequence,” the party said in a statement.

Over the course of Scopa’s inquiry, committee members have been presented with disturbing evidence relating to governance failures, financial mismanagement, questionable legal strategies, procurement concerns, and the deteriorating financial position of the RAF, according to the party. What emerged was not merely an institution facing operational challenges, but an organisation that has increasingly lost sight of its core mandate.

“The RAF exists to compensate road accident victims and their families during some of the most difficult periods of their lives. Instead, it has become synonymous with financial instability, endless litigation, administrative dysfunction, and a growing burden on South African taxpayers,” read the statement.

ActionSA said it had repeatedly cautioned that the RAF represented one of the largest fiscal risks facing the country. “In October last year, ActionSA revealed that the Fund’s estimated unrecorded liabilities exceed R500 billion, exposing a financial black hole that ultimately threatens the national fiscus.

“These concerns have become even more urgent following recent court rulings relating to the RAF 1 claim form process, prompting ActionSA to write to the Minister of Finance seeking clarity on the potential fiscal implications.

“Letsoalo was afforded every opportunity to appear before Parliament and account for his actions. He chose instead to defy a lawful summons and undermine the authority of a constitutional institution. Today's resolution demonstrates that such conduct carries consequences,” it said.

ActionSA commended Scopa for taking a principled stand in defence of parliamentary oversight and the rule of law. “We trust that law enforcement authorities will now act swiftly on the committee's resolution and ensure that the matter proceeds without delay.”

The allegations Letsoalo faces are centered on financial mismanagement, maladministration, and corruption at the RAF. The Special Investigations Unit (SIU) found that Letsoalo allegedly interfered with procurement by overturning a bid committee’s recommendation to favour Mowana Properties, which was linked to the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF) in a controversial R79 million office lease deal.

Additional claims include alleged spending of more than R23m on his personal close protection services, irregularly extending a R19m cleaning and security contract for six years, allegedly unlawfully awarding a R313m backlog project, and inflated office furniture tender costs.

Letsoalo is also accused of altering RAF’s accounting policies and litigating against the auditor-general, using unlawful accounting standards that suppressed claims, including a controversial R230 billion reduction in stated liabilities, terminating the attorney panel without clarity, presiding over R141.8m in irregular payments, and R4.78bn in default judgments due to massively delayed claim settlements.

The allegations against Letsoalo are based on preliminary findings from the SIU and have not been ventilated in a court of law. Letsoalo has publicly denied all allegations of wrongdoing and is presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law.

When Scopa investigated these matters, Letsoalo repeatedly refused to appear before the committee, claiming the inquiry was unlawful and demanding an apology for defamatory remarks, which led Scopa to issue a subpoena and resolve to seek the Speaker’s concurrence to lay criminal charges against him for failing to appear after lawful summons.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

In commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the 1976 Youth Uprisings, the Market Theatre is set to host "Rise '76: The Story of June 16th", a deeply moving upcoming production by two-time Fleur du Cap award-winning playwright-director Tiisetso Mashifane wa Noni.

This production is set in the fictional Molefe Secondary School in Soweto. It depicts a community pushed to its limits as students, teachers, and families navigate the devastating consequences of the mandatory use of Afrikaans as the primary medium of instruction.

The production illustrates how a seemingly typical school day transformed into a pivotal, life-altering chapter in South Africa's history.

The production utilises public records, archived documents and first-hand accounts from more than 40 people to inform its script.

It features a talented ensemble including Botlhale Mahlangu, Alex Sono, Ben Albertyn, Sbuja Dywili, Mfuneli Ntumbuka, Deon Lotz and Zilungile Mbombo.

At its core, the production serves as a poignant exploration of defiance, communal heritage and the persistent influence of young voices in shaping history.

Where: Mannie Manim, Market Theatre.

When: June 5 - 28, 7pm and 3pm. Check times when booking. 

Peter Pan Jr

Peoples Theatre is currently a hive of activity as rehearsals are underway for a spellbinding staging of “Peter Pan Jr”.

Jill Girard, who wears the hats of producer and director, commented:  “I’ve always loved seeing parents bringing their children to the theatre and overhearing them tell them that they, too, discovered the magic of live theatre there as children.”

Although “Peter Pan” has been a staple at this venue for more than ten years, this production represents the debut of the updated Broadway adaptation of the iconic story.

In this enchanting story, the boy who refused to grow up leads Wendy, Michael, and John Darling on an escapade.

Transported to a realm of Pixie Dust, fairies, and pirates, the group must work together to best the vengeful Captain Hook and his clumsy sidekick, Smee.

The production features Raymond Skinner in the title role of Peter Pan. He is joined by Lesedi Rich, who takes on the dual roles of Captain Hook and Mr. Darling, and Bethany-Joy Jiyane as both Mrs. Darling and Tiger Lily. Luciano Zuppa portrays Smee along with various other characters, while Junior Geel appears as a Pirate and in several additional roles.

Audiences are in for a treat with a captivating, high-flying production that perfectly embodies the timeless essence of youthful magic.

Where: Peoples Theatre. 

When: From June 9 until July 26, times vary. 

Heal the World

Mzansi Ballet pays tribute to the King of Pop in their newest showcase. This artistic venture features choreography by celebrated South African Prima Ballerina Angela Revie in partnership with renowned Mexican guest artist Jorge Wade.

The performance delves into the dancers' own backgrounds, investigating the ways their unique life journeys shape and enhance their creative expression.

By focusing on these experiences, the ballet highlights the power of the individual to drive healing and creative change, both on stage and in the community. Ultimately, it celebrates dance as a global medium that overcomes racial, geographic, and linguistic barriers.

Theatregoers can look forward to hearing classics like “Thriller”, “Smooth Criminal”, “Heal the World” and “Black and White”.

Where: Pieter Toerien Montecasino Main Theatre. 

When: Runs until June 7, 7.30pm. Weekend times differ.

HONOR South Africa today announces the nationwide open sale of the HONOR 600 Series, which includes the HONOR 600 and HONOR 600 Pro. Mzansi is once again offered what it has always asked for - real innovation, made more accessible. HONOR is clearly listening, and the proof is now in store.

Following strong interest already shown after the launch event, the HONOR 600 Series is now ready for customers looking for a smartphone that combines advanced AI creativity, powerful photography, long battery life, and premium performance in a device designed for real daily use.

Here are five standout features to know.

1. AI Image to Video 2.0 for easier content creation

The HONOR 600 Series introduces AI Image-to-Video 2.0, allowing users to transform still images into short, dynamic video clips using prompts and built-in templates. Users can combine up to three images, define opening and ending frames and create cinematic-style clips in seconds. 

After Wednesday’s Bafana Bafana’s World Cup squad announcement, Bafana Bafana players head and shoulder images was turned into a video generated by the HONOR 600 AI Image to Video 2.0

2. A flagship-level 200MP Ultra-Clear AI Night Camera

At the centre of the HONOR 600 Series is a 200MP Ultra-Clear AI Night Camera, designed to capture sharper detail, richer colour and stronger low-light images. Powered by HONOR’s AiMAGE intelligent imaging architecture, the camera system supports clearer night portraits, more stable handheld shots and true-to-life colour in different lighting conditions. The HONOR 600 Pro adds a 50MP 3.5X Periscope Telephoto Camera with up to 120x zoom, giving users more flexibility when capturing details from further away.

3. A 7000mAh battery with 80W HONOR SuperCharge

The HONOR 600 Series features a 7000mAh Long-life Battery, the largest in the HONOR Number Series. It is built to support busy days filled with streaming, photography, content creation, work, messaging and everything in between.

Both devices support 80W HONOR SuperCharge. The HONOR 600 Pro also includes 50W Wireless HONOR SuperCharge and 27W wired reverse charging, giving users more ways to power up quickly and stay connected.

4. Snapdragon performance, durability and a brighter display

The HONOR 600 Series is powered by Snapdragon processors, with the HONOR 600 Pro featuring the Snapdragon 8 Elite Flagship Platform and the HONOR 600 featuring the Next-Gen Snapdragon 7 Gen 4 performance Chip. The series also brings an ultra-bright 8000nits display, IP68, IP69 and IP69K water and dust resistance and SGS 5-star drop-and-crush resistance credentials. It is designed to feel premium, fast and durable without making users feel as if they need to treat their phone like a museum piece.

5. Convenient Apple Ecosystem Integration and Intelligent Google Gemini Assistant

The HONOR 600 Series goes above expectations as a perfect companion to the Apple ecosystem. Upgraded connectivity feature enables instant file sharing with iPhone and Mac, hotspot sharing, and Apple Watch message display. 

The HONOR 600 series with Google Gemini empowers users to interact seamlessly via text, voice, or image for comprehensive assistance on the go. This marks a significant step towards building a truly intelligent AI assistant – one that is conversational, intuitive, and genuinely helpful.

6. Availability and Pricing 

The HONOR 600 Pro is available in Golden White and Orange for an RRP of R19 999 or from R799x36 months, and the HONOR 600 will be available in Orange and Black for an RRP of R14 999 or from R549x36 months.

Those who purchase the HONOR 600 Series will receive free redeemable gifts worth up to R8287. Consumers who purchase the HONOR 600 Series will receive an HONOR CHOICE Earbuds Clip Valued at R1999 and an HONOR CHOICE Watch 2i Valued at R999.

This also includes 365 days of accidental damage protection for HONOR 600 Series Devices, worth R3999. And lastly, a Free Google AI Pro with 5TB of cloud storage for 3 months (This is for first-time users only) – that is worth R429.99. The gift promotional offer is limited to the HONOR 600 Pro and HONOR 600, valid from 8 June until 8 July 2026. 

Deals starting from R549x36 months

Vodacom: HONOR 600, R549 x 36 months and HONOR Pro R799 x 36 months

MTN: HONOR 600, R579 x 36 months and HONOR 600 Pro, R799 x 36 months 

Telkom: HONOR 600, R599 x 36 months and HONOR 600 Pro, R859 x 36 months

Cell C: HONOR 600, R699 x 36 months and HONOR 600 Pro, R899 x 36 months

I recently enjoyed an invitation to sample the culinary offerings at The Prawnery, which has transitioned from its Illovo roots to a vibrant new home at Rosebank’s Keyes Art Mile.

Initial impressions revealed an earthy aesthetic that is not merely sophisticated but beautifully balances contemporary refinement with a welcoming sense of comfort. 

Naturally, my attention was drawn to the seafood selections while exploring the menu, which caters to both vegetarians and meat-lovers. I must admit a certain bias toward the prawn dishes. I will blame it on the mood I was in on that laidback Sunday.

Co-owner Shaniel Naidoo approached for a pleasant conversation as I was narrowing my menu selections. She runs the establishment with her best friend Monwabisi Thethe. 

As we bonded over a shared affinity for spicy food, she discussed the restaurant's history and vision. She also highlighted the particular dishes that have become firm favourites among the patrons.

A lesson in trust: How an octopus left me with zero regrets

With a melodic backdrop of classic R&B and smooth jazz rhythms setting the mood, my appetite was building for the starters. 

The selection included a duo of the tuna Nigiri sushi, the creamy chilli garlic shrimp, and the grilled octopus - a dish that, with my picky palate, could be a culinary triumph or a total disaster.

Also, the waiter was kind enough to bring a side portion of their chilli, which I made a serious dent in before leaving. 

The sushi selection was a culinary triumph, offering a level of deliciousness that was truly cravable.

As the garlic shrimp, it was plated beautifully with this creamy sauce at the bottom, accompanied by a small mountain of very skinny potato fries and a toasted focaccia bread that was to die for. 

No, seriously, I could have wolfed down several slices, which were seasoned with sea salt and had just the right crunch. 

However, the prawns were a tad overcooked. It happens. But it was hard to fault the flavour.

Admittedly, I wouldn’t normally order octopus. But after being told about how they prepare it, my curiosity got the better of me. 

At first bite, that smoky chargrill essence comes through. This is enhanced by a topping of chimichurri and garlic crisps, served alongside a citrus rocket salad and a relish of burnt tomato and ginger.

Although I initially hesitated to order, it was prepared with such care that it left me without a single regret. Its delicate texture served as a perfect counterpart to the zesty salad, highlighting a thoughtful balance of textures.

It was clear that delivering a high-protein, low-calorie dish without compromising on bold flavour was a priority for the kitchen.

Carb loading and cartwheels: the soul-warming mains that stole the show

As I awaited the arrival of my main courses - the seafood arrabiata and the chilli coconut prawns - I snacked on their house-speciality milky soft roll. Sprinkled with jeera seeds, the roll was served with genuine butter and a side of chimichurri.

The prawns were prepared flawlessly on this occasion. The subtle notes of coconut and chilli were doing cartwheels on my palate. 

But what really slapped, especially with the cold weather sending us all gravitating towards comfort food, was the pasta dish. 

It was the epitome of indulgence: a rich, soul-warming dish, and a compelling reason for a return visit.

The grand finale: resistance was futile against a brownie-crusted cheesecake

To satisfy my sweet tooth, I opted for the baked cheesecake along with a cappuccino. 

It is worth noting that I am a dedicated chocolate enthusiast, and after just one mouthful, it was clear that resistance was futile. 

When I first read the description of this pièce de résistance - crusted in a chocolate brownie and served with a berry sorbet -the combination seemed unconventional. However, it proved to be a match made in heaven.

Throughout my visit, I found it impossible to overlook the kitchen's commitment to fresh ingredients and the careful precision applied to the flavour profiles on every plate.

Although the pricing doesn’t quite fall into the budget-friendly category, the unique experience makes it a splurge that is well worth the cost.

Disclaimer: The writer was invited as a guest of the restaurant; however, all opinions and content in this review remain entirely objective.

Debashine gives it 4 stars.

★★★★☆ (Very Good)

* Food: Delicious, well-prepared with some standout dishes.

* Service: Attentive, friendly and professional.

* Ambience: Pleasant, well-designed and comfortable.

* Value: Worth the price; good quality for cost.

A quick table-side chat with Naidoo

Could you introduce your new chef and describe any updates or refinements he has brought to the menu?

We are excited to be working with Neil Shunmugam, who is originally from Durban, has worked internationally, and currently calls The Prawnery home.

Chef Neil shares our passion for quality ingredients and bold, memorable flavours. His approach aligns perfectly with our philosophy of respecting great produce while introducing creativity and modern techniques.

Rather than completely reinventing the menu, we have focused on refining and elevating what our guests already love. 

The ciabatta was exceptionally delicious. Given that you handle all baking on-site, could you explain the reasoning behind this approach and its impact on the guest experience?

Thank you! We’re incredibly proud of our pastry kitchen. Baking our breads in-house gives us complete control over quality, freshness and consistency.

There is something special about serving bread that has been baked on-site just before it reaches the table. For us, it's about paying attention to the details that guests may not always expect from a seafood restaurant.

What served as the creative catalyst for the specific taste profiles found in your vegetarian offerings?

We wanted our vegetarian dishes to be every bit as exciting and flavourful as the rest of the menu, rather than simply serving as alternatives or like an afterthought. We’re inspired by different kinds of cuisines and our belief that great food should be driven by flavour first.

We focus on layered tastes, interesting textures, and vibrant ingredients that create dishes guests will actively choose, whether they are vegetarian or not.

THERE is a scene that plays out in collapsing democracies with striking regularity. The opposition fractures or is broken. Civil society retreats under pressure. The media is captured.

And into the vacuum left by the absence of organised political resistance steps the church, robed, scripturally armed, and loudly convinced that God has called it to do what the MDC, the CCC, and every other opposition acronym has failed to do.

Zimbabwe is living that scene right now.

The Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC), the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD), and virtually every organised religious formation of consequence has submitted detailed, clause-by-clause legal analyses of Constitutional Amendment Bill No.3 (CA3).

They have written to Parliament. They have issued pastoral letters. They have invoked Ezekiel, Amos, Micah, Nehemiah, and the South African Constitutional Court in the same breath. The ZCC has gone so far as to compare Parliament to Rehoboam, the biblical king whose arrogance split a nation in two.

This is not pastoral ministry. This is opposition politics with a cross on top. And Zimbabwe deserves better from its politicians and its clergy.

The vacuum they are filling

To understand why the churches are here, you must first understand what is missing. A functioning democracy requires what political scientists call mediating societies, the intermediate layer of institutions that sits between the individual citizen and the state.

Trade unions. Bar associations. Academia and research institutes. Independent media. Robust political parties. Civic organisations with genuine reach and independence.

These are the bodies that aggregate public grievances, articulate constitutional arguments, and hold governments to account without claiming divine mandate to do so.

Zimbabwe has systematically hollowed out every one of these layers. The opposition has imploded through internal treachery, elite capture, and the simple exhaustion of repeated electoral defeat.

The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions is a shadow of the force that once launched a president. The Law Society makes statements; no one trembles. Independent media operates at the margins.

The civic space surveilled, defunded, and periodically arrested, cannot mount the kind of sustained, credible pressure that constitutional moments demand.

What remains standing, with nationwide reach, moral authority, established infrastructure, and a congregation that the state cannot easily dissolve? The church. So the church stepped in. And one can understand the impulse.

Silence in the face of injustice is, as they themselves would say, an abdication of sacred duty. But understanding why someone does something is not the same as agreeing that they should be doing it.

What the church should be doing instead

The most powerful role the church has ever played in political transitions is not the role of opposition. It is the role of a mediator. Consider the examples that actually worked.

In South Africa, the SA Council of Churches under Archbishop Desmond Tutu did not position itself as a political party vested in vestments. It built the moral architecture of the transition, pushing for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, holding space for perpetrators and victims alike, insisting that the process be restorative rather than merely punitive.

Tutu was fierce, yes, but his fierceness was directed at the process, not at particular political outcomes. He wanted a table at which all parties could sit. He was not the ANC at prayer.

In Poland, the Catholic Church played a decisive role in the solidarity transition, but critically, it positioned itself as a guarantor of dialogue, not a participant in the political contest.

The church provided the physical space, literally, church buildings, for solidarity to organise. It gave moral credibility to the negotiation process. It did not draft legal briefs against specific government clauses.

In Mozambique, the Community of Sant’Egidio, a Catholic lay organisation, brokered the 1992 General Peace Accord that ended a 16-year civil war. They succeeded precisely because they were perceived as neutral facilitators, not partisan advocates.

Their leverage came from the trust both sides placed in them. The moment a mediator is perceived as sitting on one side of the table, that leverage evaporates.

In Kenya’s 2008 post-election crisis, it was the National Council of Churches of Kenya, working alongside the African Union (AU) panel led by Kofi Annan, that helped create the conditions for the National Accord. Again, facilitation, not political combat.

What these examples share is a common thread: the church at its most effective is a bridge builder, not a barricade. Its power lies in being trusted by all sides. The moment it is identified as the theological wing of the opposition, that power is gone.

The ZCBC and ZCC have crossed the line

Read the submissions carefully. The ZCBC’s parliamentary submission, dated 12 May 2026 and signed by seven bishops, is a sophisticated legal document that opposes, clause by clause, nearly every provision of CA3.

The ZCC's 19-page Statement of Inputs goes further still, comparing the president to Cameroon’s Paul Biya, invoking the South African Constitutional Court’s Democratic Alliance v President judgment, and producing comparative tables of presidential term lengths across Africa.

This is not pastoral guidance. This is the work of a constitutional law firm with a theology problem.

The ZHOCD pastoral statement directly addresses President Mnangagwa by name, reminds him of his public commitment not to seek a third term, and tells him to “lead as a constitutionalist” and “consolidate your legacy”. Members of Parliament are told to “choose principle over expedience”. The language of scripture is deployed as political ammunition.

At what point does a pastoral letter become a political pamphlet? When it is indistinguishable from one. There is nothing wrong with the substance of some of their concerns.

Reasonable people, including many Zanu-PF voters and people who do not attend any church, share anxieties about some of the proposed amendments. But the role the Church has assumed is deeply problematic, and the consequences of that role are already visible.

When the ZCC writes that: “The arrest and assault of persons conducting public awareness about this very Bill illustrates precisely the risk of a politically controlled prosecutor-general," they are making a direct political intervention into an active legal dispute.

When the ZCBC urges Parliament to “reject those provisions”, it is issuing a political instruction. These are not the words of a mediator. They are the words of a litigant.

The flaws in their submissions

Supporters of CA3 are not wrong to push back on the churches’ legal framing, and several of their critiques deserve honest engagement.

On the parliamentary election of the president: The churches treat direct presidential elections as a near-sacred constitutional absolute. But Botswana, consistently ranked among Africa’s most democratic states, has never had direct presidential elections.

South Africa’s president is elected by the National Assembly. The Westminster tradition, from which Zimbabwe's own constitutional history partly derives, does not treat the direct popular mandate for an executive as a democratic prerequisite.

The ZCC’s own comparative table concedes this, then attempts to distinguish Zimbabwe’s case on the basis of its Parliament’s legitimacy, which is a political argument, not a constitutional one.

They cannot simultaneously invoke comparative constitutionalism selectively and claim to be above politics.

On the term extension and Section 328(7): The churches argue that attempting to override Section 328(7) via the phrase “notwithstanding” is constitutionally impermissible.

This is a genuinely contested legal question. The relationship between sections 95(2) and 328(7) has never been interpreted by the Supreme Court or Constitutional Court in a binding ruling.

The argument that a parliamentary supermajority cannot amend an entrenched provision using the very amendment mechanisms the Constitution provides is not as settled as the bishops present it.

Constitutional lawyers of standing disagree. The churches are presenting one side of a live legal debate as settled doctrine and they are doing so in a pastoral letter to congregants, not a university seminar.

On institutional independence: The ZCC’s critique of the proposed Prosecutor-General appointment process makes the implicit assumption that the current arrangement has produced demonstrable independence. Zimbabwe’s history does not obviously support this.

The argument that more JSC involvement produces more independent prosecutors is an institutional design preference, a reasonable one, but not a constitutional absolute.

Similarly, their opposition to the ZEDC as an electoral delimitation body rests on the assumption that ZEC’s current dual mandate has served Zimbabwe well. Many ordinary Zimbabweans, including rural voters who have watched constituency boundaries redrawn to their disadvantage, might disagree.

On tone and standing: There is something deeply awkward about bishops signing off on a 19-page legal brief and then presenting it as a prophetic utterance from the tradition of Ezekiel.

The ZCC’s framing of its role as a “Watchman” (Ezekiel 3:17) is rhetorically powerful, but it also conveniently positions any disagreement with their analysis as a refusal to heed divine warning.

This is not an argument; it is the immunisation of a political position against criticism by wrapping it in scripture. A CA3 supporter would rightly ask: On what basis does the church claim prophetic authority over questions of electoral delimitation architecture?

The real cost of the church going political

When the churches become the de facto opposition, several dangerous things happen simultaneously.

First, they alienate the congregants they need to reach. A significant portion of Zimbabwe’s churchgoing population, including many Zanu-PF supporters, attends the same churches whose bishops have now publicly opposed the government’s flagship constitutional reform.

The moment a pastor is perceived as a political opponent, half the congregation stops hearing the sermon.

Second, they destroy their mediation value for the moment when it is most needed. If the current constitutional process produces a genuine crisis, disputed elections, political violence, and institutional breakdown, Zimbabwe will desperately need credible mediators.

The churches are the most plausible candidates. But a church that has spent months issuing detailed legal briefs opposing the government’s constitutional programme cannot then credibly present itself as a neutral broker.

ZHOCD’s stated aspiration to “continue to engage His Excellency and all stakeholders in a spirit of dialogue and national healing” rings hollow when the same document has just compared CA3 to the reign of Rehoboam.

Third, they substitute for the rebuilding of secular civil society and political opposition that Zimbabwe actually needs. Every time the church fills the vacuum, the urgency of addressing that vacuum diminishes. Zimbabwe does not need holier opposition politicians. It needs actual ones.

A word to the bishops

None of this is to say the church should be silent. The prophetic tradition is real, and the social teaching that the ZCBC invokes, human dignity, subsidiarity, and the common good, is a genuine and important contribution to public life.

But there is a difference between speaking to power and trying to replace it. Archbishop Desmond Tutu once said that if you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.

He was right. But he also understood that the church’s power to call out injustice depends entirely on its credibility as an institution that serves all people, not as a faction that serves some people against others.

The bishops should be convening. They should be calling the government and opposition to the same room.

They should be protecting the space in which genuine public participation can happen, not conducting that participation themselves. They should be the guarantors of the process, not the loudest voice in it.

Zimbabwe’s constitutional crisis is real. The absence of credible political opposition is a genuine and serious problem. The hollowing out of mediating institutions is a national emergency.

But a church that steps into a political vacuum does not fill it. It simply becomes another institution that future reformers will need to rebuild trust in.

Preach, bishops. Mediate. Facilitate. Pray. But put down the legal brief!

* Karabo Ngoepe is a journalist with over 15 years of experience in political, investigative, and human interest journalism who specialises in pan-African politics with a particular interest in SADC and Global South news. He is a former CEO of Rubicon Media Group in Eswatini.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

STATE-OWNED power utility Eskom is advancing critical governance initiatives to address both internal forensic backlogs and the escalating municipal debt crisis, according to separate statements issued this week.

Eskom said it had moved to accelerate its consequence management framework by issuing an Invitation to Tender (ITT) and Request for Proposal (RFP) for a forensic investigations backlog project, with commencement scheduled for September 1.

According to the statement by the state-owned entity (SOE): “Eskom’s forensic investigation function is a critical component of the organisation’s governance, assurance, and consequence management framework.

“It plays a central role in safeguarding organisational integrity, strengthening accountability, and sustaining public, stakeholder, and shareholder confidence.”

The power utility operates on a co-sourced model for its forensic investigations. As stated: “Eskom operates on a co-sourced model in that all reported allegations are either investigated internally or by the appointed external service providers.”

However, the accumulation of historical cases has created significant challenges. The statement noted that: “Over the past years, the accumulation of legacy forensic matters has increased the volume of outstanding cases, constraining the organisation’s ability to conclude investigations and disciplinary processes within optimal timeframes and demonstrate effective consequence management.”

To address this backlog, Eskom is implementing an intervention through external appointments. “To address the backlog of cases, the forensic investigation function is implementing an intervention through the appointment of a panel of external service providers with the requisite expertise and capacity to accelerate case resolution.”

The appointed panel will require specialised capabilities. “It is expected of the appointed panel of forensic service providers to have unique skills and capabilities, which include but are not limited to conducting digital forensics, having the capacity to apply data analytics and artificial intelligence polygraph services, handwriting analysis, and document analysis.”

While Eskom maintains internal capacity, the scale of the challenge necessitates external support. The power utility stated: “While Eskom maintains internal forensic capability, the scale and specialised nature of legacy cases require additional external expertise to support accelerated delivery.”

The procurement will involve multiple suppliers. “Multiple contracts will be awarded to multiple suppliers, with a minimum of eight and a maximum of 10 service providers, with work allocated on an equal distribution basis to ensure accelerated case resolution and optimal resource utilisation.”

The statement further emphasises that: “All appointments will be conducted in line with Eskom’s procurement processes to ensure fairness, transparency, and compliance with applicable regulatory requirements,” and that “this intervention forms part of Eskom's broader efforts to strengthen governance and accelerate consequence management across the organisation.”

Meanwhile in another governance matter, Parliament announced that joint portfolio committees would receive a critical briefing on mechanisms to address municipalities’ debt to Eskom.

According to a media alert issued by Parliamentary Communication Services: “A joint meeting of the Portfolio Committee on Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (Cogta) and the Portfolio Committee on Electricity and Energy will tomorrow receive an update on the implementation of distribution agency agreements (DAAs) between Eskom and municipalities.”

The scale of the municipal debt challenge is substantial. “According to Eskom’s quarterly financial reports, municipalities owe it R110.5 billion.”

The briefing will involve multiple stakeholders. “During the meeting, the Department of Electricity and Energy, Eskom, the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, the South African Local Government Association, and the National Treasury will brief the committees.”

DAAs represent a strategic intervention to address the debt crisis. The statement explained that: “DAAs are intended to address the challenges contributing to municipal electricity debt. Through the DAAs, participating municipalities delegate certain electricity distribution and revenue-management functions to Eskom or other accredited agencies, while retaining ownership and political oversight of the service.”

Several municipalities have already committed to this approach. As stated: “Among the municipalities that have signed DAAs with Eskom are Maluti-a-Phofung Local Municipality, Emfuleni, and Merafong municipalities.”

The briefing will focus on multiple governance and operational improvements. “The briefing is expected to focus on how these agreements will strengthen governance, improve billing and revenue collection, ringfence electricity revenue, prioritise payment to Eskom, reduce electricity losses, and improve the reliability of electricity services in municipalities.”

Both initiatives underscore Eskom’s comprehensive approach to addressing governance challenges, whether through internal consequence management or external revenue recovery mechanisms.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

ZIMBABWE stands at a pivotal constitutional crossroads. The proposed Constitution Amendment Bill No.3 has ignited the most passionate debate since the 2013 Constitution was adopted.

At its heart is a straightforward but transformative proposal: To replace the direct election of the president with an indirect system in which Parliament elects the head of state and the government.

Far too often, this discussion has been clouded by slogans and misinformation rather than reasoned analysis. Let us be clear: The claim that an indirect presidential election can only work under a system of pure proportional representation is simply untrue.

It is a myth that distorts the conversation and does a disservice to national discourse.

Consider Botswana — one of Africa’s most admired and stable democracies. Since independence in 1966, Botswana has used a first-past-the-post electoral system, yet its president is elected indirectly by Parliament.

The result? Decades of peaceful power transitions and an enviable absence of the bitter, violent disputes that have plagued so many African presidential systems.

Botswana’s Members of Parliament are elected from individual constituencies, yet they still choose the president from the majority party. If this model has delivered stability and legitimacy in Botswana, those who insist it cannot work in Zimbabwe carry the burden of proof.

Moreover, the assertion that Zimbabwe lacks any experience with proportional representation is factually incorrect.

The 2013 constitution already embeds proportional representation in several key areas: 60 women’s seats in the National Assembly are allocated according to provincial party votes, ten additional youth quota seats have been introduced, and the Senate itself is constituted through proportional representation.

These are not minor features — they are deliberate constitutional mechanisms. To pretend otherwise is not constitutional analysis; it is political rhetoric.

The deeper question, therefore, is not about electoral mechanics but about legitimacy and stability. Critics argue that only a direct nationwide vote can confer true democratic legitimacy on a president.

This concern is understandable, especially in a country with a painful history of authoritarian rule. Yet it reveals a profound inconsistency. Zimbabweans already directly elect 280 members of parliament and over 1 900 local councillors.

These representatives do not merely cast symbolic votes — they pass laws, approve multibillion-dollar national budgets, oversee the executive, ratify international treaties, and even possess the power to impeach a sitting president.

If these elected legislators are already trusted with such immense responsibilities on behalf of their constituents, why should they suddenly be deemed unfit to elect the president? To deny Parliament this role is to undermine the very foundation of representative democracy itself.

We must also confront Zimbabwe’s lived reality with honesty rather than emotion. Since independence in 1980, the country has endured a series of bitterly disputed presidential elections.

The 2008 crisis remains a scar on the national conscience: over 200 lives lost, thousands displaced, and a Government of National Unity (GNU) required only after regional mediation.

That tragedy was not merely the fault of individuals; it was the predictable outcome of a system that placed the entire fate of the nation on a single, high-stakes presidential contest.

In deeply polarised societies with fragile institutions, winner-takes-all presidential elections turn politics into an existential battle. Losing ceases to be a temporary setback and becomes total exclusion from power and resources.

The stakes become so high that democratic norms struggle to contain the resulting tensions. Political science has repeatedly shown that such hyper-presidential systems often breed instability rather than strengthen democracy.

An indirect presidential electoral system offers a wiser path. By shifting the choice of President into the parliamentary arena — where power is already distributed and negotiated — it lowers the temperature of national politics.

It reduces the catastrophic consequences of any single electoral defeat and encourages broader coalitions and compromise. This is no radical experiment. It is a proven constitutional principle embraced by respected democracies around the world: Germany, India, Botswana, and South Africa all employ variations of parliamentary or indirectly elected executives.

South Africa, in particular, elects its president through parliament and remains one of the continent’s most robust constitutional democracies.

The true measure of democracy is not whether a president is chosen directly by voters. It is whether institutions are credible, the rule of law is respected, and citizens retain trust in the system to foster stability.

A direct election administered through weak or distrusted institutions can produce violence and illegitimacy — just as Zimbabwe has experienced. An indirect system, operating through strong institutions, can engender stability and accountability.

Citizens would continue to elect their members of parliament directly. Those representatives would then exercise delegated authority — including the election of the president — on behalf of the people who voted for them.

The real constitutional choice before Zimbabwe is therefore this: Do we wish to concentrate national legitimacy in one polarising, all-or-nothing presidential contest, or do we choose to disperse it more broadly through representative institutions that better reflect our political diversity?

Reasonable people may differ in their conclusions. But genuine debate demands intellectual honesty, not fear or distortion. Constitutional design is not a matter of political theology. It is practical engineering — shaped by a nation’s history, its institutions, and its aspirations for the future.

Zimbabwe’s challenge is not merely deciding how a president is elected. It is deciding what kind of political stability, accountability, and democratic culture it wishes to bequeath to the next generation.

Let us choose wisely, guided by evidence, experience, and a clear-eyed commitment to a more stable and prosperous Zimbabwe.

* Glen Mpani is a political campaign strategist and Group Lead of the International Centre for Political Campaigns, His work spans campaign strategy, war-room operations, mobilisation, political communications, and institutional capacity-building for political parties, candidates, and political organisations across Africa and internationally.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE Gaza Democratic Front (GDF) has called for the immediate arrest and prosecution of those responsible for the killing of 19-year-old Nhlamulo Sambo, a Limpopo-born South African who was allegedly stabbed to death during xenophobic unrest in KwaNonqaba, Mossel Bay, over the weekend.

Sambo, originally from Giyani, was killed on May 31 in the Asla Park area of KwaNonqaba amid violent community protests that left at least two people dead and displaced dozens of residents.

His family believes he was mistakenly targeted after being identified as a foreign national because he spoke Xitsonga, one of South Africa’s 12 official languages.

In a statement, the family rejected claims that Sambo was a foreigner, describing him as a South African citizen whose life was cut short by mob violence.

“He was not a foreigner. He was not a criminal. He was a young South African whose life was stolen from him in a climate of fear, hatred and unchecked mob action,” the family said.

The incident has sparked renewed concern about the growing prevalence of xenophobic violence and vigilantism in communities grappling with unemployment, poverty and social instability.

The GDF, a political movement with strong support in parts of Limpopo, Mpumalanga and Gauteng, described Sambo’s death as a tragedy that struck at the heart of the community from which the organisation emerged.

“Nhlamulo Sambo came from Giyani. His community is the same one from which the GDF draws its roots and its mandate,” the organisation said. “His death is personal to us. It is a wound in our community. And it will not be met with silence.”

The party demanded that law enforcement authorities act swiftly to identify and prosecute those responsible for the killing. It also called for an independent and transparent investigation into the violence that engulfed KwaNonqaba between May 29 and 31.

The GDF further urged the government to provide immediate support to the Sambo family, including assistance in transporting his body from the Western Cape to Limpopo for burial.

Sambo’s mother, who is unemployed, now faces the financial burden of repatriating her son’s remains while seeking answers about the circumstances surrounding his death.

The unrest in KwaNonqaba has left communities shaken.

Local authorities confirmed that at least two people lost their lives during the violence, while numerous families, including women and children, were forced to flee their homes.

Mossel Bay Mayor Dirk Kotzé appealed for calm as additional police officers were deployed to the area.

Police have opened murder investigations, although no arrests have been publicly announced at the time of publication.

The violence has once again placed a spotlight on tensions surrounding migration, unemployment and service delivery failures in several South African communities.

According to the GDF, Sambo’s death highlights a broader national crisis in which economic frustrations are increasingly being channelled into violence against people perceived to be foreigners.

The organisation argued that legitimate concerns about unemployment, crime and poor service delivery are being exploited by individuals and groups who promote xenophobic narratives and vigilante action.

“The answer to unemployment is not scapegoating. It is service delivery, economic inclusion and the restoration of dignity through functioning municipalities,” the party said.

The GDF also called for a nationally coordinated strategy to combat xenophobia, tribalism and other forms of discrimination, warning that mob violence often spirals beyond its intended targets.

“What makes this case especially painful is that Nhlamulo was a South African citizen. His only apparent offence was speaking his mother tongue,” the organisation said. “If violence can consume even its own, then every South African is at risk.”

Beyond criminal prosecutions, the GDF has demanded accountability from public officials and community leaders who may have contributed to the unrest through inflammatory rhetoric or a failure to intervene.

The party argued that leadership carries a responsibility to prevent violence and protect vulnerable residents.

“Leadership failure is not a bystander position; it is complicity,” the organisation said.

The GDF, founded by Reason Mthombeni ahead of South Africa’s 2026 local government elections, has positioned itself as an advocate for community accountability and grassroots governance reform.

As calls for justice grow, Sambo’s death is increasingly being viewed as a stark reminder of the dangers posed by mob violence and the consequences of deepening social divisions.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

WITH the FIFA World Cup kicking off on June 11, South African soccer fans, whether travelling to North America or watching from home, are being urged to take their digital safety as seriously as their match-day preparations.

This year’s tournament represents the largest entertainment cyberattack surface in history, and cybercriminals have already begun targeting fans.

The 2026 edition is the largest in FIFA history, spanning 39 days, 16 host cities and an estimated five to six million in-venue spectators. For South African fans making what is often a once-in-a-lifetime trip, the financial and personal consequences of falling victim to fraud could be severe.

The risk extends well beyond those in the stadiums, too. “South Africans are passionate soccer supporters, and many will have been planning and saving for this trip for years. But the fans watching from home are just as much in the crosshairs. Anywhere people are engaging digitally with this event, cybercriminals will be waiting,” warns Justin Lee, regional vice president for Sub-Saharan Africa at Palo Alto Networks.

Palo Alto Networks’ threat intelligence division, Unit 42, has identified seven active threat categories that fans should know about.

1. Fake ticket sites and social media resellers. Lookalike resale sites and social media accounts impersonating authorised sellers are already circulating. Fans who buy outside the official FIFA platform or a FIFA-authorised resale partner have little to no recourse if tickets turn out to be fraudulent. Do not buy through WhatsApp, Telegram or social media DMs, and always use a credit card with chargeback protection.

2. Phishing campaigns. Cybercriminals are running phishing campaigns built around convincing lures, including lottery winnings, ticket cancellations, free streaming offers and accreditation problems. Typosquatted FIFA domains designed to look like official sites are expected to proliferate throughout the tournament window.

3. QR-code fraud. QR-code fraud is the single fastest-growing variant at major sporting events. Fake shuttle passes, parking permits and fan transport QR codes that fail at the point of scanning have already been observed in pre-tournament scams. The geographic spread of the 2026 games across 16 cities multiplies the opportunity for transit-themed fraud significantly. Verify any QR code against the host city’s official transportation app or website before scanning.

4. Accommodation fraud. Fake short-term rental listings, off-platform payment requests and properties that do not exist are a well-documented risk at events like this. Any request for payment via wire transfer or cryptocurrency outside of a major platform should be treated as a red flag.

5. Public Wi-Fi and mobile malware. Airports, fan zones and transit hubs are active hunting grounds for credential theft. Android users are the primary target for mobile malware, though iOS users are not immune. Use a VPN or mobile data for any account activity on the road, keep devices fully patched and remove saved Wi-Fi networks after use.

6. Fake streaming sites and malicious apps. Fans watching from home are not safe either. Fake streaming sites and malicious mobile applications mimicking official FIFA and broadcast apps are expected to proliferate as the action heats up. These apps, some of which have appeared on major app stores ahead of previous tournaments, are designed to harvest account credentials, deliver malware or compromise devices entirely. Verify every FIFA-branded app against FIFA’s published list of official applications before downloading.

7. Social media account takeovers and fake competitions. Fake FanID-linked competitions, social media account takeovers and content defacement on official platforms are active risks for any fan connected to the action online. Treat unsolicited competition notifications and prize alerts with scepticism, particularly those requesting login credentials or personal information.

“The World Cup should be an extraordinary experience, whether you are in the stadium or on your sofa,” Lee said. “A little digital caution goes a long way towards making sure it stays that way.”

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

"Honestly, I just want people to feel something light and happy."

That simple statement from Johannesburg singer KLA captures the spirit behind her latest single, “Heat”.

At a time when many people are carrying the weight of financial pressure, personal challenges and uncertainty, the rising artist is choosing to lean into joy, confidence and self-expression.

The track marks a new chapter in her career and offers listeners a chance to escape, even if only for a few minutes. 

Built around the question: "Can you handle it?", "Heat" is playful, confident and direct. The song explores attraction, self-assurance and the importance of showing up fully in relationships and in life.

For KLA, it reflects a period when she felt creatively inspired and personally fulfilled.

"At that time, I was in such a good flow creatively," she said.

"I felt genuinely happy, carefree, inspired and excited to be in the studio again. I wanted to capture that energy in a song and create something that felt fun, confident and alive. ‘Heat’ became a reflection of that mindset for me."

The release represents another milestone for the singer, whose career has steadily evolved since her debut single, “Nobody's Looking", which introduced audiences to her music in 2019.

While that song revealed a reflective and introspective artist, “Heat” showcases someone who has grown more confident in herself and her creative direction.

"It has taught me to trust myself more," she said of her artistic journey.

"Earlier on, I constantly looked for guidance and validation in every decision that I made creatively. Over time, I have learned to trust my instincts, not only musically but also in how I move strategically as an artist. That confidence has changed everything for me."

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Lutho Pasiya (@djtho_tho)

KLA's path has never been limited to music alone. In 2020, she gained national attention as a Top 35 finalist in the Miss South Africa competition, giving audiences a glimpse into her confidence, ambition and ability to connect with people beyond the stage.

The experience became an important part of her development as a performer and communicator.

"Those experiences taught me how to communicate effectively across different platforms and spaces," she said.

"Whether it's performing, speaking publicly, creating content or doing interviews, each one helped me become more confident in expressing myself authentically while understanding how to connect with different audiences."

Alongside music, KLA has built a career in commercial modelling, digital content creation and public speaking.

Each role has strengthened her ability to tell stories and engage audiences in different ways. Those lessons now feed directly into her work as an artist.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Kayla Neilson (@kla_thereal)

While her music blends pop, R&B, soul and African influences, she believes her identity as an artist goes beyond genre.

"I think my identity as an artist is becoming more rooted in emotional honesty," she said.

"No matter the genre or production style, I always lead with feeling. I genuinely feel every lyric and every beat and translating that emotion in a way that connects with people is something very important to me. That emotional connection is what makes my music personal and, I believe, what sets me apart."

It is an approach that has helped her build a loyal following. Inspired by artists such as Beyoncé, Rihanna and Kehlani, KLA has focused on creating music that resonates emotionally while remaining true to her own experiences.

That emotional connection has become increasingly important in a world where many listeners are seeking comfort and relief through music.

"Absolutely," she said when asked whether audiences are craving uplifting music more than ever.

"I think that people are searching for music that makes them feel lighter and more inspired. You can even see it in the rise of uplifting content and AI-generated feel-good music online.

"We are living in intense times emotionally, so I think audiences naturally gravitate toward music that gives them a sense of freedom, joy and release."

For KLA, “Heat” was created with exactly that purpose in mind.

"There is so much heaviness in the world, so I wanted this song to feel like a bit of an escape," she said.

Rather than focusing on struggle or heartbreak, the track embraces confidence and possibility. It invites listeners to enjoy the moment and celebrate their own energy.

The message feels particularly relevant in a time when people are increasingly searching for content that leaves them feeling hopeful and inspired.

As she prepares for the next stage of her career, KLA is also looking ahead to the release of her upcoming EP, “Here I Go Again”.

The project represents years of growth both personally and professionally and promises to offer a fuller picture of who she has become as an artist.

"’Here I Go Again’ really feels like me evolving from a cocoon into a butterfly," she said.

"I have grown so much in confidence, faith and self-belief over the last few years, and that growth is reflected throughout the project.

"My sound feels more distinct and intentional now, and I am excited for people to experience every side of me on this EP. More than anything, I cannot wait to bring it to life on stage."

The title itself suggests movement, renewal and the willingness to embrace change. It reflects an artist who has learned to trust her voice and follow her instincts.

And if her latest release is anything to go by, KLA's hottest era may just be beginning.

A CONSCIENCE that wakes only when it is politically convenient is not a conscience. It is a calculation.

Over the past three months, the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC) and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) have produced an escalating series of statements opposing the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, 2026.

They invoke the liberation struggle, the supremacy of God and the sanctity of the 2013 “covenant”. They ask Parliament to withdraw the Bill or put it to a referendum. They declare, clause by clause, that they “oppose”.

It would be a formidable performance if these same bodies had not been entirely silent when the Constitution was amended in ways that were, by any honest measure, more consequential to the very principles they now invoke. The Constitution was adopted in 2013 and has since been amended twice.

Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 1) Act in 2017, fundamentally altered how the most senior judges are appointed. Amendment No. 2 Act in 2021, extended the sitting Chief Justice’s tenure and reshaped the architecture of judicial independence.

On neither occasion did ZHOCD, ZCBC and ZCC issue a pastoral message. On neither occasion did they file a submission. The shepherds were asleep.

The covenant they claim to guard

The churches’ own theory of their authority is the theory that condemns them. They deliberately call the 2013 Constitution a “covenant”, sacred, perpetual, binding on conscience, and ZCC expressly claims the office of watchman of Ezekiel 3:17.

Very well. If the Constitution is a covenant, then every material amendment to it is a covenantal event, and one does not guard a covenant selectively. One does not stand over the sanctuary on the days the lighting is favourable and abandon the post when it is not. The selectivity is not only historical. It is textual.

The Bishops cite Romans 13:10, that “love does no wrong to a neighbour,” as a call to reject the Bill, yet the same chapter opens with an instruction the churches conspicuously omit: “Let every person be subject to the governing authorities” (Romans 13:1).

The verse is invoked when it constrains the State and laid aside when it grounds the legitimate exercise of parliamentary power. A church that reads its own scripture selectively cannot claim to be reading history neutrally.

2017 and 2021: The amendments they slept through

Consider what Amendment No. 1 Act of 2017 actually did. The 2013 Constitution, as originally enacted, established a deliberately public mechanism for the most senior judicial appointments.

Under the original section 180, the Judicial Service Commission advertised vacancies, conducted public interviews, prepared a shortlist and submitted it to the President, who was bound to appoint from it.

Amendment (No. 1) Act, 2017 dismantled that mechanism at its apex: The Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice and Judge President of the High Court would no longer be selected through public interviews, but appointed by the President after mere consultation with the Commission, consultation he was not bound to follow.

The most powerful judicial offices in the Republic were removed from public scrutiny and returned to executive gift. This was first introduced and passed by the National Assembly in 2017, while Robert Mugabe was still President.

On the churches’ own logic this was a covenantal event of the first order. It touched judicial independence, the separation of powers, and the structural safeguards that the 2013 Constitution was specifically designed to entrench.

The covenant was altered at its most sensitive joint, and the shepherds did not stir. Not one pastoral message was issued. Not one submission was filed.

If 2017 was a covenantal event, 2021 was a covenantal earthquake. The Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment (No. 2) Act, 2021 extended the constitutional retirement age of Constitutional Court and Supreme Court judges, with the direct and intended effect of prolonging the sitting Chief Justice’s tenure.

It was processed during the Covid-19 lockdown, when public participation under section 141 was more constrained than at any moment in our constitutional history. The single loudest objection in all four of the 2026 submissions is that Amendment No. 3 extends the tenure of sitting officeholders and so offends section 328(7).

Yet the extension of the Chief Justice’s tenure under the Amendment No.2 was the precise factual matrix that produced Mupungu v Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs & Ors (Judgment No. CCZ 07/21), in which the Constitutional Court determined whether extending a sitting judge’s age limit offended section 328(7).

The constitutional question now presented as a self-evident outrage was contested all the way to the apex court only five years ago, and the churches were nowhere to be found. They did not file, preach or sign.

The Amendments Are Not Merely Comparable. They Are The Same Objection.

It will be said that Amendment No. 3 is broader than its predecessors, and that scale justifies the difference in response. The text refutes it.

Clause 15 of the Bill amends section 180 by repealing subsections (3), (4), (4a) and (5) and providing that judges are appointed after consultation with the Judicial Service Commission.

The Bishops’ Conference opposes this clause as a grave threat to judicial independence. But that ship sailed in 2017, with the churches watching from the harbour in silence.

The 2013 requirement of public interviews and binding shortlisting was already abolished for the Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice and Judge President by Amendment No.1 Act. Clause 15 does nothing more, in principle, than extend to the rest of the bench the appointment model the churches permitted at the very summit of the judiciary nine years ago without a murmur.

If it was constitutionally tolerable in 2017 for the Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice and the Judge President to be appointed after non-binding consultation, with no public interview, on what principle is it a covenant-shattering emergency in 2026 for the same method to reach a High Court judge?

One does not get to sleep through the appointment of the head of the judiciary by executive discretion and then wake, nine years later, to declare that the same method applied to a puisne judge is the death of judicial independence.

The objection, if it was ever sound, was sound in 2017. It was not made then. It cannot honestly be made for the first time in 2026 as though the intervening history did not occur. Even if it had been made, the point would now be moot.

The principle did not change between 2021 and 2026, nor did the Constitution’s text on these questions become more sacred. What changed is not the principle but the political identity of the moment.

A conscience roused by the politics of an amendment rather than by its principle is not a moral conscience. It is a political instrument wearing a cassock.

A moral voice, or an opposition in vestments?

There is a reason the law and the wider society extend to the church a particular deference, and it is worth naming precisely, because the churches have spent that deference recklessly.

Religious institutions are mediating institutions, trusted to speak across the political divide and to confine themselves, in the public square, to peace, fairness, transparency and inclusivity. That is why a pastoral statement is heard differently from a press release, and why its abuse is so corrosive.

The Catholic Bishops’ Conference declares it acts “not as a political actor” but as a “moral voice”, then marches clause by clause announcing “we oppose”. The only clause it declined to oppose outright, the amendment to section 212, it merely raised “concern” about.

That is not the cadence of moral guidance. It is the cadence of a parliamentary opposition at committee stage. An institution that places itself in the political arena by its own choice must be answered there, on the merits, without the immunity the clerical collar was never meant to confer on partisan advocacy.

Tellingly, a larger body read the same Bill and reached the opposite conclusion. The Zimbabwe Indigenous Interdenominational Council of Churches, representing denominations with a stated membership in excess of 8 eight million Zimbabweans, submitted to Parliament on May 16 in support of the Bill.

It makes the elementary point the opposing bodies never confront: section 117(1) vests legislative authority in Parliament, section 117(2)(a) expressly confers the power to amend the Constitution in accordance with section 328, and section 119(1) obliges Parliament to protect the Constitution.

A submission is an input, not a veto. The contrast is illuminating. Reasonable people of faith, reading the same text, plainly differ. That is the surest proof that the opposing churches’ stance is not the indivisible voice of the Christian conscience, but one contestable political view in religious dress.

The goose, the gander, and the gate left open

The strongest argument is the one built on history and fact, because it cannot be answered, only confessed. The history is true. ZHOCD, ZCBC and ZCC are entitled to their view of Amendment No.3 Bill.

They are not entitled to present that view as the timeless and apolitical voice of conscience while the public record shows a conscience that was, on two prior and graver occasions, soundly asleep. What is good for the goose is good for the gander.

A principle invoked against Amendment No.3 Bill but withheld from Amendments Nos.1 and 2 in 2017 and 2021, respectively, is not a principle. It is a position.

And a church that has chosen, by its own hand, to enter the political arena as the opposition that Zimbabwe’s moribund politics no longer otherwise supplies, must be met there as an opponent, with the full and unsentimental rigour of the law, and with the historical record laid open for all to read.

The watchman who waved through the first two intruders has no standing to raise the alarm over the third, and demand the house be evacuated. He has standing only to explain, to the people whose gate he was paid to guard, why he was silent the first two times.

Until that account is given, the honest course for the churches is the one their own scriptures commend in the mouth of every false witness: to be still. Constitutional interpretation belongs to the Constitutional Court, not to the council of bishops.

Lawmaking belongs to Parliament, not to the pulpit. And moral authority belongs only to those who spend it consistently, not to those who discover their conscience precisely when, and only when, it serves the politics of the hour.

* Nomuzikayise Ngwenya is a legal practitioner and the group strategy lead at the International Centre for Political Campaigns. Her work spans political campaign strategy, political communications, and war-room operations across Africa.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THERE is a certain theatrical quality to Zimbabwe's opposition politics these days. Flags waved, platforms launched, statements fired off on X.

And yet, beneath the noise, there is nothing — no coherent structure, no unified strategy, no credible alternative vision for the country. When you strip away the drama, the resistance to Zimbabwe’s Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 (CA3) looks less like a principled constitutional stand and more like the last gasp of a political class that has lost its footing and cannot admit it.

Let me be plain about where I stand. I support CA3. I believe the proposed shift from direct presidential elections to a parliamentary selection model is a legitimate, stabilising reform. I believe extending office terms or electoral cycles from five to seven years gives any government the runway it needs to implement long-term development plans without being perpetually distracted by election cycles.

And I believe, as ZANU-PF and its supporters have argued, that reducing the frequency of high-stakes presidential campaigns will reduce the political violence and social toxicity that has scarred this country for decades. Village heads and rural associations have said as much: fewer divisive election cycles mean more room for investment, for agriculture, for peace.

But this article is not really about the merits of CA3. It is about something more revealing, the state of the opposition that is fighting it.

A house that was never built

To understand why the opposition’s resistance to CA3 is so strategically hollow, one needs only to trace the rubble of the Citizens Coalition for Change.

After Nelson Chamisa's CCC won over 103 parliamentary seats in the 2023 elections, denying ZANU-PF a two-thirds majority necessary to amend the Constitution, Zimbabwe's opposition was, briefly, in a position of genuine constitutional leverage.

Then came the collapse. A shadowy figure, Sengezo Tshabangu, emerged claiming to be the CCC's interim secretary-general and began recalling MPs and councillors aligned to Chamisa.

The recalls were upheld in court. Seat by seat, the opposition's parliamentary presence was dismantled. ZANU-PF eventually obtained the supermajority it needed. Chamisa, unable to hold his own party together, resigned in January 2024, citing government infiltration.

The reason the courts could not protect those MPs tells you everything: the CCC had no interim constitution, no party structures, and no documented minutes of meetings.

A political party fighting to protect Zimbabwe's Constitution did not have a constitution of its own. It had no institutional architecture. Critics described it openly as a "structureless party", one that was vulnerable precisely because it had been built around a personality rather than a programme.

When Chamisa finally departed, he took the energy of the movement with him. What remained splintered further. Tendai Biti broke away. Welshman Ncube drifted. Job Sikhala went his own way with a civic movement.

Douglas Mwonzora continued with his rump MDC Alliance. By the time CA3 was gazetted in February 2026, Zimbabwe's opposition landscape was not a political force, it was a collection of competing individuals, each with their own platform, their own grievances, and their own claim to moral authority.

The anti-CA3 coalition: Unity in name only

What has emerged in opposition to CA3 is telling. Three organisations, the National Constitutional Assembly led by Professor Lovemore Madhuku, the Defend the Constitution Platform led by Jameson Timba, and the Constitutional Defenders Forum, convened by Tendai Biti, have announced a "coordinated framework" to resist the bill. On paper, this sounds like unity. In practice, it is a headline in search of a strategy.

These are not organisations with mass mobilisation capacity. They are networks of legal and political elites who hold press conferences, issue statements, and boycott hearings but have demonstrated no ability to translate their resistance into electoral or parliamentary consequences. The public hearings on CA3, held between March 30 and April 2, became their stage.

Rather than engaging the process and making their case on the record, opposition leaders withdrew, called the hearings a "charade," and urged citizens to submit written objections instead.

Over 300 000 submissions were received by Parliament, a remarkable figure, but one that reflects public anxiety rather than organised opposition. The opposition did not mobilise those submissions. It simply watched them arrive.

More damning still is what happened internally. Even as Timba and Madhuku tried to build a united front, Zimbabwe's most prominent opposition figure undermined it. Reports emerged that Chamisa had privately disparaged the anti-CA3 coalition as lacking legitimacy and being driven by “self-appointed elites”.

Though he later disputed the specific framing, the controversy itself, opposition leaders squabbling about who has the right to lead the resistance, exposed the paralysis at the heart of the movement.

The NewsHawks, one of Zimbabwe’s most respected independent outlets, described the opposition's politics as “increasingly fragmented following the collapse of the CCC”, noting that its internal battles were actively weakening the very resistance it claimed to champion.

The real reason they oppose CA3

Here is the argument that the opposition will not make publicly, because it would be too honest: they oppose CA3 not because of an abstract constitutional principle, but because CA3 changes the game in ways they do not know how to play.

Direct presidential elections have always been the opposition's arena. Chamisa, twice, came close to winning by mobilising massive popular enthusiasm, 45% of the vote in 2018, 44% in 2023. The ballot box was the opposition's equaliser. Whatever ZANU-PF's structural advantages, a national vote allowed an opposition with a charismatic leader to compete, to galvanise, to dream.

Under the proposed parliamentary model, that equation changes entirely. The presidency would be determined by a joint sitting of Parliament, a chamber in which Zanu-PF, after the Tshabangu recalls and subsequent by-elections, holds a commanding majority.

Supporters of CA3 argue that this is more stable and less susceptible to violent populist contests. Critics call it disenfranchisement. But strip the constitutional language away, and what the opposition is really saying is: we don't have the parliamentary presence to compete in this system, and we don't know how to build it.

And that is a political failure of their own making. If the opposition had maintained credible parliamentary structures, if the CCC had not been built on personality and secrecy rather than institutions, the Tshabangu recalls would never have succeeded. If the opposition had contested the by-elections rather than boycotting them, ZANU-PF would not have its supermajority.

If Chamisa and Biti had not fallen out, if Morgan Tsvangirai's legacy had been handled with more care, if the opposition had learned after three decades that it cannot win Zimbabwe through charisma alone, things might look different today.

Instead, the opposition wasted its parliamentary leverage, lost its institutions, and now finds itself on the outside of a constitutional process with nothing but moral indignation to offer.

The Catholic Bishops have made more noise against CA3 than any opposition party has managed. Civil society lawyers have engaged more seriously with the specific clauses of the bill. The opposition has mostly performed outrage, and performed it poorly.

Parliamentary elections: A system they could learn to use

There is a case, one that the opposition refuses to make, that a parliamentary model of electing the president actually offers structural opportunities for a well-organised opposition.

In South Africa, the president is elected by Parliament. That system has, over time, incentivised strong party structures, coalition negotiations, and the building of broad parliamentary alliances.

It has produced competitive outcomes, most recently, the Government of National Unity (GNU) following the ANC’s loss of its majority in 2024. The key is that opposition parties in South Africa invested decades in building parliamentary presence, ideological coherence, and coalition capacity.

Zimbabwe’s opposition has done none of this. They have not built durable structures. They have not cultivated parliamentary talent systematically. They have not developed a coalition strategy.

They have built personality cults. And now, facing a constitutional model that rewards institutions over individuals, they are panicking and calling that panic a defence of democracy.

If they were serious about opposing CA3 on constitutional grounds, they would be engaging Parliament, not boycotting it. They would be submitting detailed legal briefs, not issuing press statements. They would be building the structures right now, today, that would allow them to compete in whatever constitutional framework emerges.

Instead, Chamisa is launching yet another movement, Agenda 2026, with no clear ideology, no defined membership structures, and, according to analysts, no meaningful departure from the “strategic ambiguity” that defined the structureless CCC.

As political analyst Abel Kapodogo has noted of Chamisa's approach: “Without clearly defined and communicated goals, any such movement is just a continuation of the infamous secretive and ineffective strategic ambiguity that we witnessed in the CCC.”

What this moment demands

Zimbabwe deserves a serious opposition, one that engages seriously with constitutional questions, builds genuinely democratic internal structures, and competes on the strength of policy and organisation rather than personality and grievance.

The country’s democratic health depends on credible political competition, and no one who genuinely supports democracy should celebrate the opposition’s collapse.

But CA3’s opponents need to look honestly at what is happening. The fragmentation of the opposition is not ZANU-PF’s achievement alone, it is the opposition’s own doing. The Tshabangu crisis happened because the CCC had no constitution.

The supermajority happened because the opposition boycotted the by-elections. The current incoherence happened because leaders placed personal ambition above institutional discipline.

The Bill will almost certainly pass in Parliament. Zanu-PF has the numbers. The question for the opposition is what comes next and whether it will continue to perform outrage or finally begin the hard, unglamorous work of rebuilding.

CA3 has changed the rules of the game. The opposition’s job is not to refuse to play. It is to learn the new game, build the institutions that can compete within it, and hold power accountable through the structures available to them. That is what a serious political movement does.

Refusing to do so and calling that refusal a constitutional stand is not resistance. It is abdication.

* Karabo Ngoepe is a journalist with over 15 years of experience in political, investigative, and human interest journalism who specialises in pan-African politics with a particular interest in SADC and Global South news. He is a former CEO of Rubicon Media Group in Eswatini.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THERE is a quiet arrogance in declaring a Bill unconstitutional while refusing to confront the one judgment that settles the question once and for all.

The Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD), the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) and the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference (ZCBC) have mounted a serious challenge to the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, 2026.

Their strongest objection rests on section 328(7) of the Constitution. They argue that clauses 4 and 9—which extend the presidential and parliamentary terms—violate that section and therefore require a national referendum.

They present this view with the confidence of revealed truth. Yet it is mistaken. It collapses, brick by brick, under the binding authority of the Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe delivered five years ago—an authority the church groupings neither cite, nor distinguish, nor appear to have read.

That authority is Mupungu v Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs & Ors, Judgment No. CCZ 07/21.

It remains the clearest and most authoritative statement in Zimbabwean law on exactly what section 328(7) means and how any court must decide whether a constitutional provision qualifies as a “term-limit provision.” Properly understood, Mupungu does not merely weaken the ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC case. It dismantles it.

The Question the Churches Never Ask

Section 328(7) prevents an amendment to a term-limit provision—one whose effect would be to extend the time a person may hold public office—from applying to anyone already in that office. ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC focus entirely on the phrase “the effect of which.” The Bill lengthens time in office, they say, therefore section 328(7) is triggered and a referendum is mandatory.

This is an effect-based shortcut, and Mupungu closes that road.

The error is fundamental. Section 328(7) does not apply to every or any amendment that lengthens the time of a term. It applies only to an amendment to a term limit provision that first meets the strict definition in section 328(1): “a provision of this Constitution which limits the length of time that a person may hold or occupy a public office.” That definition is the gatekeeper. Only if the provision being amended is a genuine term-limit provision does the protection in subsection (7) ever come into play.

The decisive question is therefore not “what is the effect?” of any provision of the Constitution but “what is the provision?” One must first classify the section being changed. ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC skipped that essential step entirely. They assumed the very conclusion they were required to prove.

What Mupungu Actually Decided

In Mupungu, the Constitutional Court faced an almost identical argument. Constitutional (Amendment No. 2) Act of 2021 had raised the retirement age of judges from 70 to 75. The Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice, judges of the Constitutional Court and judges of the Supreme Court could now serve longer.

The High Court had ruled that this offended section 328(7), reasoning that any fixed period or age-based limit concerns time, so raising the age varied a term-limit. That is precisely the logic that ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC now advance.

The Constitutional Court rejected it outright and set the High Court judgment aside.

The Court’s reasoning is straightforward and binding. Whether a provision is a “term-limit provision” is decided by its text, read in its plain and grammatical sense—not by the practical consequences of the amendment.

The phrase “term-limit,” the Court explained, “refers to the limitation of a specific length of time as opposed to the non-specific effluxion of time”: a clear, determinate period with a known beginning and a determinable end. Age, by contrast, is “a variable attribute” that “does not and cannot denote any particular length or portion of time.”

From this the Court drew the governing rule that every Zimbabwean court, law-maker and commentator is bound to follow:

“Thus, a provision that prescribes an age limit for the holding or occupation of a particular office is not a ‘term-limit provision’ within the meaning of subss (1) and (7) of s 328 of the Constitution. Any other interpretation would be contrary to the ordinary and grammatical meaning of the phrase ‘term-limit’.”

The test is textual, not consequential. Effect matters only after the text has been correctly classified. The church groupings have reversed the very order the apex court prescribed.

Applying the Court’s Test to the Bill

Read section 95(2)(b) of the Constitution—the provision clause 4 seeks to amend. It states that the presidential term of office “is five years and coterminous with the life of Parliament.” That wording is decisive. The section does not impose any personal tenure cap on any individual.

It does not say “no person shall serve as President for longer than five years,” or that “a person shall serve for a term of five years, renewable once or for a maximum of 10 years”. Instead, it inextricably ties the President’s term to the life of another institution—Parliament.

In the language of Mupungu, this is tenure measured by a variable external or contingent reference point, not “a specific length of time” fixed to the individual.

The real term-limit on the presidency sits untouched in section 91(2), which bars any person who “has already held office as President under this Constitution for two terms.” Clause 4 does not touch that section. Clause 9 simply governs the lifespan of Parliament as an institution. Neither clause amends a “term-limit provision” as Mupungu defines it. The gatekeeper test in section 328(1) is not satisfied; section 328(7) is never engaged; the demand for a referendum therefore fails at the first hurdle.

The “Notwithstanding” Clause Is Not a Confession

ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC treat the new “notwithstanding section 328(7)” wording in clauses 4 and 9 as an admission of guilt. If the drafters did not think section 328(7) applied, they ask, why mention it at all? Mupungu already answered this exact objection. Constitutional Amendment No. 2 inserted almost identical “notwithstanding” language into section 186 for the judges’ retirement age. The Constitutional Court held that such wording was inserted “to clarify and reinforce the position that” the amended provisions “do not constitute amendments to any term-limit provision” and therefore occasioned “no infringement of s 328(7).”

Far from proving unconstitutionality, the clause is a prudent drafting device that places the matter beyond doubt. The drafters have followed the very precedent employed by Parliament when it amended section 186 under Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 2) Act 2021, and the Constitutional Court has examined that amendment and upheld it.

Who Has the Constitutional Authority to Decide?

Here ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC make their most fundamental mistake. Law-making belongs to Parliament (section 117). Constitutional interpretation belongs, finally and exclusively, to the Constitutional Court (section 167). No church body, however respected, has the standing to pronounce a Bill unconstitutional and demand its withdrawal or a referendum. A submission to Parliament is an opinion—an important voice of conscience—but it is not a judgment. It creates no legal duty.

On the precise issue the churches raise, the binding authority already exists. It is Mupungu. And it says the opposite of what they claim.

There is no disrespect in noting that spiritual authority and legal authority are distinct. The church may—and should—speak to the nation’s conscience, call for prayer, honesty and peace. In that realm its voice needs no permission. But the construction of section 328(7) is not a matter of revelation. It is a matter of legal interpretation, governed by the canons the Constitution itself sets out and decided by the court the Constitution appoints.

A bishop is no more entitled to deliver a binding reading of section 328(7) than a judge is entitled to consecrate the Eucharist.

The Law Is Not a Matter of Revelation

Strip away the scriptural language and the case of ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC rests on one claim: that clauses 4 and 9 amend a term-limit provision and therefore require a referendum under section 328(7).

Tested against Mupungu, that claim fails. Section 95(2)(b) links the presidential term to the life of Parliament; it fixes no limit on personal tenure. The true cap lives in section 91(2), which the Bill leaves untouched. Section 328(7) is simply not engaged.

The three church councils have not engaged Mupungu. They have not distinguished it. They appear not even to know it exists. They have offered an effect-based analysis without naming it, and presented the result not as an argument but as a pronouncement. That is not constitutional interpretation. It is constitutional impersonation.

Parliament’s mandate is to make law. The judiciary’s mandate is to interpret it. Only the voice of the apex court binds the Republic—and on this question that voice has already spoken clearly. It runs against the position taken by ZHOCD, ZCC and ZCBC.

No group, no conference, and no body of clergy may stand before Parliament and declare “withdraw this Bill, for it violates the Constitution” when the only court empowered to decide has already laid down the test that shows it does not. On this question the court has spoken, and its voice—not theirs—is the one the Constitution commands the nation to heed.

* Nomuzikayise Ngwenya is a legal practitioner and the Group Strategy Lead at the International Centre for Political Campaigns. Her work spans political campaign strategy, political communications and war-room operations across Africa.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

uMkhonto weSizwe Party MP and ex-Public Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane’s foundation has asked US authorities to go after President Cyril Ramaphosa over the Phala Phala scandal.

The Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane Foundation (BM Foundation), which describes itself as a South African justice advocacy organisation, has asked the US government to investigate the matter based on reasonable grounds to believe that violations of the US code have occurred in connection with the transportation, receipt, and concealment of a substantial volume of US currency at Ramaphosa’s private game farm in Bela-Bela, Limpopo.

“This report identifies, with specificity, the provisions of title 18 and title 31 of the United States code that appear to have been violated.

“The foundation respectfully requests that the relevant agencies initiate a formal investigation and, where the evidence so warrants, pursue criminal prosecution and civil or criminal forfeiture.”

According to the foundation, the precise quantum of US dollars has been the subject of conflicting representations.

The foundation said in representations to the Section 89 Independent Panel, chaired by former Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo, stated that US$580,000 (about R9.6 million at the time) in February 2020 was stolen, which the president claimed represented the proceeds of a cash sale of game to a Sudanese national, Mustafa Mohamed Ibrahim Hazim.

“On any version of the facts, the quantum of US currency involved exceeds the statutory threshold of US$10,000 by a factor of between 58 and 14,000,” the BM Foundation stated.

It accused Ramaphosa of failing to declare the foreign currency, and in March 2023, the SA Revenue Service (SARS) publicly confirmed that the stolen US dollars had not been declared upon entry into South Africa.

“Any lawful cross-border movement of currency in such volume would have required compliance with South African exchange control regulations, customs declarations, and tax reporting. No such compliance occurred,” the foundation added.

The Independent Panel concluded on a prima facie basis that Ramaphosa “may have committed a serious violation of the law”.

In addition, Mkhwebane’s 2023 report deferred investigation of foreign exchange compliance, tax compliance, and criminality to other bodies, none of which had completed their determinations.

“To date, no lawful account of the origin, transportation, or tax treatment of the US dollars has been provided,” the foundation stated.

It also accuses Ramaphosa of bulk cash smuggling.

In terms of US law, whoever, with the intent to evade a currency reporting requirement, knowingly conceals more than US$10,000 in currency or other monetary instruments on the person of such individual or in any conveyance, article of commerce, luggage, or other container, and transports or transfers or attempts to transport or transfer such currency or monetary instruments from a place within the US to an outside place, or from a place outside the US to a place within the US shall be guilty of a currency smuggling offence and subject to punishment.

Shirley Willemse, chairperson of the Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane Foundation, said the letter has been sent to various whistle-blowing agencies, including Crime Intelligence, hoping that they will do their job and refer to the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), as in South Africa, there is no direct link to the FBI.

SUNDAY  TRIBUNE

As statistics show that 70% of eligible young people are unregistered to vote, the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) has called on political parties to up their game in convincing them to register, almost five months before the November local government elections. 

The IEC revealed during its voter education campaign launch at Gallagher Convention Centre in Johannesburg that a huge number of young people between the ages of 18 and 19 are not registered. 

According to its voter registration statistics, 11.3 million young people, between the ages of 18 and 39, are registered to vote of which 4.6 million of them are between the ages of 18 and 29. 

KwaZulu-Natal IEC spokesperson Thabani Ngwira said the survey states that young people highlight high rates of unemployment, lack of service delivery, and a weak economy as reasons not to participate in elections.

“If those things can be resolved and political parties convince the youth, the youth will be willing to participate,” said Ngwira. 

The IEC will hold a voter registration weekend on June 20 and 21, and there is also online registration available. He said further registration weekends will depend on budget availability.

He said in KwaZulu-Natal, the IEC has employed about 160 municipal outreach coordinators to visit communities, register people, and conduct voter education.

He said unemployment and lack of service delivery were the main issues stopping young people from registering.

Ngwira said since those issues might need a long-term solution, political parties would need to address them significantly in their manifestos to convince young people that they would bring solutions.

“If you convince them enough that if you let us in, we will come up with a solution that would increase voter turnout. It will depend on how they (parties) sell themselves to voters,” he said. 

University of KwaZulu-Natal political analyst Zakhele Ndlovu said it would be a challenge to convince the youth as they are “generally very cynical”.

“Given what we have been seeing in the Madlanga Commission and Zondo Commission, young people have lost faith in the system, as they feel that people in positions of power are inherently corrupt and unethical.

“They see no need in legitimising something that is not working for the country.”

He said many people have lost interest in politics while others are disillusioned. 

“Campaigns such as March and March attract many young people because they believe that the system has let them down," he said.

Ndlovu said he recently told his students that democracy is the number’s game and that most people in South Africa are illiterate and many of them are high on drugs to care about voting.

“The apartheid left a huge damage in people’s lives and their right to vote does not help them. Young people also think that their vote will not make a difference because they would be beaten by numbers. 

“I once asked another young woman who was wearing an EFF T-shirt that ‘You are always filling the stadium, but why is that not reflected in votes?’ and she said she wanted to fit in with the EFF, but she did not believe that voting is making a different because numbers are not on their side,” Ndlovu said. 

He said it would be difficult to convince young people who are hooked on drugs to register to vote. 

“That is another challenge,” he said. 

ANC Youth League (ANCYL) national spokesperson Sindiswa Scheepers said the league has already formulated programmes to encourage young people to register.

“One thing that we probably undermine is that young people think that ‘my one vote won’t make a difference’. What would happen if you got a thousand people saying that?” asked Scheepers.

She also concurred that young people are no longer interested in political parties. 

“They are just not interested in party politics hence a lack of participation. Another problem is the old method of going to the voting district and registering because young people don’t have time for that, as they are despondent and discouraged by unemployment.

“Innovative ways of reaching them through the social media where they are, would assist,” said Scheepers.

She said the ANCYL has also realised that many young people socialise with social activist groups.

“Now that we have also noted that, we would want to work hand in glove with social activists to ensure that we get their viewers and followers to understand that they should register to vote because we are in a democratic country that is governed and eventually a certain political party would have to govern them,” she said.

The ANCYL said it is going all out to recruit young people to register for elections ahead of November, but Ndlovu believes that this will be futile, as corruption has robbed them of their faith in the government system.  

The IFP Youth Brigade also attributed the decline of young people's interest in voting to failed economic transformation, failed economic development, and sluggish social transformation.

“IFP Youth Brigade currently has a voter registration programme targeting the strongly organised community like student populace and sporting community through various campaigns like sport Day and Campus Visits to encourage and assist young people to vote and educate them about governance of the country,” said IFPYB national chairperson Sanele Zondo.

SUNDAY TRIBUNE

uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) chief whip, Mmabatho Mokoena-Zondi, who is out on R30,000 bail for extorting money from her party’s parliamentary staff, might be a perpetual fraudster as she was investigated more than a decade ago for faking her academic qualification.    

The MKP recently removed Mokoena-Zondi as one of its representatives in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s Impeachment Committee after she was granted bail in the Cape Town Magistrate’s Court for charges related to allegations that she illegally docked R233,000 from the party’s employees' salaries.

She would appear in the Belville Commercial Crime Court on June 18.

Mokoena-Zondi has not responded to questions sent to her on Saturday, nor has she answered her phone. 

SABC News reported that during the bail hearing, it was revealed that she was convicted of another fraud offence in 2016, but the report did not elaborate. 

Mokoena-Zondi, who surrendered to the Hawks this week, is charged with extortion and fraud for allegedly deducting up to 60% from the salaries of MKP researchers she recruited without their consent in 2024, with the money ending up in her bank account

She was appointed as the MK Party's National Assembly Chief Whip in February 2026.

It is alleged that she claimed the money was for the welfare of the party in Nkandla, party’s president Jacob Zuma’s hometown, and for Zuma’s legal fees. 

Previously known as Seeng Mokoena-Brown, Mokoena-Zondi faced another corruption scandal when she was employed as a municipal manager by Ingwe Municipality, which is now Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma Municipality, between 2010 and 2013.

An MKP senior official, who cannot be named as he is not allowed to speak to the media, said the party was unaware of her past when appointing her as chief whip. 

“We did not know that Seeng Mokoena-Brown is Mmabatho Mokoena-Zondi,” the official said.

MKP spokesperson Sifiso Mahlangu said Zuma and party officials would hold a three-day meeting to discuss Mokoena-Zondi’s matter.

“We believe in the principle of innocence until proven guilty, but we are seized with the matter, and we are very concerned about it. At the national officials’ meeting, the decision will be made and communicated,” said Mahlangu.

He said the party will interrogate Mokoena-Zondi following the criminal charge. 

“We have seen the Mercury story and we are looking into it,” he said. 

Mahlangu said the party was looking at whether or not she disclosed her past before she was deployed to Parliament.

“We have asked for all information, and so we will also look at that fully, and we will also engage the Mercury report.”

The Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA) investigated her for allegedly obtaining positions at two municipalities.

At the Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma Municipality, she earned R50,000 monthly after being promoted to a municipal manager (MM) position, using a fake Bachelor's degree certificate, which she claimed was awarded to her by the University of South Africa (UNISA) in 2001.

Before joining Ingwe, Mokoena-Zondi worked for the Emadlangeni Municipality in Utrecht from 2004 as deputy manager of corporate services, and was promoted to director of corporate services in 2006.

The then-Ingwe speaker, Winneth Mtolo, and the then-Emadlangeni MM, Velaphi Kubheka, told the Mercury newspaper at the time that Mokoena-Zondi was appointed to the positions because she possessed a Bachelor’s degree.

While he was KwaZulu-Natal CoGTA spokesperson, Lennox Mabaso said Mokoena-Brown resigned soon after the department started an investigation into her qualifications.

The results of CoGTA’s investigation were never revealed; however, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma Municipality Whip of Council, Vusi Mthembu, confirmed that Mokoena-Zondi is the same person as Mokoena-Brown, who resigned from the municipality amid the investigation against her.

“She worked in my municipality while it was Ingwe. She ran away after it was discovered that she had a fake degree.

“During the bail hearing, her lawyer pleaded for her when she was asked about her previous corruption for faking a UNISA degree, which her lawyer admitted.

“She was charged and convicted,” said Mthembu. 

Mthembu said as MM, Mokoena-Zondi was no nonsense especially against the ANC councillors, whom she accused of corruption.

Before being promoted to the MM position, Mokoena-Zondi was hired by the Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma Municipality as Corporate and Social Development manager. 

Despite having told the Mercury in 2013 that she did not have a Bachelor’s degree, never studied at UNISA, and that she obtained a Management and Development in Municipal Finance certificate after a nine-month course at the University of the Witwatersrand in 2008. 

But her parliamentary profile states: “Mokoena holds an Honours Degree in Public Administration from the Management College of Southern Africa (MANCOSA) and is currently pursuing a Master of Management in the field of Governance.” 

The profile does not mention the University of the Witwatersrand. 

It also claimed she has experience in Local Government, Legislation, and HR within the municipalities after having worked as corporate services director. 

“I have experience in local government and started in 2004 as a Director of Corporate Services so I've always been in HR and I am very well vested with local government; legislation as well as how to run HR within the municipalities. 

“Prior to coming to Parliament, I had my own Consultancy, and it dealt with local government issues,” read her profile.

It does not say anything about the MM position.

She said her political journey started with the ANC Youth League, where she learned the power of politics, “and the importance of just standing up for those without a voice”. 

“So those areas, I would say, shaped me, but obviously, as I grew up and, after everything that happened to Jacob Zuma, I saw the need for a move to a new political home (MKP),” it read.

bongani. hans@inl.co.za

As statistics show that 70% of eligible young people are unregistered to vote, the Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) has called on political parties to up their game in convincing them to register, almost five months before the November local government elections. 

The IEC revealed during its voter education campaign launch at Gallagher Convention Centre in Johannesburg that a huge number of young people between the ages of 18 and 19 are not registered. 

According to its voter registration statistics, 11.3 million young people, between the ages of 18 and 39, are registered to vote of which 4.6 million of them are between the ages of 18 and 29. 

KwaZulu-Natal IEC spokesperson Thabani Ngwira said the survey states that young people highlight high rates of unemployment, lack of service delivery, and a weak economy as reasons not to participate in elections.

“If those things can be resolved and political parties convince the youth, the youth will be willing to participate,” said Ngwira. 

The IEC will hold a voter registration weekend on June 20 and 21, and there is also online registration available. He said further registration weekends will depend on budget availability.

He said in KwaZulu-Natal, the IEC has employed about 160 municipal outreach coordinators to visit communities, register people, and conduct voter education.

He said unemployment and lack of service delivery were the main issues stopping young people from registering.

Ngwira said since those issues might need a long-term solution, political parties would need to address them significantly in their manifestos to convince young people that they would bring solutions.

“If you convince them enough that if you let us in, we will come up with a solution that would increase voter turnout. It will depend on how they (parties) sell themselves to voters,” he said. 

University of KwaZulu-Natal political analyst Zakhele Ndlovu said it would be a challenge to convince the youth as they are “generally very cynical”.

“Given what we have been seeing in the Madlanga Commission and Zondo Commission, young people have lost faith in the system, as they feel that people in positions of power are inherently corrupt and unethical.

“They see no need in legitimising something that is not working for the country.”

He said many people have lost interest in politics while others are disillusioned. 

“Campaigns such as March and March attract many young people because they believe that the system has let them down," he said.

Ndlovu said he recently told his students that democracy is the number’s game and that most people in South Africa are illiterate and many of them are high on drugs to care about voting.

“The apartheid left a huge damage in people’s lives and their right to vote does not help them. Young people also think that their vote will not make a difference because they would be beaten by numbers. 

“I once asked another young woman who was wearing an EFF T-shirt that ‘You are always filling the stadium, but why is that not reflected in votes?’ and she said she wanted to fit in with the EFF, but she did not believe that voting is making a different because numbers are not on their side,” Ndlovu said. 

He said it would be difficult to convince young people who are hooked on drugs to register to vote. 

“That is another challenge,” he said. 

ANC Youth League (ANCYL) national spokesperson Sindiswa Scheepers said the league has already formulated programmes to encourage young people to register.

“One thing that we probably undermine is that young people think that ‘my one vote won’t make a difference’. What would happen if you got a thousand people saying that?” asked Scheepers.

She also concurred that young people are no longer interested in political parties. 

“They are just not interested in party politics hence a lack of participation. Another problem is the old method of going to the voting district and registering because young people don’t have time for that, as they are despondent and discouraged by unemployment.

“Innovative ways of reaching them through the social media where they are, would assist,” said Scheepers.

She said the ANCYL has also realised that many young people socialise with social activist groups.

“Now that we have also noted that, we would want to work hand in glove with social activists to ensure that we get their viewers and followers to understand that they should register to vote because we are in a democratic country that is governed and eventually a certain political party would have to govern them,” she said.

The ANCYL said it is going all out to recruit young people to register for elections ahead of November, but Ndlovu believes that this will be futile, as corruption has robbed them of their faith in the government system.  

The IFP Youth Brigade also attributed the decline of young people's interest in voting to failed economic transformation, failed economic development, and sluggish social transformation.

“IFP Youth Brigade currently has a voter registration programme targeting the strongly organised community like student populace and sporting community through various campaigns like sport Day and Campus Visits to encourage and assist young people to vote and educate them about governance of the country,” said IFPYB national chairperson Sanele Zondo.

bongani.hans@inl.co.za

uMkhonto weSizwe Party MP and ex-Public Protector Busisiwe Mkhwebane’s foundation has asked US authorities to go after President Cyril Ramaphosa over the Phala Phala scandal.

The Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane Foundation (BM Foundation), which describes itself as a South African justice advocacy organisation, has asked the US government to investigate the matter based on reasonable grounds to believe that violations of the US code have occurred in connection with the transportation, receipt, and concealment of a substantial volume of US currency at Ramaphosa’s private game farm in Bela-Bela, Limpopo.

“This report identifies, with specificity, the provisions of title 18 and title 31 of the United States code that appear to have been violated.

“The foundation respectfully requests that the relevant agencies initiate a formal investigation and, where the evidence so warrants, pursue criminal prosecution and civil or criminal forfeiture.”

According to the foundation, the precise quantum of US dollars has been the subject of conflicting representations.

The foundation said in representations to the Section 89 Independent Panel, chaired by former Chief Justice Sandile Ngcobo, stated that US$580,000 (about R9.6 million at the time) in February 2020 was stolen, which the president claimed represented the proceeds of a cash sale of game to a Sudanese national, Mustafa Mohamed Ibrahim Hazim.

“On any version of the facts, the quantum of US currency involved exceeds the statutory threshold of US$10,000 by a factor of between 58 and 14,000,” the BM Foundation stated.

It accused Ramaphosa of failing to declare the foreign currency, and in March 2023, the SA Revenue Service (SARS) publicly confirmed that the stolen US dollars had not been declared upon entry into South Africa.

“Any lawful cross-border movement of currency in such volume would have required compliance with South African exchange control regulations, customs declarations, and tax reporting. No such compliance occurred,” the foundation added.

The Independent Panel concluded on a prima facie basis that Ramaphosa “may have committed a serious violation of the law”.

In addition, Mkhwebane’s 2023 report deferred investigation of foreign exchange compliance, tax compliance, and criminality to other bodies, none of which had completed their determinations.

“To date, no lawful account of the origin, transportation, or tax treatment of the US dollars has been provided,” the foundation stated.

It also accuses Ramaphosa of bulk cash smuggling.

In terms of US law, whoever, with the intent to evade a currency reporting requirement, knowingly conceals more than US$10,000 in currency or other monetary instruments on the person of such individual or in any conveyance, article of commerce, luggage, or other container, and transports or transfers or attempts to transport or transfer such currency or monetary instruments from a place within the US to an outside place, or from a place outside the US to a place within the US shall be guilty of a currency smuggling offence and subject to punishment.

Shirley Willemse, chairperson of the Advocate Busisiwe Mkhwebane Foundation, said the letter has been sent to various whistle-blowing agencies, including Crime Intelligence, hoping that they will do their job and refer to the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), as in South Africa, there is no direct link to the FBI.

loyiso.sidimba@inl.co.za

The Constitutional Court judgment on Phala Phala and the remuneration of Secretary to Parliament Xolile George took centre stage when MPs debated the institution’s 2026/27 budget on Thursday.

Tabling the budget vote, National Assembly Speaker Thoko Didiza emphasised the challenges faced by the legislature over its 30 years of democracy.

“The recent Constitutional Court judgment has found that some of our rules are not consistent with the Constitution, and therefore require review and amendment,” Didiza said.

Central to the debate was the need for greater parliamentary autonomy, as articulated by ANC Deputy Chief Whip Nobuhle Nkabane.

She raised an alarm over the institution's reliance on the executive for budget allocations, noting a significant R772 million shortfall compared to the requested funding. 

“This intervention is unsustainable and erodes the independence of Parliament,” Nkabane said, adding that the institution must finalise its funding model.

MK Party MP Des van Rooyen echoed these sentiments, suggesting that the current Westminster-style system limits Parliament's administrative and financial autonomy. 

“We are expected to bite the hand that feeds us,” said Van Rooyen before urging a multi-party budget forum to champion better funding.

The debate took on an intensified tone concerning George’s salary increase, which has been termed “gigantic” by DA MP Michele Clarke. 

She said her party disagreed with the motion by the ANC to declare the matter closed and called for a legal opinion.

“We demand a proper investigation regarding the salary increase of the Secretary,” Clarke said.

Didiza's leadership was criticised when EFF MP Omphile Maotwe accused the Speaker of neglecting the alleged irregularities in George's appointment and salary increase, as well as alleged mismanagement related to the hosting of the BRICS Summit, which saw costs balloon from R3.9 million to R6 million.

“The Secretary was appointed by the former Speaker in what we consider a corrupt manner. He worked for two months in Parliament while being paid by Salga without a contract. This Speaker turns a blind eye to this corruption,” Maotwe said.

Didiza defended herself, cautioning Maotwe against saying a person has done something when they have not.

“She (Maotwe) made a reference about decisions that executive authorities have taken in the appointment of the Secretary of Parliament, and in terms of date and time, I think she's wrong. The Secretary of Parliament was appointed in 2022 by the sixth administration,” she said, adding that the BRICS Summit was also in 2023 under the sixth administration.

Didiza said parliamentary employees were professionals who decided to come and work in the institution to support their work.

“It may be Xolile George today. It may be your son or your daughter tomorrow, because they, too, will at times work for the institutions of government. If there are wrong things that were done by the then-administration in terms of executive authority and Members of Parliament, let's correct them.

“Secondly, if there are things that we might not have done correctly in how we are hosts in South Africa, we need to correct that, but not make it a cheap political point.”

Patriotic Alliance MP Ashley Sauls defended Didiza’s leadership, saying her dedication and her sterling work have not gone unnoticed.

“We commend your efforts to uphold with dignity this institution and ensure the voice of the people remains central to our democracy,” Sauls said.

ANC MP Soviet Lekganyane said the matters related to George had been dealt with by the Auditor-General in 2023/24.

“As co-chairs, we want to reiterate that we are forever open to every question members would want to ask regarding that matter. They should follow the procedure, and we are not hiding anything,” he said.

However, the debate underscored a crucial turning point for Parliament, as several parties acknowledged its consistent reprimands by the Constitutional Court for lapses in accountability and oversight. 

ActionSA MP Lerato Ngobeni highlighted that the ANC has historically leveraged its majority to undermine these essential democratic processes.

“The Concourt reminded us that its duty is to the Constitution, not to a political party,” she said, framing the ongoing issues in the context of parliamentary integrity.

UDM MP Nqabayomzi Kwankwa said chickens have come home to roost as they were not listened to when the ANC used its majority to vote against the Independent Panel report to breach principles of accountability.

“We are not to shield you from consequences of your actions. As we set motion towards impeachment, due process must be followed. We must not end up with an egg on our face by making the same mistakes,” Kwankwa said.

Didiza welcomed the proposal that Parliament must look at its funding model.

She detailed the steps she has taken to comply with the Constitutional Court's decisions, including the establishment of an Impeachment Committee.

“We have announced that on Monday, the first meeting of that committee will sit. So what is it that we say the Speaker has been partial, has not acted in the interest of this House? I do not think it's true,” added Didiza.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Government of National Unity (GNU) leaders, DA Geordin Hill-Lewis and Correctional Services Minister Pieter Groenewald, have butted heads over reports that suggested there are almost 28,000 untraceable parolees.

This after Hill-Lewis took to the social media platform X to demand that Groenewald not hide behind excuses.

“He must act today to find these parolees, bring them back before the law, and hold every official accountable who allowed them to disappear,” he said.

He made the remarks after the investigative media group, Amabhungane, reported this week that the Department of Correctional Services cannot account for 27,797 high risk parolees who have absconded.

It also reported that more than half of those who cannot be traced were 15,860 “archived absconders”, parolees who were released between 1991 and 2004, and that the cases were listed as “non-active” and remain separate from the current case loads of absconders.

Despite the department dismissing suggestions that it has abandoned the tracing of absconders as incorrect, Hill-Lewis still posted that his party will not accept a system where criminals roam free, and communities are left to pay the price.

“A DA-led government will implement electronic monitoring, proper supervision, and real accountability,” he said.

In response, Groenewald warned the newly minted DA leader against cheap politicking.

He told Hill-Lewis that the number referred to in the article dates back to 1991.

Groenewald further said he had on record stated that he was in the process of electronic bracelets for parolees.

“There is progress,” he said without elaborating on the same initiative Hill-Lewis indicated his party would implement.

Groenewald also said the department had last year in September held a parole summit on the revision of the parole system.

“We are busy with legislative amendments. Don't practise cheap politics,” said the minister who has been in office under the GNU established two years ago.

Unperturbed by Groenewald's response and the criticism from those who responded, Hill-Lewis charged that the minister was grateful for the summit, which was a talk-shop, while many of the 28,000 parolees were convicted of violent offences under the minister’s watch.

“And you want the victims of murders and rapists who re-offend because you’ve done nothing to find these criminals for two years,” he said.

In a statement, Hill-Lewis said his party will write to the Portfolio Committee on Correctional Services to request a full parliamentary review of the community corrections system.

“We will also call for a resolution from the portfolio committee petitioning the Minister of Correctional Services to issue a request for proposals for GPS-enabled electronic monitoring within 90 days, for a pilot programme to commence within 12 months, and for legislative amendments to ensure mandatory electronic monitoring of all parolees convicted of violent crimes,” he said.

Kgomotso Ramolobeng, chairperson of the portfolio committee, said she has noted with concern reports about absconding parolees and will request urgent information on the matter from the department.

Ramolobeng also said the committee was especially concerned that the media reports indicated that some of the absconded parolees served sentences for serious crimes such as murder, armed robbery, and rape.

“The committee received several requests for an urgent meeting on the matter. The committee will slot in an urgent engagement with the department to receive a full report on the allegations in the media before it pronounces on the matter,” she said.

Meanwhile, department spokesperson Sibongakonke Nxumalo said the department maintained active tracking and tracing capabilities in all regions and no longer used “archived absconders” as an inactive category.

“Dedicated regional teams continue to strengthen monitoring and re-apprehension efforts. Therefore, any suggestion that the department has abandoned efforts to trace absconders is incorrect,” he said.

Nxumalo stated that parolees and probationers were subjected to various forms of supervision.

“Absconding remains a criminal offence, and every absconder is immediately reported to the South African Police Service to support tracing and investigation processes.” 

Nxumalo rejected suggestions that parolees were left unmonitored or that systems do not exist to address absconding.

“Community Corrections officials continue to perform supervision duties under difficult and often dangerous conditions to ensure compliance with parole conditions and protect communities.”

Nxumalo further said the electronic monitoring matter remains before the courts. 

“As the matter is sub judice, the department is limited in what it can publicly discuss at this stage,”  he said.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

SEVERAL South African state institutions are facing allegations of misconduct, conflicts of interest, and the failure to fulfill their mandates in managing the estate of the late Black industrialist Paulos Sello Mahlangu.

These claims come from his son, Zweli Mahlangu, and are supported by numerous documents reviewed by the Sunday Independent.

At the crux of these allegations lies a shocking discrepancy: an estate with R4.77 billion in audited assets was valued at only R5 million for estate purposes, a difference Zweli argues cannot be attributed to mere error.

Institutions implicated in these claims include the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC), the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), the Competition Tribunal, the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigations (DPCI, or Hawks), the Master of the High Court, and the Information Regulator.

Concerns about the estate's administration centre on the Master of the High Court and executor Arnold Joseph. Zweli insists that Joseph submitted a liquidation and distribution account valuing the entire estate at R5m, referencing a lack of power of attorney, consent documentation, and recorded activity over a five-year period.

Correspondence provided by Zweli reveals that Joseph allegedly admitted under oath to the Legal Practice Council (LPC) his inability to instruct tax accountants to submit the deceased’s tax return by the date of death.

He was also interviewed by detectives probing a fraudulent Will. These admissions, along with the R5m valuation, fuel Zweli’s claims that the administration process failed to protect the assets of a Black industrialist who had been cleared of state capture allegations during his lifetime.

Specific allegations against the IDC relate to the central valuation issue. Zweli cites internal WhatsApp messages in which IDC staff member Titus Tshelane claims that Paulos Mahlangu was instructed by IDC superiors to misuse loan funds.

When Tshelane was asked why he did not report a bribery proposal to the police, he allegedly expressed fear for his life and that of his children due to Mahlangu’s stature.

If proven, these messages could imply that loan non-repayment was authorized rather than fraudulent, raising questions about the IDC's decision to sue the estate for R180m while allegedly withholding Know Your Customer (KYC) files that would confirm Mahlangu's ownership of Southern Palace Group (SPG).

The IDC denied requests under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) for these documents and the WhatsApp messages, citing ongoing litigation.

The Information Regulator upheld this denial, despite Zweli’s contention that the PIC was not involved in the referenced litigation.

In its response to the Sunday Independent, the IDC addressed several allegations directly. When asked whether any employee instructed Mahlangu to misuse loan funds, the IDC stated: “This allegation was investigated and dealt with internally as guided by our governance and internal policies.”

On whether the IDC recognises Mahlangu as the beneficial owner of SPG at that time, the corporation confirmed he was. On the legal grounds for the IDC’s R180m claim against the estate, the IDC noted that it relates to debt owed due to the suretyship provided by Mahlangu.

They also claimed not to have received a PAIA request from Zweli. Tebogo Maoto’s appointment as Business Rescue Practitioner (BRP) for SPG is another point of contention. Maoto, a former IDC employee who investigated the same SPG transactions, was approved by the IDC to oversee them, according to Zweli.

The IDC, however, refuted this claim, stating that Maoto was appointed by the SPG Board, not the IDC. Zweli argues that Maoto’s BRP Plan indicates a limited investigation, no audit performed, no post-commencement funding raised, and fees backdated by 100%.

A contentious legal dispute has emerged regarding the business rescue proceedings of Southern Palace Group, with attorneys for the senior BRP rejecting demands for information from Thandiwe Mahlangu, who sought access to documents concerning the company’s assets.

The legal disagreement hinges on whether Mahlangu has legal standing to make such requests under South African corporate law. Citing Section 128 of the Companies Act 71 of 2008, the attorneys argued that only a shareholder or creditor qualifies as an “affected person” entitled to request information from business rescue proceedings.

They refuted Mahlangu’s position, asserting that the late Mr. Mahlangu did not hold shares in the company and that only the appointed executor would have standing.

Broader allegations of misconduct have been reported to media outlets.

In a letter, the attorneys stated: “Our client categorically denies being guilty of any such acts,” and warned against disseminating what they described as “false and misleading information.” They further noted threats in Mahlangu’s original email, dismissing them as unfounded.

These concerns also involve the Public Investment Corporation, which funded SPG’s R277m acquisition of the construction company Concor in 2017. In 2024, the PIC purchased a 28.12% stake in Concor for R400 000, indicating a valuation drop of over 99% from the original acquisition price.

The PIC has faced accusations of selective reporting, having referred Maoto to the Hawks for alleged misconduct in the Daybreak Foods rescue, yet not for his role in the SPG rescue.

The corporation has not responded to letters from chief executive Abel Sithole, and PAIA requests for documents related to the Concor transaction were denied.

The Competition Tribunal’s approval of two merger transactions involving these construction assets has also drawn scrutiny. A merger in 2017, where Firefly Investments, a black-owned company controlled by SPG, acquired Infrastructure and Building from Murray and Roberts, received unconditional approval.

In 2024, the Tribunal conditionally approved a GEPF acquisition of Concor Holdings from SPG, describing it as primarily a rescue transaction to avoid liquidation. Zweli questions the Tribunal's ownership record assessments, noting inconsistencies between the 2017 and 2024 filings.

He also wonders why the Tribunal approved a deal that suggested a Concor valuation of R1.42m, significantly below the original acquisition price. The Tribunal stated it maintains records according to South African legislation and that each merger is assessed based on specific evidence.

It claimed no discrepancies were identified and clarified that its mandate involves assessing competition impacts rather than valuation matters agreed upon by merging parties.

Allegations extend to private entities working with state institutions. Discovery Life paid out a R40m life insurance policy to Gladys Matitoane and Lesedi instead of the IDC, citing the Protection of Personal Information (Popi) Act in their refusal to provide metadata verifying beneficiary records.

Discovery Life responded empathetically, stating it cannot comment on individual policies due to confidentiality obligations but confirmed that access to policy information relating to deceased persons would require appropriate legal authority.

The conduct of law enforcement agencies is also questioned. Zweli opened a criminal case in September 2022 concerning a fraudulent Will and theft of estate assets, yet reports indicate delays as the case remained with the Hawks for over three years before being transferred to the Serious Organised Crime unit.

While the Hawks investigate Maoto for alleged misconduct in Daybreak Foods, questions arise about his role in SPG amidst similar allegations. Zweli presents a sworn affidavit from Huawei about improperly transferred shares, questioning why Gladys Matitoane has not been arrested for the alleged theft.

Three professional firms have come under scrutiny for potential conflicts of interest. Webber Wentzel represents SPG’s largest creditor and the BRPs while also investigating complaints against them.

Norton Rose Fulbright's Gregory Nott worked on Paulos Mahlangu’s trusts while Zweli alleges those trusts were hijacked. Deloitte audited SPG’s 2016 financials, showing R4.77bn in assets but approved the Business Rescue Plan without audited financials.

Zweli has posed specific questions to each institution, seeking clarity on the alleged misdirection of funds, the Concor valuation collapse, and delays in his criminal case.

He states he has fought alone for five years and is seeking truth rather than financial compensation. His father, Paulos Sello Mahlangu, built Southern Palace Group into an enterprise with R4.77bn in presumed assets and was cleared of state capture allegations during his lifetime.

The allegations outlined in Zweli's correspondence question whether state institutions have undermined the legacy of a black industrialist and whether processes meant to ensure accountability have instead protected those who benefited from this undermining.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

ANC eThekwini Councillor Bheki Mngwengwe has acknowledged that the party has not always met the expectations of the people, but he said what defines a movement is not whether it makes mistakes but whether it dares to correct them.

Mngwengwe was speaking at Friday's council meeting, where the eThekwini Municipality's R75.3 billion budget and tariff increases for 2026/27 were approved. 

The tariff increases include electricity (9%), property rates (2%), water (domestic 12% and business 13%), sanitation (8% for domestic and 9% for business), and domestic refuse (9.5%) from July 1, 2026.

Mngwengwe stated that the ANC supported the budget due to its 2021 manifesto and commitment to renewal.

“We have heard the frustrations of our people. We are restoring the capacity of the state to deliver. We are doing so with accountability, discipline, and urgency.”

Mngwengwe said the budget focused on housing, a transport system that opens the doors of opportunity, and ending the era of excuses with engineering services. 

“The budget must be implemented with zero tolerance for waste and underperformance, zero tolerance for corruption and maladministration, and full accountability to the people who elected us,” he said. 

However, DA eThekwini Caucus Leader Councillor Thabani Mthethwa, said they rejected the newly passed municipal budget because it failed to respond meaningfully to the financial and service delivery crisis facing the city.  

Mthethwa said the municipality’s finances are in crisis and that communities across the city continue to suffer the consequences of collapsing infrastructure.

He stated that residents face unresolved water leaks, causing clean drinking water to flow into the streets, prolonged water outages, and sewage spills contaminating roads and beaches, while plumbing contractors remain unpaid for months on end and are often forced to down tools.

Mthethwa also outlined water and electricity losses amounting to billions of rand.

“Uncollected debt has increased by almost R1 billion in the past two months and now exceeds R45.4 billion, more than 50% of the municipality’s newly adopted budget. The eThekwini coalition of parties has demonstrated its inability to manage public funds responsibly, and the DA has no confidence in its handling of this new budget.” 

Residents, he said, cannot rely on the figures presented in this budget either because, within months, requests to reprioritise funds from one project to another will once again surface.

“Incomplete housing projects amid a housing crisis, together with flood victims who remain without permanent housing years later, are clear evidence of this poor financial planning,” he said. 

eThekwini Mayor Cyril Xaba said when he was appointed as mayor approximately two years ago, he found a city of immense potential wrestling with structural challenges, such as inner-city decay, ageing infrastructure, water demand which exceeds supply, crime and grime, as well as high levels of unemployment, particularly among the youth. 

“My administration did not look away from these realities. We confronted them. I can report that the trajectory of eThekwini has fundamentally changed,” he said.  

Xaba said the results are tangible as demonstrated by the sharp increase in business confidence, direct tourism spending, and projects that are set to significantly enhance the tourism experience for visitors. 

“We have not solved every problem. We continue to face a significant housing backlog, as evidenced by more than 600 informal settlements and over 40 transit camps resulting from ongoing rural-to-urban migration. Water supply challenges also persist, while infrastructure theft and vandalism remain stubborn.” 

He said the budget prioritises the acceleration of repairs, the upgrading of bulk infrastructure, and the full implementation of trading services turnaround strategies.

Xaba said the eThekwini Water and Sanitation (EWS) is implementing a comprehensive turnaround strategy and institutional governance reform roadmap.

“The trading services reform programme will further improve service delivery, with a specific focus on water, sanitation, electricity, and refuse services. Decisive consequence management will be implemented against corruption, maladministration, poor performance, and any form of abuse of public resources.”  

zainul.dawood@inl.co.za

The Minister of Home Affairs, Leon Schreiber, has characterised the recent seizure of methaqualone at the Beitbridge Port of Entry, valued at approximately R1 billion, as conclusive evidence that South Africa’s extensive border reforms are effective.

The seizure of 713 kilograms of the Mandrax precursor, hidden within a sophisticated false compartment of a Malawian-registered truck, followed an intensive eight-hour operation by the Border Management Authority (BMA).

Minister Schreiber emphasised that the breakthrough was the result of a deliberate shift toward intelligence-led enforcement rather than random inspections.

“This singular breakthrough vividly demonstrates that our investments into intelligence-driven work, modern technology, digital transformation, and building a new organisational culture exemplified by BMA personnel are improving the security environment at our ports of entry,” Schreiber stated.

He noted that the BMA was “not flying blind”, as the National Targeting Centre had identified the vehicle before it reached the border.

Central to this new strategy is the rapid development of biometric technology.

The minister revealed that the BMA is currently installing advanced facial recognition cameras at major airports as a precursor to the full-scale-up of the Electronic Travel Authorisation (ETA) system.

Already live for visitors from China, India, Indonesia, and Mexico, the ETA allows the state to digitally verify identities before foreign nationals even set foot in the country.

According to Schreiber, this technology has already prevented thousands of irregular entries by allowing for automated detection of malfeasance and overstayers.

The technological arsenal used at Beitbridge included sophisticated SARS scanners that confirmed the presence of the hidden compartment, proving the value of inter-agency cooperation.

However, the minister did note: “We are not saying that the journey is over, we are not saying that the work is complete, but what we are saying is that we are making rapid and meaningful progress.”

BMA Commissioner Michael Masiapato highlighted that the authority acts as a multidisciplinary hub, coordinating with over 10 government departments to secure the border ecosystem.

He explained that the National Border Targeting Centre serves as the “brains” behind frontline operations, utilising empirical data to understand cross-border crime patterns.

Masiapato detailed the rigor required for such an operation, noting: “This is a very serious, sophisticated enterprise... They build it into the truck and seal it with very serious steel.”

He further explained that the BMA is moving toward a model where every person and conveyance is subjected to layered screening, from port health to high-tech imaging.

The commissioner also noted that the BMA’s deterrence measures are yielding results beyond drug seizures, citing a reduction in attempted illegal crossings from 58,000 in the previous festive period to 26,000 this year.

Schreiber stated that the era of porous borders is coming to an end through the integration of the ETA, the replacement of the Green ID book with Smart IDs, and the introduction of a biometrically secured digital ID system.

“Taking almost R1 billion worth of drugs off the street means the BMA is literally saving lives,” Schreiber said, affirming that these reforms are rebuilding the rule of law at South Africa’s ports of entry.

karen.singh@inl.co.za

Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi has raised the question of the threshold on the value of investigations when proclamations are requested for investigation by the Special Investigating Unit (SIU).

Kubayi said her office was committed to ensuring that the SIU is supported and is able to do its work without hindrance.

“We try our level best to ensure that matters are processed timeously,” she said in reference to the processing of applications for the proclamations that are sent to the Presidency.

On Friday, Kubayi, her department, and the SIU briefed the Standing Committee on Auditor-General regarding the matters referred by Auditor-General Tsakani Maluleke for investigation.

Kubayi said she has noticed that when the SIU makes a submission to her department, she would sign and recommend it to President Cyril Ramaphosa for a proclamation.

“Sometimes there is to and fro,” she said.

Kubayi also said she has requested the SIU and her department to share with her where there are difficulties and challenges so that she can intervene.

“There is one that I had to deal with, where it was found that the value of the investigations is lower than the cost of the investigation. It is one of the challenges that we consistently have to deal with.” 

Kubayi also said the SIU would conduct an investigation based on a narrow proclamation, only to find issues requiring further investigation.

“They must reapply for an extension of the proclamation, and one of the issues, perhaps, as they draft the proclamations and send them through for recommendation, let's do them broadly enough.”

The department’s Acting Director-General, Kalay Pillay, said there must be some kind of threshold in terms of investigations.

“The R2.5m is but one. If there are other factors that point to systemic issues around corruption, failing procurement processes, or just actions of an individual within a particular entity, it does not mean R2.5m in our work would be a bar to an investigation,” Pillay said.

Maluleke said she has taken to heart the observations of the department on the size of the matters referred to the SIU for investigation.

Maluleke said her office gazetted regulations in support of implementing the new powers dealing with material irregularities and referrals.

“Those regulations stipulate that transactions meet material irregularities when we assess, and financial losses hit the number of R1m. The SIU is looking to consider R2.5m and above. There is some complexity around how we have to deal with matters that are under R2.5m or even R10m, but then still meet R1m.

“Maybe it is time to relook that R1m but that is a debate, I think, we need to have between ourselves as AGSA and the Standing Committee on Auditor-General,” Maluleke said.

SIU Acting Head Leonard Lekgetho said whenever they get a referral, there are already referrals available that were consolidated and make sure they meet their delegations.

“We take note of the requirement. This calls for us to have an engagement with the department to map the way forward in terms of making sure our matters are dealt with speedily, and also address challenges they have about our matters. It is something to take up with the department,” Lekgetho said.

The department told the MPs that out of nine requests for proclamations from the SIU, these were consolidated into six.

Kubayi has yet to decide on a request for a proclamation on Mangaung Metro, Department of Military Veterans, Northern Cape Roads, Public Works Department, and Education Department.

The request for Tlholo, Malebogo, and Caleb Motshabi primary schools in the Free State has been consolidated into one.

The proclamation on the Private Security Industry Regulatory Authority has been signed by Ramaphosa and will be published soon.

Lekgetho said the SIU reported that out of 32 material irregularities referred to the SIU by Maluleke, eight proclaimed investigations have since been finalised, nine are still ongoing, and one is a secondment.

There were nine motivations for proclamations that were under consideration by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development; five were being prepared for assessment against the jurisdictional requirements of the SIU and Special Tribunal Act.

He also said the corruption-busting body has recovered R6.9 million, and R26.5m could still be recovered, and matters valued at R25m were referred for civil proceedings.

There were 43 referrals to the National Prosecuting Authority, 58 disciplinary referrals, and 16 administrative action referrals.

mayibongwe.maqhina@inl.co.za

THE fifth edition of the African Development Bank’s Trade Finance Report paints a picture of resilient African financial institutions in the post Covid-19 years, despite a challenging global environment.

The 2025 Trade Finance Report, which provides an updated assessment of Africa's trade finance landscape over the 2020–2024 period following the Covid-19 pandemic, was released on Wednesday, during the Bank Group’s 2026 annual meetings, taking place in Brazzaville, Republic of Congo.

The report examines trade finance from a bank-intermediation perspective, filling important knowledge gaps while introducing new dimensions such as digitalization and environmental sustainability.

It also, for the first time, quantifies the contribution of Development Finance Institutions (DFIs) to trade finance on the continent.

Presenting the report, Anthony Simpasa, Director of the Macroeconomic Policy, Forecasting and Research Department at the AfDB, said unmet demand for trade finance declined by nearly 10% between 2019 and 2024, supported by strong interventions from multilateral development banks, governments, export credit agencies, and global banks.

These interventions were critical in sustaining trade flows, with estimates suggesting that, in the absence of DFI support, the annual trade finance gap could have exceeded $100 billion during the 2020-2024 period.

“Renewed geopolitical tensions and disruptions to global supply chains and trade flows could reverse post-pandemic progress in narrowing the trade finance gap. For instance, tighter correspondent risk appetite could widen the trade finance gap to $86.6-$102.6bn by 2027 under a moderate to severe scenario. This is at least 17.7 % above the 2024 level, potentially erasing a decade of gains,” Simpasa cautioned.

The report launch event was attended by policymakers, private-sector leaders, Development Finance Institutions (DFIs), Financial Institutions, and trade finance experts from across the continent.

Some highlights of the report:

• The unmet demand for trade finance in Africa ranged from $74 billion to $92 billion in 2024. The estimated gap of $ 74 billion represents 5.4% of the region's total merchandise trade value in 2024.
• African trade remains underserved by commercial banks. Over the five years of the study, commercial banks intermediated an average of 23% of Africa's total trade, down from 40% during 2011-19.
• Between 2020 and 2024, intra-African trade accounted for 34% of total bank-intermediated trade, representing an 89 percent increase above pre-pandemic levels (2011-2019).
• Foreign exchange liquidity shortages have become the primary barrier limiting banks' growth in trade finance. About 36% of banks cited limited foreign exchange liquidity as the primary constraint to their trade finance growth between 2020 and 2024, compared with 18% in the 2015-2019 period.
• The adoption of digital trade finance solutions by banks remains low, primarily due to high implementation costs and inadequate technological infrastructure. Only 28% of the banks surveyed reported having adopted digital tools or platforms for their trade finance operations.

In a short panel discussion following the launch, Didier Acouetey, Senior Advisor to African Development Bank President Sidi Ould Tah for the Private Sector, Francisca Tatchouop Belobe, Commissioner for Economic Development, Trade, Tourism, Industry and Minerals for the African Union Commission, Admassu Tadesse, Group President and Managing Director, Trade and Development Bank; and Mehdi Tanani, Regional Director for Central Africa, Proparco, discussed the report's findings, noting opportunities and challenges to unlocking sustainable bank-intermediated trade finance in Africa.

Although trade finance remains a major constraint for most of Africa, exciting innovations are gaining ground, such as digitization, guarantees and asset management initiatives to expand the trade finance asset class and related offerings to the market, Tadesse said.

“This should be advanced further by new systemic initiatives such as New African Financial Architecture for Development (NAFAD) and related thrusts such as derisking and smart partnerships that should multiply the impact of African capital and unlock more global capital,” he added.

“NAFAD gives us, for the first time, a coherent continental framework to close the trade finance gap — not project by project, but systemically. That is the shift that changes everything for African SMEs,” Acouetey noted.

Commissioner Belobe called for eliminating the 'missing middle' in African banking. “SMEs are too large for microfinance, too small for corporate banking, but far too commercially important to be left outside the trade finance system.

It is time for commercial banks to treat SME trade finance as a deliberate, core business line, not a residual activity,” he said.

“Africa will not close its trade finance gap by adding constraints, but by building a more resilient, more digital, and more sustainable trade finance ecosystem — one that protects SMEs against global shocks while accelerating the continent’s economic integration,” Tanani said.

The African Development Bank and other DFIs have played a significant role in reducing the trade finance gap in Africa.

Development finance institutions facilitated about $32bn in trade finance annually between 2020 and 2024, accounting for about 3% of Africa's total merchandise trade on average over the same period.

The AfDB’s Trade Finance Programme was established in 2013, with an inaugural survey conducted in 2014. Since 2014, AfDB has produced 4 periodic surveys, including two country-specific reports on Kenya and Tanzania.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

MOST South Africans are not gambling more because times are good. They’re gambling more because money is tight.

South Africa’s gambling industry generated a record R75 billion in gross gambling revenue in 2024/25, while the betting segment alone had already grown dramatically from R8.8bn in 2019/20 to R23.7bn by 2022/23.

Concerningly, 39% of online punters say they are gambling more than they were a year ago according to Trade Intelligence research, while the National Responsible Gambling Programme (NRGP) recorded a 55% increase in people seeking help.

Perhaps even more concerningly, some consumers admit that they are now prioritising betting over essentials like groceries.

In an economy increasingly defined by rising food prices, mounting debt pressure, shrinking disposable income, and high unemployment — of which a large portion resides in the youth segment — online betting is increasingly being perceived as a shortcut to financial relief.

And that really should concern us.

The problem is not only the scale of online gambling; it’s also the mindset slowly forming around it — particularly among financially vulnerable consumers and younger South Africans increasingly exposed to betting culture online and among the adults in their lives.

And that is that it’s glamorous, easy and pays off fast. Social media is flooded with stories of overnight wins, “big hits”, and high-risk lifestyles. Casinos employ tactics to make wins seem even more alluring, with ringing bells and overtly luxurious surroundings.

Betting apps are available 24 hours a day. Deposits happen instantly. And when it comes to online gambling, there is almost no friction left in the process — a quick dopamine-inducing game, a smartphone and an “approve payment” tap on one’s banking app are now all it takes.

What gets forgotten in that environment is that gambling platforms are not designed to create financially secure consumers; they are designed to keep people playing. And the longer people chase losses, the worse financial decisions tend to become over time.

Understanding the dangers does not mean people will stop gambling overnight; realistically, many won’t. But if you intend on engaging in online betting anyway — despite knowing these risks — then make sure you heed the following to protect yourself financially.

This sounds obvious, yet it is often the first boundary to go out the window.

The moment gambling starts eating into essentials such as rent, transport money, groceries, school fees or debit orders, it stops being entertainment and starts becoming financially dangerous, as betting should never become part of a household survival plan.

One of the clearest warning signs is if you start increasing your betting amounts after losses in the hope of “recovering” money, because in reality, chasing losses is where financial harm usually compounds the fastest.

Borrowing money to gamble is one of the quickest ways to deepen financial instability. Whether it is credit cards, overdrafts, loans, or borrowed money from friends, family, or mashonisas, debt-funded gambling often creates a destructive cycle where consumers gamble not because they are enjoying it, but because they feel trapped and desperate to recover losses.

Remember: Gambling will not solve your debt problem and more often than not, it worsens it.

One of the biggest dangers of online gambling is the illusion of control. Occasional wins can create the belief that a bigger payout is around the corner, or that persistence will eventually “turn things around”. But gambling outcomes are built on probability, with the odds skewered in the platform or operator’s favour.

Realise that one — or even several — temporary wins are not a financial recovery plan, and walking away early is safer than chasing a payout that may never come.

According to H2 Gambling Capital, approximately one in every R6 is being spent with offshore operators that are essentially beyond the reach of South African regulators, meaning they pay no local tax and are unlikely to be invested in any South African consumer protections.

There are reportedly more than 2 000 unlicensed offshore gambling platforms targeting South African consumers.

This also means that if something goes wrong, you may have little to no protection or recourse at all.

Gambling problems rarely begin with dramatic collapse. Like the old adage about the frog in the pot of boiling water, they start gradually — with the danger often only becoming apparent once you’re in too deep.

Hiding betting activity from family members. Constantly checking betting apps. Increasing bet sizes over time. Gambling when stressed or anxious. These are all telltale signs of a growing addiction to watch for.

Part of what makes gambling appealing to some is the adrenaline – the feeling that one clever move could dramatically change your financial position.

But there is a big difference between calculated risk and reckless risk, and for those drawn to the idea of making their money “work harder”, there are healthier and more sustainable ways to channel that risk appetite.

This does not mean throwing your life savings into speculative investments or crypto trends overnight – rather, start small, stay realistic, and consult with a qualified professional, such as a financial adviser, who will partner with you to help you build and protect your financial dreams.

Because while a bet may offer the feeling of hope in the moment, financial security built on chance is rarely lasting financial security at all.

* Salem Nyati is a consumer financial education specialist at Momentum Group Foundation.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

FINTECH is seeing a fundamental shift, and it has very little to do with new products, platforms, or even innovation. It’s far more structural than that.

Across the industry, organisations are trying to compress software release cycles from an average of six months down to two weeks, because in a world shaped by constant cyber threats, regulatory scrutiny, and fast-moving customer expectations, slow deployment is no longer a neutral operating model; it is a liability.

A few years ago, organisations that could deploy monthly were considered fast. Quarterly releases were standard, and annual upgrade cycles were still common in heavily regulated environments.

Today, Fintech companies can’t afford to take that long as customer expectations change in real time, regulatory updates require immediate implementation, and platform dependencies evolve faster than traditional release cycles can handle.

Most importantly, security vulnerabilities cannot wait months to be patched.

The conversation around deployment speed is often framed around agility: Faster releases, better customer experience, and improved responsiveness. That misses the point, because the real driver is that AI has fundamentally changed the economics of attack.

Vulnerability discovery, once dependent on deep expertise, manual effort, and time, is becoming increasingly automated.

AI systems can now scan, infer, and identify weaknesses at a scale and speed that continuously compresses the “time to find flaw” window, shifting risk profiles.

In fact, AI is a double-edged sword, allowing attackers to benefit from lower discovery costs and faster identification cycles, while many fintech companies are still constrained by governance processes, testing windows, release approvals, and fragmented deployment pipelines.  

In other words, the economics of attack are improving faster than the economics of defence. Continuous attack cycles are coming up against historically slow deployment cycles, and risk exposure is increasing in that gap.

Speed, then, is no longer about innovation leadership, but about operational survival. If a company cannot deploy quickly, it cannot secure quickly, and if it cannot secure quickly, it cannot operate safely.

This pressure is not just changing deployment practices, it is reshaping the technology architecture used by Fintech companies.

The move to two-week deployment cycles is easy to underestimate because it sounds procedural, but instead it is reshaping how platforms are selected, how systems are designed, how risk is managed, how vendors are evaluated, and how teams are structured.

For years, Fintech strategy has been to add a new service provider, plug in a new best-of-breed tool, extend capability through external platforms, and assemble ecosystems of specialised vendors to tie everything together.

This approach made sense in a world where deployment was slow but architecture was flexible.

Unfortunately, complexity becomes the enemy of security. Every additional vendor adds integration overhead, update dependencies, patch coordination challenges, an increased attack surface, and longer validation cycles.

Companies are starting to shift away from these types of highly fragmented, best-of-breed ecosystems toward more controlled, standardised, and simplified environments.

In an AI-accelerated threat environment, organisations must embed automated and continuous testing and standardise release patterns across teams.

Security must be integrated into pipelines, not added after, and governance models should enable rapid decision-making. If those foundations are not in place, deployment speed becomes fragile, or worse, unsafe.

In fintech, risk has direct financial, regulatory, and reputational consequences, so speed has become a non-negotiable operating requirement.

As more companies redefine what modern fintech capability actually means, a divide is forming between organisations that can safely operate within rapid deployment cycles and those still managing fragmented environments where every release requires coordination across multiple systems, teams, and dependencies.

The next era of Fintech will not be defined by who builds the most, it will be defined by who can deploy safely at speed, operate with fewer dependencies, maintain architectural discipline under pressure, and continuously adapt without increasing risk. In that world, cybersecurity is no longer a gatekeeper; it is the architect.

The organisations that recognise this early will not just be more secure; they will be structurally faster, simpler, and far more resilient than everyone else still trying to scale complexity in a world that no longer tolerates it.

* Richard Firth is the chief executive of MIP Holdings.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

SOUTH Africa’s consumer credit boom has moved from big-ticket borrowing to survival-sized debt.

Over the past two years, the number of personal loans opened has increased significantly, even as the average loan size has shrunk, signalling a structural move towards high-frequency, low-value borrowing as households scramble to plug month-end cash flow gaps rather than fund once-off purchases.

From payday loan providers offering fast cash in amounts as low as R500-R1 000 up to R20 000, to short-term lenders advancing R1 000-R50 000 over just a few months, the market is increasingly geared towards micro-liquidity products designed to cover rent, groceries and transport for a few weeks at a time.

Against this backdrop, internal portfolio data showing loan originations up 41% while average opening balances have fallen by 13% since Q1 2024 points to a rescue‑loan economy where consumers are taking out more loans, more often, for less money each time, and in the process hard‑coding short‑term credit into the way they manage everyday life.

The growth in the personal loan market isn’t being driven by consumers investing in assets, consolidating debt strategically, or funding productive expenditure; it is consumers who have run out of other options and need money before month-end.

The borrower profile is also changing in ways that reinforce this reality with the share of personal loan holders aged 18-25 more than doubling over the same period, rising from 3%-7% while the 26-35 segment has grown from 29%-33%.

A growing proportion of new borrowers are falling in the lower- and middle-income brackets, with segments below a monthly income of R10 000 maintaining a significant share of originations.

Younger South Africans are entering the credit market earlier, and the doorway they’re using is the unsecured, short-term lender. The people driving volume growth are, in many cases, those least equipped to carry the cost of repeat, high-frequency borrowing.

The concern is the impact this is having on their credit profiles. Average months in arrears on non-personal loan accounts has increased by around 14% over the past year.

People are taking out loans because they are under pressure to manage existing credit and they are feeling strain across the board.

The credit mix tells the same story with exposure heavily concentrated in unsecured products — personal loans, revolving credit, and store cards — with secured lending representing a very small share of total balances.

The payday and short-term loan segments sit at the sharp end of this conversation. Debt restructuring data shows that short-term and payday credit accounts for a non-trivial share of restructured debt baskets, which indicates that a meaningful portion of this borrowing is not being serviced comfortably and is eventually finding its way into formal distress processes.

The convenience of fast, small, digital credit has a price, and it’s accumulating on household balance sheets.

This doesn’t mean that micro-credit is without value; it plays a role in supporting households navigating genuine short-term income disruption, as it is preferable to informal lenders or simply not eating.

The problem is the pattern and what this is saying about the underlying financial condition of a significant number of South African consumers. When short-term credit becomes a recurring cash flow tool rather than an occasional emergency measure, households are using credit to make ends meet, not get ahead.

Credit has always been a tool for households needing a step up or a step out of financial complexity, but a credit market that’s growing by issuing more loans for less money to lower-income borrowers who are already behind on their obligations is not expanding.

This is a market that’s absorbing a problem that disposable income can no longer contain and the numbers attached to it are not a cause for optimism.

The South African consumer is running out of tools to stay afloat, and it is essential that something is done to ensure there are better protections and solutions in place.

* Paul Yon is the chief executive of VCCB.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THIS past week, the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) officially launched the 2026 local government election season, and that matters more than some people are treating it right now.

Because the IEC is not just announcing another voting cycle — it is activating one of the only national moments where political power is temporarily redistributed equally. It is the only institution that still forces the country into a shared moment, where the rich, the poor, the powerful, and the forgotten all carry one equal voice.

And in a country like South Africa, that moment matters more than words can describe.

But you cannot talk about elections without talking about the reality they are happening inside of.

South Africans are entering this period carrying exhaustion on their backs. Across the country, communities are dealing with unemployment, deepening inequality, collapsing public trust, corruption fatigue, gender-based violence, crime, hunger, failing infrastructure, and the emotional weight of simply struggling to survive. For millions, democracy has not translated into dignity in any meaningful sense — even three decades into our democracy. 

And yet, despite living in what is often described as one of the world’s most progressive constitutional democracies, many people still experience daily life through struggle, exclusion, and sheer abandonment.

That contradiction matters. Because the truth is that political freedom without economic justice has — and continues to — feel incomplete. A democracy that cannot meaningfully touch the conditions of ordinary people will always leave frustration simmering beneath the surface.

South Africa continues to wrestle with the unfinished business of colonialism and apartheid — systems that were never only political but deeply socioeconomic too. And in reality, these systems continue to ravage our post-apartheid society. 

The structures may have changed, but the patterns of extraction remain painfully familiar. Neocolonialism continues to shape how wealth moves, who owns it, who benefits, and who remains disposable.

We see it in global economic systems that continue to profit from African labour, African minerals and African vulnerability while inequality deepens on the ground. We see it in the concentration of wealth among a tiny white minority while entire black communities remain trapped in generational poverty.

And when people are denied dignity long enough, anger eventually looks for somewhere to land. That is part of why South Africa continues to experience waves of violence, including Afrophobia and xenophobic attacks against fellow Africans. Economic desperation, political failure, and social fragmentation create dangerous conditions where vulnerable people become targets instead of systems becoming accountable.

Poor Black communities are forced into competition with one another while the structures producing inequality remain largely untouched. None of this exists in isolation.

This is where the responsibility of the election moment becomes unavoidable. Because, if this is the lived reality, then disengagement is not neutral. It is a political decision that leaves the existing power structures untouched. And in a country where inequality is already so deeply embedded, silence always benefits those who already hold power.

This is why voting matters. Not because elections are magical solutions. Not because one ballot paper suddenly erases centuries of inequality. But because disengagement creates even more room for unaccountable power.

The IEC spends every election cycle urging South Africans to vote for a reason. In a country where so many people feel overburdened, disappointed, and completely gatvol with the system, choosing not to participate can slowly deepen political hopelessness. And hopelessness is very dangerous — particularly for young people. 

In recent years, South Africa has seen a growing wave of youth political consciousness, youth activism, and youth frustration. Young people are no longer quietly accepting the idea that they must inherit unemployment, inequality, and social instability as though it is normal.

Across campuses, communities, online spaces, and protest movements, there is an entire generation demanding accountability, justice, and a future worth believing in. This election season must become part of that pressure.

Because this is one of the few moments where everybody — rich or poor, powerful or ordinary, educated or not — stands equal at the ballot box. For a brief moment, the domestic worker, the unemployed graduate, the street vendor, the president, and the billionaire each carry equal power. That matters.

Nearly a century ago, Sol Plaatje warned: “We were turned into strangers in our own land.” That is still painfully obvious in how exclusion operates today. From neo-colonial extraction, exploitation, and calls for basic reparations, our society has long been under attack.

Decades later, Chris Hani insisted: “The struggle is not over until the basic needs of the people are met.” And truly, the struggle is still active, still unfinished, and still present — and elections are one of the few structured ways to influence how that struggle is shaped going forward.

Voting is one of the highest forms of activism. But at the same time, communities still need organising. Civil society still needs strengthening. Protests still matters. Journalism is still critical. Grassroots movements are still impactful. Holding leaders accountable between elections matters now more than ever.

Voting is still one of the only moments where the system is forced to treat everyone the same way, at the same time. One person. One vote. No shortcuts. No privilege. No excuses. And in a country like SA, that matters more than words can describe. 

One thing must be made clear: When people don’t show up, nothing resets. The same problems stay. The same decisions get made. The same conditions continue, just with less resistance in the room.

And we already know what that looks like at home. It looks like inequality is getting worse and worse. It looks like corruption becoming shockingly rampant. It looks like communities are being told to wait — once again — while daily life grows more unbearable by the day. It looks like decisions are being made further and further away from the people they actually affect.

So the question is not whether voting fixes everything. It’s whether we are willing to remove ourselves completely from the one moment where we still have collective power. Because if you’re not there, you’re not shaping anything.

You’re invisible — wholly removed from the conversation. And considering how much we have to complain about as a society, absence cannot be an option.

Don’t make this an election you ignore, because the truth is, you’re still going to live under the consequences of the outcome — just like everyone else. As one of our prolific freedom fighters, Robert Sobukwe, once said: “It is in our hands to build the South Africa we want.”

* Tswelopele Makoe is a gender and social justice activist and editor at Global South Media Network. She is a researcher, columnist, and an Andrew W Mellon scholar at the Desmond Tutu Centre for Religion and Social Justice, UWC.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

\A QUIET shift in global capital markets is exposing a growing gap in South African boardrooms. ESG is no longer primarily a question of reputation or reporting. It is becoming a mechanism for pricing risk and determining access to capital.

Many boards have not fully adjusted to that change.

For years, ESG sat comfortably in sustainability reports, often delegated to specialist functions and discussed in annual disclosures. It was important, but peripheral. That framing is now outdated.

ESG is moving into capital allocation.

Across global banking, insurance, asset management and development finance, environmental, social and governance metrics are being embedded directly into lending decisions, valuation models and contractual terms. The effect is simple: ESG performance is increasingly reflected in the cost and availability of capital.

Sustainability-linked finance is expanding. Carbon exposure is influencing insurance pricing. Supply chain transparency is becoming a condition of procurement. Export markets are tightening environmental thresholds. None of this is new in concept, but it is becoming binding in practice.

South Africa is exposed to this shift in a particular way.

The country has a sophisticated governance tradition, anchored by frameworks such as King IV Report on Corporate Governance for South Africa and supported by institutions like the Institute of Directors in South Africa. Its reporting standards and financial markets are often cited as among the most developed in emerging economies.

Yet governance strength does not automatically translate into capital strategy readiness.

In many organisations, ESG remains structurally separated from treasury, investment and capital planning. It is reported externally but not consistently embedded in internal capital allocation decisions. This creates a growing disconnect between what companies disclose and how capital providers assess them.

That gap is now being priced.

South African firms already operate under binding domestic constraints: energy instability, logistics inefficiencies, water stress, and elevated social pressure. At the same time, global capital is becoming more selective about ESG exposure. These pressures do not offset each other. They compound.

A company can therefore appear financially stable under conventional metrics while becoming progressively misaligned with the requirements of its investors and lenders. The adjustment does not always appear immediately in earnings. It emerges later in refinancing conditions, insurance costs, credit ratings, or market access.

Several sectors are already encountering this shift. Mining, agriculture, manufacturing, logistics, energy, and financial services are seeing tighter ESG-linked conditions attached to financing and procurement. European and other export markets are increasingly formalising environmental and governance thresholds as entry requirements rather than preferences.

In practice, ESG is beginning to function as a gatekeeping mechanism for capital and trade.

The more important question for boards is no longer whether ESG is material, but whether it is integrated into capital decision-making.

This requires a different governance lens.

ESG risk is still often discussed in reporting cycles rather than in investment committees. Transition planning is frequently framed as narrative rather than financial modelling. And ESG exposure is rarely translated into explicit scenarios for capital cost, revenue risk or valuation impact.

That separation is becoming costly.

Boards that continue to treat ESG as a parallel reporting stream risk underestimating how quickly capital markets are repricing risk. Those that integrate ESG into treasury and investment decisions are increasingly positioning themselves for more stable financing conditions and stronger investor confidence.

The direction of travel is clear. Capital is becoming conditional on resilience, transparency and transition credibility. The question is not whether this shift will deepen, but how quickly firms adjust to it.

For South Africa, the stakes are broader than individual firms. The economy depends on sustained capital inflows into infrastructure, industry, and productive capacity. Corporate governance will play a central role in determining whether those flows accelerate or fragment. ESG is therefore no longer a communications issue. It is becoming a constraint on capital strategy.

The adjustment is already underway. It is not waiting for consensus.

The only remaining question is whether boards are responding in time to influence the terms on which they will compete for capital.

* Nyaniso Qwesha is a writer with a background in risk management, governance, and sustainability. He explores how power, accountability, and innovation intersect in South Africa’s landscape.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

PROFESSOR Fadhel Kaboub, renowned Tunisian-American political economist, recently gave a blunt appraisal of the stranglehold that the lingering traits of neo-colonialism continue to hold on the African continent.

Of greater significance to his empirical evidence about the oftentimes subtle subjugation of the continent by foreign powers, Kaboub — president of the Global Institute for Sustainable Prosperity — provided his dire findings on May 25, Africa Day.

“Every Africa Day”, Kaboub , who is attached to the faculty of economics at Denison University in the US, noted: “We hear the same speeches about ‘Africa Rising’. And every year, millions more young Africans enter economies that still export raw materials, import food and fuel, service external debt in foreign currencies, and remain trapped at the bottom of global value chain.”

“Africa is structurally disempowered, impoverished, and economically colonized. That distinction matters,” he says, and elaborates as follows: “The continent holds some of the world’s largest reserves of green minerals, the youngest population on the planet, extraordinary renewable energy potential, vast agricultural capacity, and strategic geopolitical leverage in an increasingly fractured global order. Yet Africa continues to finance the prosperity of others while borrowing expensively to survive. That is not an accident of history. It is the colonial architecture of the global economy.”

European countries and indeed the US are frantic in every corner of the continent. Their activities are often aggressive and threaten the sovereignty of Africa’s nation-states. Their primary goal is to extract and to take control of the continent’s rare earth and other mineral resources.

We see this in the Sahel region, where France has been kicked out by Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger in their collective quest for true independence. The reputational damage to France’s humiliation is immense.

The West uses many tricks to plunder Africa. To gain the foothold of African markets, the West uses in particular, their soft power. They fund and control NGOs and the media, which they use to manipulate public opinion, agenda-setting, and control of narratives.

This weekend, from May 30 to 31, the International Schiller Institute hosted a conference in Berlin, Germany, under the theme The Urgent Necessity of a New Global Security and Development Architecture — The End of 500 Years of Colonialism.

I am certain that Kaboub and many other scholars will agree that our international world order is in urgent need for a “new global security and development architecture”. Every day, we wake up to mounting evidence of the scourge of unilateralism on world affairs.

The Gaza genocide remains a matter likely to end up unpunished. The Trump administration, just like Biden’s and others before, holds a dim view of the International Criminal Court (ICC).

The US is also not a signatory to the Rome Statute, and therefore believes the ICC has no jurisdiction over the activities of the US or its staunch allies such as Israel. Washington has issued threat of sanctions to any ICC official found to have acted in opposition to Washington’s foreign policy interests.

The collapse of the founding principles of the UN Charter bears testimony to the overall evaporation of our global governance systems. Israel is fearlessly destroying the geography of Lebanon as we speak, displacing millions while killing thousands every day. The wanton destruction continues unabatedly despite talk of a US-brokered ceasefire that is a blatant smokescreen.

In addition, President Donald Trump's and Benjamin Netanyahu’s war of choice on Iran continues. Throughout the global conflicts, the UN is missing in action, thereby giving credence to the school of thought that maintains what remains of the UN is nothing but an empty shell of its former self.

These abominable actions that bear the hallmarks of “strong men syndrome” lay bare the desperate need for a new global architecture. The international community is crying out for global diplomacy to be returned to the centre of international relations marked by multilateral predictability and peaceful coexistence.

Kidnapping a president and his wife in the middle of the night in their sleep, and illegally crossing borders with Venezuela’s first couple and hauling them before a dubious trial instead of an international court is behaviour that reflects the law of the jungle.

Also, to threaten other nations with annexation is an affront to civilized international norms and standards. To ignore the World Trade Organization (WTO) and unleash a spate of indiscriminate barrages of tariffs reflects behaviour of madmen corrupted by absolute power.

All these examples and others too numerous to mention support the case for change, and the International Schiller Institute deserves great credit for shining the torch on such important geopolitical matters.

However, where I stand with Kaboub is in the standpoint that we have actually not yet reached “the end of 500 years of colonialism”. This European scourge is pretty much still with its victims in Africa and across the majority world. To the optimists, the end of colonialism in whatever form - might be nigh, which is well and good.

 Kaboub appropriately reflects that at this juncture, the central question is no longer whether Africa can “develop” within the existing international economic system that suffocates Africa. On marking 500 years of colonialism, the question should be whether “Africa is finally ready to redesign the rules of the system itself”.

The African Union’s Agenda 2063 calls for “The Africa We Want”. Ideally, what is envisaged is an “integrated, prosperous, sovereign continent capable of financing its own development and shaping global affairs”. However, Kaboub and many others believe that this vision will remain rhetorical unless Africa confronts the deeper structures of dependency that continue to define its economic model.

He argues that the problem is not simply corruption, governance failures, or lack of entrepreneurship (aka the favourite explanations offered by mainstream development discourse). The deeper problem is neo-colonial structural dependency, he says.

Most African economies remain trapped in colonial economic patterns as follows: Exporting raw commodities, importing manufactured goods, depending on external financing, and surrendering policy space to creditors and international financial institutions.

According to the UN Conference on Trade and Development’s (Unctad) State of Commodity Dependence 2025, commodity dependence remains one of the defining characteristics of developing economies, especially in Africa.

In many countries, commodities account for more than 60% of export earnings. “This”, according to Kaboub, “is the heart of the debt trap”.

My humble opinion is that in this era of enlightenment, Africa need to stop her fragmentation and deal with the international community as a united front, demanding mutual respect and equality in thought, word, and deed.

In that way, Africa’s united voice would be too audible to ignore. United through the AU, Africa and the rest of the Global South should demand that the Europeans that colonised the continent ought to pay reparations. And if they choose not, Africa must blacklist such offenders.

The International Schiller Institute would have achieved a great goal if they included Europe’s payment of reparations in their final list of resolutions, or communique.

* Abbey Makoe is the founder and editor-in-chief of the Global South Media Network. Views expressed are personal.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

DONALD J Trump may or may not have heard of Harry S Truman. Supposing he did, it would not matter for the Donald. Only, he would not like him anyway, or particularly the profundity of his sagacious quotes. There are many comparable opposites between POTUS 33 and POTUS 47 that put these two figures and their leadership styles at diametrically opposed odds.

While Truman decisively desegregated the military in 1949, ending racial segregation in the US Armed Forces, Trump, through his Christian crusader and Zionist secretary of war, Pete Hegseth, is revisiting the architecture of segregation in the military by removing the eminent pillars like the DEI policy, with the hope of reversing Truman.

It was in 1949 that Truman helped establish the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, or as the American First talking heads now refer to it, the walking dead. Its formation, no doubt, was bolstered by the 1948 Marshall Plan, a $20 billion plus aid program contrived to rebuild Western Europe from the crucibles of World War II. Trump, for his part, may be the last lord of the NATO manor to oversee its demise.

The senator from Missouri whose middle initial “S” did not stand for anything was a creature of fortuity and a sprinkle of historic firsts. He was vice president for 82 days only and succeeded F.D Roosevelt to become the 33rd President of the United States.

As if he knew that Donald J Trump would be coming further down the pike, legend remembers him for his proselytising that if the wealthiest people in a society are politicians, that society is fundamentally corrupt. Predictably, an image of his face is not chiselled and emblazoned on the iconic Mount Rushmore in the Black Hills of South Dakota.

President Donald J. Trump and his family are tireless entrepreneurs, or so they describe themselves when accused of being the most corrupt family ever to assume the reins of office in the history of democratic America.

There was a Trump steak at the downtown Manhattan Trump Tower, and there were Trump sneakers too. There was a Trump casino and a Trump university. Whatever happened to the Trump coin! When a lady who bought a Trump watch received it missing a ‘T’ and read "rump", she had nightmarish visions of Southeast Asian sweatshops inhabited by overworked twelve-year-olds.

Then there was a trip to China, ostensibly for a summit between the obstreperous US visitor and an inscrutable Chinese host, billed as the most important G-2 convocation in the second half of the warring twenties of the 21st century. The meeting having been postponed once, many pundits had speculated, rightly or wrongly, that it was destined to be an all-or-nothing high-stakes gambit, assuming as they did, that they knew what each leader sought out of the encounter.

But the bifurcation of a complex power reality into a zero-sum one-upmanship was a poor intellectual purchase. It did not fully bargain for the petulance of a tweetaholic warmongering White House resident who had once touted himself as the most peace-loving leader of the free world, deserving of a Noble laureate for Peace.

Speculation apart, DJT easily gave his game away somewhat too early. He was like a skeleton in his own closet, who couldn’t wait to reveal himself as the most salacious secret ever kept. With seventeen highly prized CEOs in tow, Eric Trump rounded the number to 18 to bring up the rear.

During his presidential campaign speeches, Donald Trump was vocal in the condemnation of Hunter Biden for accompanying his father to China. He insisted in his mad genius that Hunter had no verifiable credentials during these trips other than being the son of a vice president or that of a president when the scion from Delaware eked out his early octogenarian years in the Oval Office.

Somehow he forgot all that, as Eric Trump, aboard Air Force One, traipsed to the prestigious shindig at the Temple of Heaven and the Hall of the People. Like Hunter Biden, he had no comparable skill to the lot of the CEO’s that lent equanimous accompaniment. And perhaps like Hunter Biden, he was on a mission to close a deal, and in his case specifically, for the supply of the phones eponymously named the Trump Mobile.

It was only after Eric’s return from China that a new message was posted on the Delaware, Inc. company website detailing the new developments about the much-anticipated phone. Specifically, he couldn’t wait to impart his newly acquired wisdom to his exuberant MAGA compatriots. There were three things really. It was the Thucydides Trap, the ‘Buddha-jumping-over-the-wall' meal, and the devil in the detail on the terms of the phone. But I digress!

About the Trump Mobile, sometime in the summer of 2025, the sons of the president and a named collaborator were beaming from ear to ear, filled with patriotic pride, announcing on the introduction of the Trump Mobile or T1 Mobile for a few good reasons. The phone would be made in the USA by US hands, for US citizens.

The phone would pioneer a number of commendable firsts, attracting $500 a set for the privilege. Those who would acquire them by installment had the distinguished honour of paying $47.45 per month, in celebration of DJT as POTUS 47 and previously POTUS 45.

To be fair, so many relevant conditions were scribbled in fine print, which for some reason, did not bother the MAGA enthusiasts. For their blood is white, red and blue. In response, six hundred thousand of them quickly paid a $100 as deposit.

As the days rolled by, turning weeks into months, with the depositors who gifted the Trumps $60 million waiting in anticipation of a ‘made-in-America’ Trump Mobile, the anxieties started mounting.

A few critical attributes of the promise began to change. Inexplicably, the phone would not be made in the USA anymore. Rather, they would be made according to American values, whatever that means! The handset itself may not even be $500 anymore.

The revised arrival date too, got indefinitely postponed. Of the design, floated so effusively on the promoters’ website, it exhibited very unpatriotic flaws. The stripes in the stars and stripes flag of the US of A has thirteen stripes. The phone, to the patriots’ collective dismay, has eleven stripes.

Besides, the update from the promoters was that the $60 million was neither a deposit for the phone nor an acceptance of the offer to purchase the mobile device. It was paid just to hold a place in line on the queue of desperation. So, Eric went to China.

There is the issue of Trump’s family's World Financial Liberty investing in Pakistan, underwriting the mineral wealth of that country through their specially owned coin for the purpose. Trump, the pirate of the Caribbean, has raided the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and seized their most priced sovereign patrimony, oil!

He then arrogated to himself all the financial value deriving from the sale of over one hundred million barrels of their heavy hydrocarbons and deposited it in a Qatar-domiciled banking account, ostensibly as the only signatory.

The Board of Peace is the apogee of the scamming of custom from the entire globe. Countries are expected to pay $1bn into Trump’s personal account to join. He just happens to be the life chairman of the board without a board!

President DJT and his inner circle have finally figured it out. No politician can ever survive a single scandal, as Nixon’s Watergate crisis lends adequate testimony. However, Trump knows too that political scandals are facets of a peripatetic societal mind that has no capability of focus nor the residuality of retention.

So, to succeed in the trough of graft, a politician must have a profusion of scandals, so many of them all at once such that they would eventually overwhelm the system’s capacity to cope. Some scandals should be contrived only to protect other scandals. Others, as momentary contraptions, are instinctually diversionary. Relentlessly chased by the indefatigable ghost of Epstein, some of these scandals are so corrupt and obfuscatory, they invoke the holy grail of all scandals.

They start wars. And for the tenderness of society’s collective brain and its social media-fed instincts, marinated on toxic cocktails of psyop narratives of war, these wars must have a character of permanency. Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, Ukraine, it doesn’t matter. Iran, here we come! Or is it Cuba?

No doubt, this American political camel is burdened with too many scandalous straws. One last straw is destined to tip the scale and break its back. The question always remains: Which one will it be?

The man who had a painted glass plaque mounted on chestnut wood in the Oval Office must not be forgotten. President Truman’s inscription boldly pronounced that "the buck stops here". A brave president indeed! In the parsimonious allure of his trepidations for politicians and their ability to deprave political systems for self-aggrandisement, he declared without compunction…

“No man can get rich in politics unless he is a crook!”

* Amb Bheki Gila Esq is a Barrister-at-Law.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

THE campaign to criminalise South African employers who hire undocumented foreign workers, championed most visibly by ATM President Vuyo Zungula, proves, and I say this with the utmost respect, why politicians should not be entrusted with economic decisions, and here is why.

There is a deeply troubling spectacle unfolding in South Africa’s political discourse, and it has found its most vivid expression in the parliamentary “interventions” of the ATM President.

From the security of a seat in the National Assembly, drawing a salary funded by the very taxpayers and business owners he now aggressively targets, Zungula has made it his mission to demand that employers who hire undocumented foreign nationals be charged with criminal offences.

His latest effort, a parliamentary question to Home Affairs Minister Leon Schreiber, extracted figures that on the surface appear to validate his crusade: Over the past five financial years, 8 180 employers have been charged for hiring undocumented foreign nationals, 6 279 workplace inspections have been conducted, and 109 735 undocumented foreign nationals have been arrested and deported.

This is precisely the diagnosis that political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki, chairperson of the South African Institute of International Affairs, has now placed squarely before the country.

Speaking on May 28, Mbeki cut through the populist noise that politicians like Zungula have generated, arguing that South Africa’s migration crisis is driven not by an open-door policy but by state incompetence.

His intervention reframes the entire debate in terms that the political class has assiduously avoided and this is the pragmatist framework the country has been missing. A framework that forces the discussion away from the scapegoating theatrics of Parliament and toward the structural policies that have produced capital flight, an investment strike, and the deep structural unemployment now entrenched in the economy.

To criminalise 8 180 employers while the economy haemorrhages capital and formal employment collapses is the highest form of populism. South Africa's official unemployment rate currently stands at a catastrophic 32.7%, with the expanded definition, which includes those who have abandoned the search for work, reaching a staggering 43.7%.

The first quarter of 2026 alone witnessed the disappearance of 345 000 jobs. Meanwhile, foreign direct investment inflows have imploded, collapsing from R73.5 billion in the second quarter of 2025 to a mere R21bn in the third quarter, a decline of over 70% in a single quarter.

What is clear is that Capital is not simply on strike; it is in active flight, relocating to jurisdictions where the regulatory environment is less hostile to enterprise.

The fundamental question that Zungula refuses to confront is: Why does the demand for undocumented labour exist so stubbornly, so pervasively, and with such resilience despite decades of enforcement attempts?

The answer is not a vast criminal conspiracy of South African entrepreneurs who prefer breaking the law for its own sake but is embedded in the cruel implementation of a regulatory framework that has made legal entry-level employment economically unviable for millions of small businesses and households.

The national minimum wage, increased by 5% to R30.23 per hour as of March 2026, has long since detached itself from the productivity of the least-skilled workers. For a small construction contractor, for a fledgling restaurant operating on razor-thin margins, or for a domestic household teetering just above the poverty line, this mandated wage is not a policy that protects workers; it is an impediment that prevents any employment relationship from legally existing.

The undocumented worker, who is desperate for any income and cannot afford to insist on the legal minimum, becomes not a preferred choice but an economic lifeline, for the employer struggling to survive and for a working class household that is a cheque away from poverty but needs a domestic worker to look after their children so as to work.

China's economic transformation offers the most powerful real-world rebuttal to the redistributive-first logic that has paralysed South Africa yet easily adopted by political actors.

Between 1952 and 1986, China deliberately kept wages low and relatively compressed to facilitate capital accumulation and industrial expansion. This was not a moral endorsement of poverty wages; it was a strategic recognition that a poor country cannot mandate prosperity into existence.

Value must first be created before it can be shared. China only introduced its first minimum wage law in 1994, long after the economic take-off was firmly established, and even then, regional flexibility was maintained to reflect vastly different productivity levels across provinces.

Crucially, this was not accomplished by imposing wage mandates on a fragile economy and then prosecuting those who could not comply. It was achieved by integrating people into productive activity at whatever level the market could sustain and then allowing wages to rise organically as productivity climbed.

Average real wages in China grew from approximately 12 459 yuan in 2015 to over 24 555 yuan by 2025, with increases tied explicitly to output, not to political decree.

Yet South Africa has stubbornly implemented the opposite sequence, and the consequences are now dire. We adopted what are arguably the world's most progressive labour protections without first building an economy capable of sustaining them.

The national minimum wage now operates as a barrier that protects a shrinking circle of formal-sector workers while permanently excluding millions of unskilled outsiders. When the legislated price of labour exceeds the economic value a worker can generate, employers do not simply absorb the difference as an act of charity.

They mechanise, automate, restructure, or retreat into the informal shadows, precisely the behaviour that Zungula’s prosecutorial approach now seeks to criminalise. Farmers facing unaffordable wage bills purchase machinery.

Factories invest in automation. Small businesses close down. The very workers the minimum wage was intended to uplift are pushed into unemployment or into the undocumented economy.

The lesson from China is not that South Africa should replicate its political system, nor that labour exploitation should be tolerated. The lesson is about sequencing.

A person with no skills, no work experience, and no capital does not need a living wage as their first intervention; they need a wage, any legal wage, that allows them to enter the economy, build a work record, develop skills, and climb the productivity ladder.

By demanding that the first rung be placed at the top of the ladder, South Africa has effectively removed the ladder altogether. Zungula’s 8 180 charges are not a victory for worker protection. They are an indictment of an economic model that has criminalised the only entry point millions of marginalised citizens can access.

Until we absorb the uncomfortable sequence that China internalised decades ago, that wealth must be created before it can be redistributed, our unemployment statistics will remain a global shame, and our politicians will continue to chase scapegoats while the country burns.

Wrong economic policies such as minimum wage law do not eliminate the demand for cheap labour; they merely ensure that the labour market that meets this demand operates outside the law, vulnerable to exploitation, and perpetually at risk of becoming a flashpoint for communal violence.

A genuinely critical analysis must confront the possibility that the minimum wage, far from being an instrument of worker protection, has become a mechanism of exclusion, a form of economic violence perpetrated by the state against the very people it purports to defend.

When the cost of legally employing a person exceeds their productive output, no legal employment will exist. The worker is not protected; they are prohibited from working.

Nonetheless, the prosecutorial approach Zungula champions is seductive because it offers the illusion of decisive action without requiring any of the difficult structural reforms that genuine job creation demands.

It is far easier to scapegoat foreign nationals and the employers who hire them than it is to confront the reality that our labour legislation, however well-intentioned, has forced businesses to downsize, retrench workers, and systematically priced the least-skilled out of the formal economy.

Hence the South African labour consensus has collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. We have the highest unemployment in the world and the most progressive labour laws. The xenophobic violence that periodically erupts is directly connected to this economic design.

When the formal sector cannot absorb labour at the mandated price, the informal sector becomes a battlefield. Citizens, themselves excluded, turn on foreign nationals who are willing to operate in the economic cracks that regulation has created.

The 8 180 employers charged, the 109 735 deportations, and the 43.7% expanded unemployment rate are not separate crises requiring separate enforcement responses.

They are a single crisis produced by economic policies that disincentivise exactly the investment needed to create the jobs that would shrink the informal sector, reduce the demand for undocumented labour, and drain the reservoir of frustration that periodically erupts into xenophobic violence.

Until the country is willing to have the conversation Mbeki is calling for, a framework led by experts, premised on policy first and politics later, we will continue to produce populists who inflict deep economic damage while insulating themselves entirely from its consequences, because the political rewards for scapegoating will always outweigh the personal cost to politicians who never have to carry the cost of employing South Africans.

* Phapano Phasha is the chairperson of The Centre for Alternative Political and Economic Thought.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

When the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) told Parliament that the Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, 2026, is “constitutionally, morally, and democratically compromised,” it delivered one of the clearest and most forceful statements the country’s major church bodies have ever made on constitutional matters.

This is welcome. Yet the very strength of their current stance invites a deeper, more honest question: is this the flowering of a steady prophetic tradition, or merely the latest chapter in a long pattern of bold starts followed by quiet retreats?

The three institutions at the centre of this story—the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference (ZCBC), the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD), and the ZCC—carry genuine moral authority. The ZCBC, established by Roman decree in 1969, is one of Zimbabwe’s oldest organised church voices.

The ZHOCD brings together the ZCBC, ZCC, Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, and Union for the Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe Africa so that Christians can speak with one voice on national issues.

The ZCC itself represents thirty-two Protestant denominations and reaches at least three million citizens. These are not fringe actors; they are rooted, respected institutions with a legitimate place in Zimbabwe’s public life.

But legitimacy is not the same as consistency. When we examine the churches’ record across four decades of constitutional change, a troubling pattern emerges — one of engagement that advances when the waters are calm and retreats the moment the boat begins to rock.

Consider the foundational irony. In 1987, Constitution Amendment No. 7 Act abolished the Prime Minister’s office and created the powerful Executive Presidency that still shapes our politics today. Two years later, Amendment No. 9 Act removed the second chamber of Parliament.

These changes laid the very groundwork for the “Imperial Executive” the churches now rightly criticise. Yet neither the ZCBC nor the ZCC raised a significant public voice against them.

The early post-independence government enjoyed immense moral legitimacy after the liberation struggle, and church-state relations were largely cooperative. Still, the silence was deafening. The constitutional architecture the churches today call compromised was in fact built while they stood aside.

A decade later, in 1997, the ZCC helped launch the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), a broad citizens’ movement that ultimately defeated the government in the 2000 referendum on a new Constitution drafted by the Constitutional Commission.

That was a genuine moment of courage. But as the NCA gained momentum and the political temperature rose, the ZCC stepped back. A church leader in Sara Dorman's ‘Rocking The Boat? In ‘Church-NGOs And Democratisation In Zimbabwe’, captured the dilemma perfectly: “As churches we had to take issues that don’t raise too much dust or rock the boat too much—but the boat was rocking.”

The retreat was conscious. Its consequence was painful. The vacuum helped pave the way for the violence and polarisation of 2000 and beyond, during which the churches again fell largely silent.

By contrast, the churches played a constructive role in the 2009–2013 Constitution-making process under the Government of National Unity. Through the influential 2006 “Zimbabwe We Want” document and vigorous mobilisation of congregations during the COPAC outreach, they helped secure the participatory 2013 Constitution.

That achievement is real and should be honoured.

Yet today the same bodies invoke the legitimacy of that very Constitution as the standard by which they judge Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment No. 3) Bill, wanting. The irony is unmistakable: institutions that once helped legitimise the current framework now use it to challenge further changes.

The 2019 ZHOCD pastoral letter offered yet another illustration of the pattern. Church leaders called for a seven-year “national Sabbath” on political contestation—an extraordinary proposal to suspend elections and rebuild trust. When the idea met fierce criticism, they quietly withdrew it. Once again, a bold theological intervention gave way to retreat the moment the waves grew high.

This is not the record of a consistently prophetic voice. It is the record of a contingent actor—effective when conditions are favourable or pressure is low, but prone to withdraw when political costs rise. The churches’ engagement has too often been reactive rather than sustained, episodic rather than disciplined, and vulnerable to internal divisions or external co-optation.

None of this history disqualifies the ZCC, ZCBC, or ZHOCD from speaking boldly in 2026. On the contrary, their advocacy on Amendment No. 3 Bill is understandable. But credibility is not automatic. It must be earned and then defended.

The decisive test is not whether the churches criticise the Bill today, but whether they possess the institutional discipline, political independence, and historical self-awareness to hold that line when the inevitable pressure to retreat arrives—as history shows it always does.

Zimbabwe stands at a crossroads. The boat is rocking once more. This time, let the churches refuse to let it drift back into the shallows of silence or the shallows of political correctness. Let them embrace, with unwavering resolve, the God-given prophetic and non-partisan role they have sometimes glimpsed but never fully sustained.

The future of constitutional democracy in our country may well depend on whether, this time, they keep the boat steady and steer it toward deeper waters of justice, accountability, and genuine people-driven governance. The moment demands nothing less.

* Gcotyelwa Jimlongo is a political campaigns researcher at the Political Campaigns Resource Hub, a subsidiary of the International Centre for Political Campaigns.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

Billy Monama’s Rebirth of Ubuntu Concert

To commemorate five decades since the 1976 Youth Uprising, this powerful production will be staged.

As the concert returns for its fifth edition, it will be curated by acclaimed guitarist Billy Monama. It will also bring together a 20-piece orchestra conducted by Grammy Award–winning producer Joe “JB” Arthur, alongside some of South Africa’s most celebrated artists.

The star-studded line-up features Lira, Zoë Modiga, Vusi Nova, Tutu Puoane as well as Monama, with legendary guitarist Jimmy Dludlu as the honorary artist.

Where: The Mandela Theatre at Joburg Theatre.

When: Friday, May 29, and Saturday, May 30 at 7.30pm on both days.

The Portuguese Festival

This three-day celebration of Portuguese culture, food and family entertainment is returning to Joburg this weekend.

The event will be headlined by Mi Casa, who are acclaimed for their signature soulful Afro-house beats and live-instrumentation grooves.Meanwhile, Dr Victor and the Rasta Rebels, Lee Cole and Biggy will also perform.

And while authentic Portuguese cuisine will be a highlight of the gathering, there will also be Portuguese dancers,helicopter rides, jumping castles, drifting and carousel rides.

Where: The Johannesburg Expo Centre.

When:Friday, May 29, until Sunday, May 31. Times differ.

Johannesburg Cap Classique, Champagne & Bubbles Festival 

As one of Joburg’s leading winter lifestyle events, this festival provides ample beverage tasting opportunities as well as live entertainment and high fashion.

Hosted by J.C. Le Roux, it will include structured tastings where guests can navigate over 20 dedicated bubbly stations.The Afternoon Vibe will then shift into a high-energy social afternoon with some live musical performances and artisanal food tracks. This year's host is South African actress and media personality Zola Nombona and the dress code is Italian Riviera Red & White.

Where: The Indanda Polo Club.

When: Friday, May 29, to Sunday,May 31, from 5pm to 10pm daily.

IN recent years, the geopolitical landscape has been drastically reshaped by the imposition of economic sanctions by Western nations against Russia.

Designed to curtail Moscow’s ability to finance military operations and influence global markets, these sanctions have targeted a range of sectors, including energy exports, banking, and critical elements of Russia’s maritime capabilities.

Notably, restrictions imposed on Russia’s fleet at sea have not only inhibited Moscow’s commercial and military maritime activities but have also set in motion a series of unintended consequences.

These “boomerang effects” have reverberated throughout the Western economies and disrupted international trade networks. This essay examines the sanctions’ dual impact — how Western efforts to pressure Russia have curbed its strategic maritime operations while also negatively affecting the sanctioning states and global commerce.

Historical Context and Rationale Behind the Sanctions

The use of sanctions as a political and economic weapon is not new, but the scale and depth of the Western sanctions package against Russia, particularly in the wake of geopolitical conflicts, have been unprecedented.

Initially, these sanctions were deployed to discourage further aggression in disputed regions and to limit Russia’s access to critical revenue streams. Among various measures, restrictions on the maritime sector, specifically those that affect the deployment and operation of the Russian fleet, have been strategically significant.

Maritime power has always played a central role in a nation’s global influence. By targeting Russia’s naval capacity, Western governments aimed to inhibit not only military manoeuvres but also the country’s ability to participate in international commercial shipping routes.

This approach sought to isolate Moscow economically and militarily by constricting a vital asset that traditionally ensures both presence and influence on the global stage.

Sanctions on the Fleet: Limitations and Strategic Implications

The restrictions imposed on Russia’s fleet at sea are multi-faceted, affecting both the maintenance of naval vessels and their operational deployments.

Western sanctions have curtailed the ability of Russian shipyards to procure advanced technologies and critical components from global suppliers. This has had a twofold effect: on one hand, it degrades Russia’s long-term naval capacity, and on the other, it forces a reliance on outdated, less efficient systems that are ill-equipped for modern maritime challenges.

Moreover, limitations on insurance and financial services have made it increasingly difficult for Russian shipping companies to secure necessary coverages. International insurers, wary of the legal and financial repercussions of dealing with entities under sanctions, have significantly reduced their engagement.

Consequently, this disruption has had an adverse impact on the Russian commercial fleet, limiting not only military logistics but also its critical export capabilities. Despite these challenges, Russia has sought to circumvent some of these restrictions through domestic innovation and alternative regional partnerships.

Nevertheless, the long-term effects suggest a lasting decline in maritime operational readiness and an impaired capacity to influence global shipping routes.

Economic Spillover: Boomerang Effects on Western Markets

While the sanctions have achieved several of their primary objectives in weakening Russia’s maritime capabilities, a closer economic analysis reveals substantial collateral damage to the Western economies.

The ripple effects of disrupted international trade have impacted global markets in several respects:

• Supply Chain Disruptions: International trade has long depended on a stable and reliable shipping infrastructure. The sanctions have forced adjustments in shipping routes and carriers, leading to increased transit times and higher transportation costs. Western businesses that rely on timely deliveries and cost-effective shipping have faced production delays and unexpected expenses. These issues compound particularly for industries dependent on just-in-time inventory systems, where any disruption can lead to significant operational hiccups.
• Energy Market Volatility: Russia’s economy has traditionally been bolstered by oil and gas exports. Sanctions targeting maritime routes and the export infrastructure have led to a re-evaluation of global energy supply chains. While these measures have aimed to weaken Moscow economically, they have also reduced the available supply for European and global markets, contributing to volatility in energy prices. This price instability has placed pressure on consumers and businesses alike, potentially slowing down economic growth in sanctioning nations.
• Increased Costs for Insurance and Shipping: The imposition of sanctions has had an immediate impact on maritime insurance rates. With Russian shipping companies largely excluded from global insurance networks, alternative routes and carriers have seen rising premiums due to increased risks and uncertainty. These enhanced costs are ultimately passed on to consumers, further straining the already volatile global trade environment.
• Shifts in Trade Alliances and Dependencies: The disruptions have forced many Western and international businesses to reconfigure their trade networks and forge new alliances. Companies that once relied on streamlined trade routes through Russian-controlled or influenced waterways now face the necessity of establishing alternative routes, often with significantly higher logistical costs. Additionally, countries outside of the Western bloc that once depended on Russian maritime trade must now navigate a more complex web of alliances and trade agreements, leading to a broader realignment of international relations.

The Boomerang Effect: How Sanctions on Moscow Impact the West

The sanctions on Russia, including those affecting its fleet at sea, have inadvertently created a boomerang effect that resonates back to the sanctioning nations.

While on the surface the sanctions appear to be a robust tool to penalize a geopolitical adversary, the interconnected nature of modern global economies means that isolationist measures invariably circle back to influence the economies imposing them.

Collateral Damage in Global Markets

One of the primary reasons the boomerang effect has manifested is due to the globalised nature of modern trade.

The disruptions in shipping routes and energy markets have not only affected Russia, but they have also led to a cascading effect on Western supply chains.

With manufacturing hubs in various parts of the world depending on the smooth flow of goods, any delay or cost increase in maritime transport quickly escalates into broader economic challenges.

This results in higher product prices and supply shortages, which are felt keenly across industries — from consumer goods to advanced manufacturing sectors.

Financial Market Instability

Financial markets have always been sensitive to geopolitical risks, and the sanctions regime is a classic example. Investors responding to the uncertainty created by sanctions on Russia have started to adopt a cautious approach.

The unpredictability of trade routes, coupled with concerns over the long-term stability of energy markets, has led to increased volatility in financial markets. Western stock markets, in particular, have seen fluctuations that mirror the uncertainties associated with the sanctions.

This financial turbulence not only affects equity markets but also impacts the broader economic environment by influencing investment decisions, consumer confidence, and, ultimately, economic growth.

Political and Diplomatic Repercussions

Beyond the immediate economic effects, the sanctions have significant political implications.

Many Western nations have found themselves caught in a delicate balance between standing firm on their geopolitical principles and mitigating the adverse economic fallout.

This balancing act becomes even more precarious when domestic political factions begin to question whether the sanctions are inflicting disproportionate harm on local economies relative to their intended strategic benefits.

As such, diplomatic negotiations and policy recalibrations become essential to ensure that the long-term economic interests of Western nations are not compromised in the pursuit of geopolitical objectives.

Evolution of International Trade Patterns

The disruptions in maritime operations have accelerated a gradual shift in international trade patterns.

With an increasing number of countries and companies seeking alternatives to previously established maritime channels, a new era of trade alliances is emerging.

Western nations are actively pursuing diversification strategies to mitigate reliance on any single trade route or energy supply. While this diversification can be a positive outcome in terms of reducing systemic risk, it also represents a significant transitional challenge.

In the short to medium term, the costs of transitioning to new trade frameworks, establishing new shipping lanes, and negotiating fresh international agreements have created economic stress that is acutely felt across Western economies.

Long-Term Implications for Global Economic Governance

The boomerang effects of the sanctions offer a broader lesson in the complexity of global economic governance.

In an increasingly interconnected world, unilateral sanctions or those driven by a coalition of like-minded nations cannot be viewed in isolation. Instead, they must be analysed as part of an intricate web where actions taken against one nation reverberate far beyond its borders.

Policy Recalibration and the Need for Multilateral Dialogue

One of the critical takeaways from this experience is the importance of ongoing multilateral dialogue and policy recalibration.

While the sanctions were implemented with a specific strategic goal in mind—deter Moscow from certain aggressive actions—it is now evident that the outcomes are multifaceted.

Western policymakers must continue to evaluate the broader economic and political repercussions of these measures. There is a growing consensus that any sustainable sanctions policy must be accompanied by proactive measures that address the resulting disruptions in supply chains, energy markets, and international finance.

Investment in Alternative Capacities

In addition to political dialogue, the boomerang effect underscores the need for investments in alternative capacities.

For instance, the significant disruptions observed in maritime logistics can be partially mitigated by investing in advanced infrastructure and technology that increase the resilience of global shipping networks.

This includes enhanced port facilities, the development of alternative transit routes, and the adoption of digital supply chain management systems that offer greater flexibility in the face of sudden changes.

Such investments not only alleviate the pressure on global trade but also serve to reduce the vulnerability of Western economies to similar shocks in the future.

Case Study: The European Energy Crisis and Its Lessons

A poignant example of the boomerang effect is the energy crisis experienced in Europe following the imposition of sanctions on Russia.

As one of Russia’s most significant export markets, Europe faced immediate consequences as the supply of oil and gas became unpredictable. The resulting energy shortage not only led to increased fuel prices but also triggered cascading effects in industrial production and consumer spending.

This case illustrates a core point: sanctions, even when aimed at a strategic objective, must account for the ripple effects in sectors that are deeply intertwined with the sanctioning economies.

The European experience led to a renewed focus on energy diversification, spurring investments in renewable energy, alternative energy sources, and enhanced energy storage capacities.

Although these measures are promising in the long run, the short-term economic pain was real. Companies faced rising costs and logistical challenges that affected profitability and competitiveness across European markets.

The European case underscores the complexity of imposing sanctions on a deeply integrated global economy and reinforces the need for strategic foresight in policymaking.

Africa’s Dependence on Black Sea Grain

The consequences of these disruptions have been particularly severe for African countries.

Many African economies depend heavily on imported wheat to meet domestic consumption needs, especially in rapidly growing urban areas where bread and wheat-based foods have become staple products.

Several African countries historically imported a large share of their wheat from Russia and Ukraine. Egypt, for example, is the world’s largest wheat importer and traditionally sourced more than two-thirds of its imports from the Black Sea region.

Other countries, including Sudan, Tunisia, and Ethiopia have similarly relied on grain shipments originating from the Black Sea. When exports from the region declined, these countries were forced to seek alternative suppliers at significantly higher prices.

The result was a rapid increase in food costs across the continent. In economies where food expenditures account for a large share of household income, such increases can have severe social consequences.

Food Inflation and Political Stability

Food price volatility has historically been a major driver of political instability in many regions. In African economies, where food can represent 40–60 percent of household spending, even modest price increases can significantly affect living standards.

During the early months of the Russia–Ukraine war, global wheat prices surged to levels not seen in over a decade. Governments across North and East Africa struggled to maintain food subsidy programmes while managing rising import bills.

Historical precedent suggests that such pressures can carry political risks. Rising bread prices were among the economic factors contributing to the 2011 Arab Spring, which affected several countries in North Africa and the Middle East.

Although each political context is unique, the relationship between food affordability and social stability remains a central concern for policymakers.

Fertilizer and Agricultural Production

The Black Sea conflict has also disrupted global fertilizer markets. Russia is one of the world’s largest exporters of nitrogen, potash, and phosphate-based fertilizers. Inputs that are essential for modern agricultural production.

Sanctions, financial restrictions, and logistical disruptions have complicated fertilizer exports from Russia, contributing to rising global prices.

For African farmers, who already face limited access to agricultural inputs, these developments have significant consequences.

Reduced fertilizer use can lower crop yields, threatening domestic food production and reinforcing dependence on imports. The result is a feedback loop in which global supply disruptions undermine both imported food supplies and domestic agricultural capacity.

Perhaps one of the least discussed consequences of the maritime restrictions surrounding the Russia-Ukraine conflict has been the disproportionate impact on African economies.

In allegedly punishing Russia through sanctions, shipping restrictions, and maritime pressure, Africa has inadvertently suffered the consequences. Many African countries, already vulnerable due to fragile supply chains and import dependency, found themselves caught in the crossfire of a geopolitical struggle in which they played no direct role.

For decades, Russia and Ukraine have both served as critical suppliers of agricultural commodities to the African continent.

Fertiliser products, grain, wheat, sunflower oil, agricultural chemicals, and seed materials moved steadily through Black Sea routes before the conflict escalated.

Once maritime disruptions intensified and shipping insurers began reassessing risk exposure in the region, African importers faced rising freight costs, delayed deliveries, and in some cases outright shortages.

The result was not merely inconvenience but a direct threat to food security across several developing economies.

The fertilizer crisis alone exposed the vulnerability of African agriculture to geopolitical disruptions. Many farmers across Southern, Eastern, and West Africa rely heavily on imported fertiliser components originating from Russia or linked to supply chains affected by the conflict.

As sanctions and maritime complications increased transaction costs and reduced shipping efficiency, fertilizer prices rose dramatically. Small-scale farmers, already operating on narrow margins, were forced either to reduce production or abandon planting cycles altogether.

In effect, the economic pressure intended for Moscow ricocheted toward some of the poorest agricultural communities in the world.

Moreover, African ports and logistics companies experienced secondary disruptions as global shipping lanes adjusted to the evolving sanctions environment. Freight carriers became more cautious, insurance premiums escalated, and vessel availability tightened.

Countries dependent on imports for basic foodstuffs and farming inputs suddenly faced a marketplace governed by uncertainty and inflated transport costs. This translated directly into higher consumer prices, worsening inflation, and greater economic instability in nations already battling unemployment and slow growth.

There is also a broader geopolitical irony at play. While Western governments justified sanctions as necessary tools to isolate Russia economically, many African observers increasingly viewed the global response as selective and insufficiently considerate of developing nations.

The perception grew that major powers were prepared to absorb economic discomfort in pursuit of strategic goals while expecting the Global South to quietly endure the collateral damage.

This sentiment has contributed to growing calls within Africa for diversified trade partnerships and reduced dependency on Western-controlled financial and shipping systems.

In many respects, the sanctions regime revealed the structural imbalance within the global trading order. African economies, despite contributing minimally to the origins of the conflict, absorbed a substantial share of the economic fallout through food inflation, rising shipping costs, weakened currencies, and agricultural disruptions.

The unintended suffering of African populations demonstrates how interconnected modern commerce has become and how punitive economic measures rarely remain confined to their original targets.

The long-term implications may prove significant. Several African governments have already begun reassessing supply chain dependencies and exploring alternative trade arrangements with emerging powers.

The experience has reinforced a strategic lesson for many developing countries: when global powers engage in economic warfare, weaker economies often become unintended casualties.

In trying to economically isolate Russia, the broader international system may have accelerated a shift toward new economic alignments that challenge existing global structures.

Ultimately, the African experience serves as a sobering reminder that sanctions and maritime restrictions in a globalised economy produce consequences far beyond their intended targets.

What began as an effort to pressure Moscow evolved into a wider disruption affecting food security, agricultural productivity, and economic stability across large parts of Africa. The boomerang effect, therefore, extends beyond the West itself; it has also landed heavily on vulnerable nations least equipped to absorb the shock.

The Western sanctions imposed on Russia, particularly those targeting the nation’s fleet at sea, illustrate a complex interplay between geopolitical strategy and economic pragmatism.

While the sanctions have succeeded in constraining Russia’s maritime capabilities and curbing its economic resilience, they have also introduced significant challenges for the sanctioning countries and the global trading system as a whole.

The restrictions on naval operations, coupled with broader limitations on trade and finance, have had profound adverse effects — not only on Russia but also on the Western economies that spearheaded these measures.

From supply chain disruptions and heightened insurance costs to energy market volatility and financial instability, the boomerang effects underscore the inherent risks of applying blunt economic instruments in a tightly interconnected world.

Moreover, the situation serves as a powerful reminder of the need for continuous policy adaptation and a multilateral approach to economic governance.

Future strategies must carefully weigh the intended strategic impacts against potential global repercussions, investing in alternative systems to buffer against the inevitable shocks of geopolitical conflict.

The European energy crisis, among other examples, illustrates that while sanctions may be necessary tools of foreign policy, their implementation requires a nuanced approach that anticipates and mitigates unintended economic fallout.

Ultimately, as the global community navigates this intricate web of political and economic interests, the experience with sanctions on Russia’s fleet at sea provides invaluable lessons.

Policymakers are now more aware than ever of the need to balance strategic imperatives with economic stability.

By fostering greater collaboration among nations and investing in robust alternative infrastructures, it may be possible to more seamlessly integrate political objectives with the realities of global trade — a necessity in today’s intricately connected world.

As governments and businesses recalibrate in response to these ongoing challenges, the broader narrative remains one of adaptation and resilience.

The impact of the Western sanctions will undoubtedly continue to evolve, but the current experience highlights that the interconnected nature of modern economies makes isolation an increasingly untenable approach.

Rather, the future of international policy may well lie in developing frameworks that recognise and manage these boomerang effects, ensuring that the pursuit of geopolitical goals does not inadvertently compromise economic prosperity at home or abroad.

* Trevor Duiker is an independent researcher based in Botswana. He is a PhD candidate in Political Economics. His research interests focus on geopolitics, political economy, regional development, and the evolving global order.

** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, Independent Media, or IOL.

Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

BLING!

This acclaimed play by playwright Buhle Ngaba returns to South African stages following a successful run in Europe.

Centred around the legendary Cullinan Diamond, “BLING!” cleverly and hilariously unpacks South Africa’s journey to democracy while exploring themes of wealth, luxury, “selling out” and the repatriation of historical artefacts.

Despite longstanding calls for its return, the Cullinan Diamond remains in British possession. In this bold and imaginative production, the famous gem is brought to life as the charismatic Phatsima Khullinan - a diamond with big dreams and an even bigger mission.

Where: The Ramolao Makhene Theatre at The Market Theatre Laboratory.

When: Runs until Sunday, May 31. Show times differ.

Mzansi Ballet’s Heal The World

This dance production by Mzansi Ballet features the iconic music of Michael Jackson.

Aptly being staged while the new “Michael” movie - based on life of the musical superstar Michael Jackson - continues to dominate global box offices, this show includes some of his greatest hits.

It is choreographed by South African Prima Ballerina and award-winning choreographer Angela Revie, in collaboration with renowned Mexican guest dancer and choreographer Jorge Wade. 

The play also showcases how dance can be a force for connection, healing and transformation as it brings to life an emotionally charged story of resilience and self-discovery.

Where: The Pieter Toerien Montecasino Main Theatre.

When: Runs until June 7. Show times differ.

Sarafina! 

As the 50th anniversary of the June 16 massacre approaches,  a restaging of the critically acclaimed musical by Mbongeni Ngema will be staged in Joburg from this week.

The play is set against the backdrop of Soweto’s Morris Isaacson High School in Soweto in the wake of the historic events of 1976, when approximately 200 000 black students united in protest against the apartheid regime’s oppressive education system.

This 2026 revival of the show is directed by Mpho Molepo with choreography by Nompumelele Gumede-Ngema.

Where: Gibson Kente Theatre at Soweto Theatre.

When: Runs until May 31. Show times differ.

MY young nephew is very good in sports, participating competitively in soccer, basketball, rugby, and athletics. Recently, he was preparing for a school athletic meet and seemed not completely sure of himself.

Like any responsible uncle I had to give words of assurance to motivate the young man. Without much thought, I reiterated words that I was taught as a young man: that he must have faith.

When the young man performed well in the competition, it made me wonder whether my mention of faith had anything to do with his good performance.

I also questioned why it seems one considers faith mostly when going through life challenges. Could it not be that we refer to faith even when things are going well?

I have realised that conversations about faith often slant towards a religious perspective. I have sought wisdom from the noble books of the Quran, The Tanakh, and the Holy Bible.

The three books respectively represent Islam, Judaism, and Christian religions. There are other religious books, but for convenience, I will take pieces from these three.

Consideration in the religious context: we are taught that faith is confidence and trust in God. The Quran says, “Surely those who believe and do deeds of righteousness, their Lord will guide them by their belief.”

In the Tanakh (Hebrew Bible), faith is expressed through the word 'Emunah', which comes from the root aman, meaning to support, uphold, or make steady. The Jewish religion has as the minimum requirement of faith belief in a singular, omnipresent, omnipotent God Who is the cause of all existence.